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EUROPE  IN  CHINA 


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EUROPE  IN   CHINA 


THE 


HISTORY   OF   HONGKONd 


FROM  THE  BEGINNING  TO  THE  YEAR  1882 


E.   J.   EITEL,   Ph.D.    (Tubing.) 

IXSPKCTOR  OF  SCHOOLS,  HONGKONG 


Tli«f  acf.ial  well  s>een  is  the  U\(>u\.—Ca)i>jle. 


tTNlVERsiTY! 


LONDON 

I.UZAC  <fc  COMPANY 


HONGKONG 

KELLY  <fc  AVALSH,   Li). 


1895 


hl^S'lO 


TO 

MY    WIFE 

WINEFRED   NEB   EATON 

IN    MEMORY   OF 

XHIRTY  YEARS   OF   WF'dDED   LIGHTS  AND   SHADOWS 

SPENT  aN   CANTON   AND   HONGKONG 

THIS   BOOK 
WHICH    OWES    EVERYTHING   TO   HER 

IS 
'  AFFECTIONATELY    DEDICATED 


lieKis'tered  in  accordance  with  the  provisions^  of  Ordinance  Xo.  10  of  1888, 

at  the  office  of  the 
Rt'flhtnir  (wrnrral.  Svjyrtmt  Cmtrt  IJint*r.  Homjhong. 


fxJNIVERSITT 

PREFACE. 


TO  Europeans  residing  in  Hongkong  or  China^ 
I  need  not  offer  any  excuse  for  inviting  them 
to  take  up  this  book.  The  natural  desire  to  learn 
to  understand  the  present  by  a  consideration  of  the 
past,  will  plead  with  them  better  than  I  could  do. 
But  the  general  reader,  in  England  and  elsewhere, 
I  entreat  for  a  reconsideration  of  the  popularl}' 
accepted  view  that  but  little  importance,  beyond  that 
of  a  curio,  attaches  to  Hongkong,  its  comnuinit) 
and  position,  or  indeed  to  European  relations  with 
China. 

At  first  sight,  indeed,  the  Colony  of  Hongkong 
appears  like  an  odd  conglomeration  of  fluctua- 
ting molecules  of  nationalities,  whose  successive 
Governors  seem  to  be  but  extraneous  factors 
adventitiously  regulating  or  disturbing  the  hea\ings 
of  this  incongruous  mass.  But  in  reality  the  Hong- 
kong community  is  solidarily  one.  Though  an 
unbridged  chasm  does  yawn  in  its  midst,  waiting 
for  a  Marcus  Curtius  to  close  it  and  meanwhile 
separating  the  outward  social  life  of  Europeans  and 
Chinese,    the    people   of    Hongkong    are    inwardly 


11  PREFACE. 

boLind  together  by  a  steadily  developing  commu- 
nion of  interests  and  responsibilities :  the  destiny 
of  the  one  race  is  to  rule  and  the  fate  of  the  other 
to  be  ruled.  The  different  periods  of  Hongkong's 
history,  though  demarcated  each  by  the  admi- 
nistration of  a  different  Governor,  are  in  reality 
the  successive  stages  of  the  growth  of  one  ideal 
person  (the  Colony)  naturally  expanding  itself  in 
a  continuous  line  of  so  many  generations,  as  it  were, 
of  one  and  the  same  ideal  family  (the  community). 
Looking  deeper  still,  there  is  seen  underlying  this 
mixed  and  fluctuating  population  of  Hongkong  a 
self-perpetuating  unity :  the  secret  inchoative  union 
of  Europe  and  Asia  (as  represented  by  China). 
This  union  is  in  process  of  practical  elaboration 
through  the  combined  forces  of  commerce,  civilisa- 
tion and  Christian  education,  and  particularly  through 
the  steady  development  of  Great  Britain's  political 
influence  in  the  East,  an  influence  which  dates  back 
to  the  earliest  days  of  the  East  India  Company  in 
India  and  China.  Indeed,  the  Anglo-Chinese  com- 
munity of  Hongkong  specifically  represents  that 
coming  union  of  Europe  and  Asia  which  China 
stubbornly  resists  while  Great  Britain  and  Russia 
Erance  and  Japan  unconsciously  co-operate  towards 
it  As  representing  that  union,  the  Hongkong 
community  has  its  root  in  the  earlier  and  smaller 
community  of  British  and  other  European  merchants 


PREFACE. in 

with  their  Chinese  hangers-on  settled  at  the  Canton 
Factories.  But  its  earHest  prototype  can  be  discerned 
in  the  previous  settlements  of  the  Portuguese  and 
Dutch  and  more  particularly  of  the  agents  of  the 
East- India  Company  who  were  unconsciously  working 
out  in  China,  as  well  as  in  India,  the  international 
problem  with  the  solution  of  which  Hongkong  is 
specially  concerned.  When,  under  the  impulse  of 
the  awakening  free  trade  spirit  In  England,  the 
East-India  Company  had  to  withdraw  from  the  field 
(1834),  the  British  free-traders  at  Canton  continued 
to  represent  Europe  in  China,  and,  when  driven  out 
thence,  transplanted  to  Hongkong  (1841)  those 
unifying  commercial  and  political  principles  which 
are  to  the  present  day  the  underlying  elements  of 
progress  in  the  historic  evolution  of  Hongkong. 
But  as  the  history  of  the  Hongkong  community 
presents  thus  an  unbroken  chain  of  influences  con- 
necting the  political  mission  of  Europe  with  the 
present  politics  of  Asia,  so  also  the  successive 
administrations  of  the  government  of  this  Colony 
have  the  same  Inner  unity.  Though  each  Governor 
is  but  a  transient  visitor,  each  possessed  of  his  own 
idlosyncracies,  and  each  controlled  by  an  ever  shifting 
series  of  Secretaries  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  behind 
them  all  is  that  ideal  but  none  the  less  real  entity, 
the .  genius  of  British  public  opinion,  which  inspires 
and   overrules   them    all.      That  genius,   feeling  Its 


/ 


IV  PREFACE. 

mission  in  Europe  and  North  America  fulfilled,  has 
of  late  commenced  to  enter  upon  a  new  field  of 
action  whereby  to  complete  its  destiny.  Asia  and 
generally  the  countries  and  continents  bordering  on 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  now  task  the  energies  of  Downing 
Street  and  of  the  Governors  sent  forth  from  it,  as 
well  as  the  energies  of  the  India  Office,  with  pro- 
blems of  such  increasingly  international  bearings, 
that  both  the  Colonial  Office  and  the  India  Office 
are  rapidly  outstripping  in  importance  the  Foreign 
Office,  and  the  necessities  of  both  now  demand  the 
creation  of  a  Ministry  specially  charged  with  the 
direction  of  British  affairs  in  the  Far  East.  The 
fact  is.  the  fulcrum  of  the  World's  balance  of 
power  has  shifted  from  the  West  to  the  East, 
from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Pacific. 

To  the  popular  view  the  position  of  Hongkong 
in  the  East  appears  to  be  that  of  a  remote  Island, 
a  mere  dot  in  a  little-known  ocean.  In  reality, 
however,  Hongkong,  which  ^commercially  ranks  as 
the  second  port  of  the  British  Empire,  occupies 
a  geographically  most  fortunate  place  in  relation  to 
,  ^he  peculiar  destinies  of  the  Far   East.       For  the 


/ 


last  two  thousand  years,  the  march  of  civilization 
has  been  directed  from  the  East  to  the  West: 
Europe  has  been  tutored  by  Asia.  Ennobled  by 
Christianlt)',  civilization  now  returns  to  the  East: 
I    Europe's  destiny  is  to  govern  Asia.     Marching  at  the 


PREFACE.  V 

head  of  civilization.  Great  Britain  has  commenced 
her  individual  mission  in  Asia  by  the  occupation 
of  India  and  Burma,  the  Straits  Settlements  and 
Hongkong.  By  fift}^  years'  handling  of  Hongkong's 
Chinese  population,  Great  Britain  has  shewn  how 
readily  the  Chinese  people  (apart  from  Mandarlndom)  fs 
fall  in  with  a  firm  European  regime,  and  the  rapid 
conversion  of  a  barren  rock  into  one  of  the  wonders 
and  commercial  emporiums  of  the  w-orld,  has  demon- 
strated w^hat  Chinese  labour,  industry  and  commerce 
can  achieve  under  British  rule.  Moreover,  located  oiv 
the  western  border  of  the  Pacific,  In  line  with  Canada 
in  the  North-East,  with  Her  Majesty's  Indian  and 
African  Possessions  In  the  South-West,  and  with  the 
Australian  Colonies  In  the  South,  Hongkong  occupies 
a  specially  Important  position,  not  only  with  regard 
to  the  problems  gathering  round  China  and  Japan 
(in  their  mutual  relations  to  Great  Britain,  Russia 
and  France),  but^especlally  also  with  regard  to  the__ 
greater  role  wdilch  the  Pacific  Ocean  is  destined  to^'- 
piayirfTHe  closing  scenes  of  the  w^orld's  histor>\ 
What  the  Mediterranean  and  Adantic  were  while 
civilization  moved  from  East  to  West,  the  Pacific  is 
bound  to  become  now^  since  the  tide  of  progress 
runs  from  West  to  East.  Africa  is  evennow_bein^ 
brought-into  the  sphere  of  modern  civilization  by^y/ 
the  combined  powers  of  Europe.  The  turn  of  South- 
America  will  come  next     There  is  not  a  first-class- 


Vl  PREFACE. 

power  in  the  world  that  has  not  possessions  on  the 
shores  of  the  Pacific.  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States,  Russia  and  France,  Germany  and  Italy, 
vSpain  and  Portugal,  all  vie  with  each  other  in  the 
-cohtrol_oi  countries  bordering  on,  or  islands  situated 
in,  the  PacrFTc~^ba^in.  It  requires  no  prophet's  gift 
tQ  see  that  the  politics  of  the  near  future  centre  in 
the  East  and  that  the  problems  of  the  Far  East 
will  be  solved  on  the  Pacific  main.  Cojitests  will 
be  sure  to  arise  and  in  these  contests  Honofkono: 
will  be  one  of  the  stations  most  important  for  the 
general  strength  of  the  British  Empire,  Here,  even 
more  than  in  Its  bearing  upon  the  Asiatic  problem, 
lies  the  real  importance  of  Hongkong.  Such  is 
the  position  of  this  Colony  in  relation  to  the  destinies 
•of  the  Far  East:  Hongkong  will  yet  have  a  pro- 
minent place  in  the  future  history  of  the  British 
Empire. 

The  foreofoinof  conslderatons  will  commend  the 
subject  of  this  book  to  the  attention  of  the  general 
J*eader.  As  to  its  treatment,  the  endeavour  of  the 
writer  has  been  to  combine  with  the  aims  of  the 
historian,  writing  from  the  point  of  view  of  universal 
history,  the  duties  of  the  chronicler  of  events  such 
as  are  of  special  interest  to  European  residents  in 
the  East,  so  as  to  provide  at  the  same  time  a  hand- 
book of  reference  for  tliose  who  take  an  active 
interest  in  the  current  affairs  of  this  British  Colony 


PREFACE.  Vll 

as  well  as  in  British  relations  with  China.  This 
volume  brings  down  the  story  of  Hongkong's  rise 
and  progress  to  the  year  1882.  The  more  recent 
epochs  of  its  history  are  too  near  to  our  view  yet 
to  admit  of  impartial  historic  treatment  for  the 
present. 


E.  J.  EITEL. 


College  Gardens, 
Hongkong,  August  2,  1895. 


CONTENTS. 


Page 

•Chap.  I.  Commencement  of   British   Trade    with 

China,  A. D.  1625  to  1834, ,. ...  1 

II.  International   Relations,  A.D.   1025   to 

1834, 12 

III.  Monopoly  versus  Free  Trade, 19 

IV.  The  Mission  of  1x)rd  Napier,    26 

V.  Dissensions  and  a  Quiescent  Policy,  A.D. 

1834tol83G,    42 

VI.  The  Search  for  a  Colony, 53 

VII.  Change  of  Policy,..'. 02 

VIII.  The  Opium   Question  and   the    Exodus 

FROM  Canton  (1830), 75 

IX.  Exodus  from  Macao  and  Events  Leading 
UP  to  THE  Cession  of  Hongkong,  1839 
to  1841, 96 

X.  Pre-P>ritish    History  of   the   Island  of 

Hongkong,  127 

XI.  Confirmation  of  the  Cession  of  Hong- 
kong, 1841  to  1843,  135 

-XII.  The  Administration  of  Captain  Elliot, 

January  I'C  to  August  10,  1841, 103 


CONTENTS. 

Page- 

Chap.  XIII.  Thk  Admixistratiox  of  Sir  H.'Pottixger, 

August  10,  1841,  to  May  8,  1844, 171> 

XI Y.  The  Administration  of  Sir  J.  F.  Davis, 

May  8,  1844,  to  March  18,  1848, 211 

XV.  The  Administration  of  Sir  S.  G.  Bonham, 

March  20,  1848,  to  April  12,.  1854,    258 

XVI.  A  Brief  Survey, 288 

XVII.  The  Administration  of  Sir  J.  Bowrinc, 

April  13,  1854,  to  May  5,  1859,    208 

XVIII.  The  Administration  of  Sir  Hercules 
Robinson,  September  9,  1851),  to  March 
15,  1865,   853 

XIX.  The  Interregnum  of  the  Hon.  W.  T. 
Mercer,  and  the  Administration  of 
Sir  R.  G.  MacDonnell,  March  15, 18C5, 
to  April  22,  1872,    408 

XX.  The  Administration  of  Sir  A.  Kennedy, 

April  IG,  1872,  to  March  1,  1877, 477 

XXI.  The    Administration    of    Sir   J.    Popf,  ^ 

Hennessy,    April  22,   1877,   to    March 

7,  1882, 522 

XXII.  A  Short  Summary, 5C8 

Index. 


XTNIVERSIT 


HISTORY  OF  HONGKONG. 


-<r 


CHAPTER  I. 


Commencement  of  British  Trade  with  China. 
A,D.  1625  to  1834, 

fMllE  history  of  British  Trade  with  China,  which  preceded 
gp  Great  Britain's  connection  with  India,  is  comprised,  from  its 
first  commencement  down  to  the  year  1834,  in  the  history  of  the 
Honourable  East  India  Company.  Unfortunately,  however,  the 
story  of  the  Company's  relations  with  China  is  one  of  the  darkest 
blots  in  the  whole  history  of  British  commerce.  That  great  and 
powerful  Corporation,  which  governed  successfully  Asiatic  kings 
and  princes,  and  covered  itself  with  administrative,  financial  and 
even  military  glory,  particularly  in  India,  was  entirely  nonplussed 
by  China's  dogged  self-adequacy  and  persistent  assertion  of 
supremacy,  and  had  its  glory,  its  honour,  its  self-respect  rudely 
trampled  under  foot  by  subordinate  Chinese  Mandarins. 

The  Court  of  Directors,  having  at  the  instance  of  Captain 
J.  Sares  (since  1613  A.D.)  established  a  factory  at  Firando,  in 
Japan,  under  a  treaty  with  the  Japanese  Government,  was 
induced  also  (A.D.  1625)  to  open  tentative  branch-agencies  at 
Tywan  (on  the  island  of  Formosa)  and  next  in  Amoy  (on  the 
opposite  mainland  of  China).  This  move  was  made  during  the 
last  few  years  of  the  reign  of  the  Chinese  Ming  Dynasty  which 
systematically  welcomed  foreign  merchants.  Encouraged  by  the 
results,  the  Directors  of  the  East  India  Company  resolved 
(A.D.  1627)  to  open  trade  also  with  Canton,  by  way  of  Macao. 
But  the  Portuguese,  who  had  already  established  themselves  there 


2  CHAPTER  I. 

(since  1557  A.D.),  strenuously  objected  to  admit  such  a  powerful 
interloper  to  a  share  in  the  profits  of  the  Chinese  ti'ade,  and 
the  attempt  failed. 

Nothing  daunted,  however,  the  Court  of  Directors  forth- 
with (A.D.  1034)  negotiated  a  Treaty  with  the  Portuguese 
Governor  of  Go;i,  under  whose  control  Macao  was,  and  by  virtue 
•of  this  Treaty  the  British  ship  London  (Captain  Weddell)  was 
admitted  into  the  port  of  Macao  and,  after  bombarding  the 
Bogue  Forts  at  the  entrance  to  the  Canton  River,  her  gallant 
commander  was  received  in  friendly  audience  by  the  Viceroy, 
who  forthwith  granted  him  (July  1055)  full  participation  in 
the  Canton  trade,  to  the  great  chagrin  of  the  lilacao  traders. 
Thus  British  trade  commenced  at  Canton,  but  through  petty 
international  jealousies  on  the  part  of  the  Portuguese  and  other 
causes  it  languished,  until  at  last  Oliver  Cromwell  concluded,  on 
express  principles  of  reciprocity,  a  Treaty  (A.D.  1654)  with  King 
John  lY.  of  Portugal,  giving  free  access  to  the  ships  of  both 
nations  to  any  port  of  the  East   Indies. 

Ten  yeai-s  later,  the  East  India  Company,  having  at  last 
secured  a  house  at  Macao,  endeavoured  to  set  up  a  regular 
factory  at  Canton  also.  But  by  this  time  the  native  Ming 
Dynasty  had  been  supplanted  by  the  Manchu  invaders  who 
established  (A.D.  1044)  the  present  Tatsing  Dynasty  and 
manifested  from  first  to  last  a  haughty  contempt  for  all  persons 
engaged  in  trade  and  an  irreconcilable  animosity  against  all 
foreign  intruders. 

In  conquering  Amoy  (A.D.  1G81),  the  Manchus  destroyed 
the  Company's  agency  there  and  at  Zelandia  (Formosa),  but  the 
Portuguese  at  Macao,  having  made  themselves  useful  to  the  new 
Dynasty  by  rendering  military  aid  to  the  invaders,  were  with 
haughty  contempt  tolerated  where  they  were,  without  any  formal 
■concession  being  made  to  them.  The  Manchus,  disdaining  to 
make  any  distinction  between  Portuguese  and  English,  as  being 
equally  barbarians  in  their  eyes,  allowed  foreign  trade  at  Canton 
to  continue,  though  thenceforth  under  galling  and  vexatious 
restrictions. 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  BRITISH  TRADE  WITH  CHINA.  3 

The  Easfc  India  Company's  Supercargoes  soon  found  that, 
so  long  as  they  indirectly  and  humbly  acknowledged  the 
supremacy  which  the  Manchu  Dynasty  now  claimed  over  the 
whole  world,  expressly  including  also  all  foreign  barbarians, 
the  Chinese  officials  were  perfectly  ready  to  accept  costly  presents 
and  to  encourage  foreign  trade  provided  that  it  would  quietly 
submit  to  their  irregular  exactions.  Thereupon  the  Company 
l)egan  (A.D.  1681)  sending  ships  direct  from  England  to  Macao, 
and  later  on  (A.D.  1685)  they  succeeded  in  re-opening  their 
agency  at  Amoy  and  (A.D.  1702)  planting  a  factory  also  on  the 
island  of  Chusan. 

Up  to  this  time,  trade  had  been  conducted  in  a  loose  and 
irregular  manner.  On  the  arrival  of  a  ship  in  the  waters  of 
Canton,  she  was  boarded  by  an  officer  of  the  Hoppo  (Imperial 
Superintendent  of  Native  Maritime  Customs),  who  was  at  once 
offered  a  present  (called  cumshaw)  upon  the  value  of  which 
depended  the  mode  of  measuring  the  ship,  whereupon  followed 
(in  the  absence  of  a  fixed  tariff)  a  disgraceful  bargaining  and 
haggling  over  the  rates  of  port  charges,  h'nguist's  fees  and 
customs  duties  to  be  levied.  "When  all  these  nesfotiations,  hurried 
on  frequently  by  a  threat  on  the  part  of  the  Sui3ercargo  to 
take  the  ship  away  or  temporarily  suspended  by  sundry  practical 
menaces  on  the  part  of  the  Hoppo's  officers,  had  been  concluded, 
the  ship  Avas  allowed  to  proceed  to  Whampoa  (the  port  of 
Canton)  and  there  admitted  to  open  trade  with  any  officially 
recognized  native  merchant  or  broker. 

A  serious  change  was  introduced  with  the  year  1702.  The 
East  India  Company  having  sent  out  (A.D.  1699)  a  Chief- 
Supercargo  (Mr.  Catchpoole)  who  was  commissioned  to  act  as 
King's  Minister  or  Consul  for  the  whole  empire  of  China 
and  the  adjacent  islands,  the  Chinese  officials  responded  with 
a  counter  move,  While  the  Chief-Supercargo's  royal  commission 
was  studiously  ignored  and  the  term  tai-pan  (chief-manager) 
applied  to  the  King's  Minister,  a  Chinese  merchant,  entitled 
*the  Emperor's  Merchant'  but  among  the  Company's  Super- 
cargoes thenceforth  known  as  '  the  Monster  in  Trade,'  was  now 


4l  CHAPTER  I. 

(A.D.  1702)  appointed  by  the  Chinese  Government  to  supervise 
foreign  trade.  This  Emperor's  Merchant  had  the  exchisive 
monopoly  of  the  foreign  trade  and,  in  addition  to  the  Hoppo's 
officers  who  had  to  be  plied  with  presents  and  fees  as  before, 
this  Monster  in  Trade  had  now  to  be  satisfied  in  the  same 
way.  All  imports  and  exports  had  to  pass  through  his  hands, 
all  commercial  transactions  of  the  foreign  merchants  had  to  be 
settled  through  his  agency.  He  was  for  some  time  nominally 
the  sole  intermediary  between  the  foreigners  and  native 
merchants,  and  likewise  the  exclusive  channel  of  communications 
between  the  foreign  merchants  and  skippers  (including  the  East 
India  Company's  Agents  with  the  King's  Minister)  on  the  one 
hand  and  the  Chinese  Government  on  the  other.  Thenceforth 
free  trade  was  at  an  end  and  the  monopoly  of  the  East  India 
Company  was  by  astute  Chinese  policy  met  by  an  equally 
powerful  combination  of  Chinese  monopolists,  who  periodically 
had  to  disgorge  their  profits  to  the  Provincial  Authorities  (the 
Viceroy  and  the  Governor  of  Canton),  and  to  the  Hoppo,  an 
officer  of  the  Imperial  Household.  The  latter  had  to  purchase 
by  a  heavy  fee  a  five  years'  tenure  of  the  monopoly  of  collecting 
the  native  and  foreign  customs  duties  of  Canton,  and  on  his 
return  to  Peking,  he  was  invariably  squeezed  like  a  sponge 
by  the  Imperial  Household.  Thus  foreign  trade  was  thence- 
forth ground  down  between  the  upper  and  nether  mill-stones 
of  the  Chinese  Authorities  and  the  Emperor's  Merchant  and 
his  successors. 

Nevertheless,  the  East  India  Company's  Supercagoes  speedily 
managed  to  adapt  their  policy  to  the  new  arrangement.  Trade 
continued  to  flourish.  The  ships  proceeded  thereafter  first  of 
all  to  Macao,  then  sent  up  agents  to  Canton  to  arrange,  in 
whatever  way  it  could  be  done,  the  amount  of  presents, 
measuring  fees,  port  charges,  duties  and  brokerage,  and  then,, 
when  everything  was  satisfactorily  arranged,  the  ship  would 
proceed  to  the  Bogue  (the  entrance  to  the  Canton  River, 
guarded  by  two  forts,  Chuenpi  on  the  East  and  Taikoktau  on 
the  West)  and,  after  jaying  fees  and  duties  there,  a  chop  (a 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  BRITISH  TRADE  WITH  CHINA.  5 

stamped  permit)  would  be  granted  to  each  ship  to  proceed  to 
AYhampoa  to  trade.  Bj  the  year  1715,  a  regular  routine 
had  been  established  and  British  ships  now  began  to  omit 
the  visit  to  Macao  and  to  proceed,  on  arrival  in  Chiuese 
waters,  straight  to  the  Bogue,  where,  after  anchoring  for 
some  days,  everything  was  settled  by  the  Supercargoes  as 
above. 

A  new  change  was  made  in  the  conduct  of  the  foreign  trade 
In  the  year  1720,  when  an  ad  valorem  duty  of  4  per  cent,  was 
laid  on  all  imports  and  exports  and  a  Committee  of  Chinese 
merchants,  henceforth  known  as  the  Co-Hong,  was  substituted 
in  place  of  the  one  Emperor's  Merchant.  But  this  Committee 
was  likewise  placed  under  the  supervision  of  the  Hoppo,  and, 
as  before,  made  answerable  to  the  Viceroy  and  Governor  for 
all  dues  on  trade.  These  Co-Hong  Merchants  were  as  a  body 
solidarily  responsible  for  the  solvency  of  each  member  of  the 
Co-Hong,  both  as  regards  indebtedness  towards  the  foreign 
merchants  and  as  regards  the  share  of  the  Provincial  Authorities 
in  their  profits.  Moreover  they  were  responsible,  as  a  body, 
for  the  payment  of  all  fees  and  duties  by  every  foreign  ship, 
and  even  for  any  offences  or  crimes  committed  by  the  ships' 
officers  or  crews.  By  an  Imperial  Edict  (A.D.  1722)  they 
were  also  commissioned  to  levy  an  import  duty  on  opium, 
amounting  to  3  taels  per  picul. 

This  system  was  nominally  improved  upon  by  the  intro- 
duction (A.D.  1725)  of  a  fixed  tariff.  Upon  this  measure 
the  Imperial  Authorities  at  Peking  had  insisted  to  enable  them 
better  to  giiage  the  proper  amount  of  their  own  share  in  the 
profits  of  this  flourishing  foreign  trade.  Nevertheless,  the 
publication  of  the  tariff  failed  to  do  away  with  the  previous 
system  of  bribery  and  corruption,  as  both  the  Hoppo's  officers 
and  the  Co-Hong  looked  upon  the  tariff  only  as  the  minimum 
basis  of  their  own  accounts  with  the  Provincial  and  Imperial 
Governments.  Consequently  they  systematically  exacted  from 
the  foreign  ships  as  much  over  and  above  the  tariff  charges 
as  they  could  possibly  screw  out  of  them. 


t)  CHAPTER  I. 

A  special  tax  of  10  per  cent,  was  put  on  all  foreign  imports 
and  exports  in  the  year  1727,  but  after  making  (A.D.  1728)  a 
strong  united  appeal  to  the  Throne,  in  the  humblest  form  of 
subject  suppliants,  the  Company's  Supercargoes  were  granted, 
on  the  occasion  of  the  accession  of  the  Emperor  Kienlung 
(A.D.  1736),  exemption  from  this  tax.  By  this  time  about 
four  English  ships,  two  French,  one  Danish  and  one  Swedish 
ship  arrived  every  year  to  share  in  the  Canton  trade.  Portuguese 
trade  was  confined  to  Macao.  However,  in  the  year  1754,  a 
new  method  of  extortion  was  introduced,  by  requiring  each 
ship,  on  her  arrival,  to  obtain  first  of  all,  by  special  negotiation, 
the  security  of  two  members  of  the  Co-Hong,  before  the  usual 
arrangements  concerning  measuring  fee,  cumshaw,  linguist's  fee, 
and  customs  duties  could  be  entered  upon.  Up  to  this  time, 
the  monopoly  of  the  Co-Hong  concerned  only  the  disposal  of 
the  cargo  and  the  purchase  of  exports,  but  from  the  year  1755 
all  dealings  of  foreigners  with  small  merchants  and  purveyors 
of  ships'  provisions  were  strictly  prohibited,  and  especially  alt 
dealings  of  the  ships  "with  native  junks  and  boats,  ^^hilst 
anchoring  outside  and  before  entering  the  rivei",  were  visited 
with  severe  penalties.  Owing  to  occasional  smuggling  mal- 
practices on  the  part  of  natives,  countenanced  by  foreign 
skippers,  an  Imperial  Edict  prohibited  (A.D.  1757)  all  commercial 
transactions  with  foreign  ships,  whether  outside  the  Bogue  or 
at  Whampoa,  and  confined  trade  strictly  to  Canton.  As  this, 
measure  not  only  tended  to  hamper  trade  operations  in  Canton 
waters,  but  threatened  the  extinction  of  the  flourishing  Amoy 
agency,  the  Committee  of  Supercargoes  sent  Mr.  Harrison, 
together  with  a  very  able  interpreter,  Mr.  Flint,  to  Amoy 
(A.D.  1759)  to  arrange  with  the  local  Authorities  a  continuation 
of  the  Amoy  trade  on  special  terms.  When  these  negotiations 
failed,  Mr.  Flint,  sharing  the  opinion  of  the  Supercargoes  that 
the  obnoxious  Imperial  Edict  had  been  obtained  by  the  Cantonese 
Authorities  through  false  representations,  proceeded  (with 
the  secret  support  of  the  Amoy  Authorities)  to  Tientsin  and 
succeeded  in  getting  his  views,  involving  serious  charges  against 


COMMEXCEMENT  OF  BRITISH  TRADE  WITH  CHINA.  7 

the  Hoppo  and  the  Cantonese  Authorities,  brought  to  the  notice 
of  the  Throne.  An  Imperial  Commissioner,  authorized  to- 
remove  the  Hoppo  from  his  post  and  to  aboh'sh  all  illegal 
imposts,  was  sent  to  Canton  with  Mr.  Flint  to  investigate  the 
charges  against  the  Provincial  Authorities.  The  inevitable  result 
followed.  The  Hoppo  and  the  Cantonese  Authorities  having 
made  their  terms  with  the  Commissioner,  Mr.  Flint  was  ordered 
to  appear  in  the  Viceroy's  Yamen  to  answer  a  charge  of  having, 
while  at  Amoj,  set  at  defiance  the  Imperial  Edict  of  1757. 
Mr.  Flint  went,  accompanied  by  all  the  Supercargoes,  but  as 
soon  as  they  reached  the  Viceroy's  offices,  they  were  set  upon 
by  his  underlings,  brutally  ill-treated,  thrown  on  the  ground^ 
forced  to  perforin  the  official  act  of  homage  (kneeling  and 
knocking  their  foreheads  on  the  ground)  c.alled  kotow  and  sent 
back  with  ignominy,  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Flint.  He 
was  thrown  into  prison  and,  as  the  virtuous  Court  of  Directors 
refused  to  pay  the  bribe  of  $1,250  which  was  demanded  by  his 
jailors,  he  was  kept  under  rigorous  confinement  at  Casa  Branca 
until  November  17C2,  when  he  was  released  and  deported  to 
England. 

The  Court  of  Directors,  who  had  bv  the  action  of  their 
servants  hitherto  stooped  sub  rosd  to  every  form  of  Chinese 
bribery  and  corruption,  and  borne  every  indignity  heaped  upon 
their  representatives  with  equanimity,  thought  at  last,  on 
hearing  of  the  ill-treatment  of  their  Supercargoes,  that  the 
Chinese  were  going  rather  too  far.  So  tliey  sent  a  special 
mission  to  Canton  (A.D.  1700),  with  a  letter  to  the  Viceroy^ 
protesting  against  the  Co- Hong  system  and  asking  for  Mr.  Flint's 
release.  But  the  mission  was  treated  with  contempt  by  the 
Manchu  Government  and  failed  to  have  any  effect  whatever. 
By  giving  however  increased  secret  presents,  the  Supercargoes 
caused  things  to  go  on  more  smoothly,  and  ten  years  later 
(A.D.  1771)  the  Company's  Supercargoes  succeeded  in  purchasing 
permission  to  reside  during  the  winter  months  (the  business 
season)  at  Canton,  instead  of  coming  and  going  with  their 
respective  ships.     The  ships  used  to  arrive  towards  the  end  of 


8  CHAPTER  L 

the  south-west  monsoon  (April  to  September)  and  leave  again 
for  Europe  with  the  north-east  monsoon  (October  to  March). 
But  unless  special  permission  to  linger  a  little  longer  was 
obtained,  the  Supercargoes,  now  at  last  established  in  separate 
factories  (allotted  to  the  several  nationalities)  in  Canton,  were 
annually,  at  the  cliange  of  the  season,  furnished  with  passports 
and  warned  to  be  off  to  Macao.  Thence  they  had,  at  the  end 
of  summer,  to  petition  for  passports  again,  to  enable  them  to 
return  to  Canton  the  next  season. 

At  last  (February  13,  1771),  the  dissolution  of  the  Co- 
Hong,  which  had  become  the  most  galling  burden  of  the 
time,  Was  gained  by  the  Supercargoes  resident  at  Canton, 
a  triumph  which  previously  every  form  of  persuasion  and 
€very  art  of  diplomacy  had  in  vain  been  employed  to  secure. 
But  the  sum  paid  for  this  favour  amounted  to  a  hundred 
thousand  taels,  which  sum  the  Authorities  accepted,  because 
the  Co- Hong  were  bankrupt  and  in  arrears  with  their 
contributions  due  to  their  respective  official  superiors. 

Nevertheless,  this  privilege  was  not  enjoyed  very  long, 
for  ten  years  later  (A.D.  1782)  the  previous  Co-Hong  system 
was,  under  a  new  name,  re-established  by  the  appointment 
of  twelve  (subsequently  increased  to  thirteen)  '  Mandarins,*" 
who  were  however  simply  native  brokers,  thenceforth  known 
as  Hong  merchants.  These  had,  like  the  former  Co-Hong, 
the  monopoly  of  the  foreign  trade,  subject  to  the  supervision 
of  the  Hoppo  and  of  the  Provincial  Authorities,  to  whom 
they  were  responsible  for  the  payments  due  by,  aud  for  the 
personal  conduct  of,  all  foreigners.  These  Hong  merchants 
held  the  same  position,  and  had  the  same  privileges  and 
responsibilities  as  the  Co-Hong.  The  only  differencei  were 
that  they  bore  another  title  and  that  for  their  previous 
solidary  responsibility  in  financial  matters  was  now  substituted 
a  guarantee  fund,  known  as  the  Consoo  (Association  or  Guild) 
fund.  But  this  fund  was  created  at  the  expense  of  the 
foreign  trade,  on  which  thenceforth  a  special  tax  was  levied 
for  the  purpose.     As  the  East  India  Company  and  the  merchants 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  BRITISH  TRADE  WITH  CHINA.  ^ 

of  other  nationalities  quietly  submitted  to  this  chano-e  in  the 
system,  trade  continued  to  proceed  as  before.  Thereupon  the 
Chinese  imposed  (A.D.  1805)  a  further  special  tax,  like  the 
modern  Li-kin,  to  provide  for  the  necessities  of  coast  defence 
and  other  warlike  preparations  against  the  foreign  ships.  This 
measure  was  taken  by  the  Chinese  because  they  had  observed 
that  the  foreign  ships  had,  owing  to  the  steady  increase  of 
the  value  of  their  cargoes,  gradually  increased  their  armaments. 

Trade,  however,  continued  increasing  from  year  to  year. 
But  soon  a  hand's  breadth  of  a  cloud,  destined  to  develop 
into  a  tempest,  arose  on  the  commercial  horizon  in  the  shape 
of  the  'exportation  of  bullion'  question  and  the  altered  attitude 
of  foreigners  generally.  With  the  gradual  increase  of  the 
opium  trade,  the  Chinese  observed  with  dismay  that  the  bahmce 
of  trade,  though  still  in  favour  of  China,  was  steadily  diminishing 
from  year  to  year  as  foreign  commerce  expanded.  In  the  year 
1818  a  rule  was  therefore  made  to  restrict  the  exportation  of 
silver  by  any  vessel  to  three-tenths  of  the  excess  of  imports 
over  exports  by  that  vessel.  The  tea  trade,  indeed,  increased 
very  rapidly,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  Chinese  officials, 
especially  since  teas  began  (A.D.  1824)  to  be  shipped  direct 
from  China  to  the  Australian  Colonies.  But  however  fast  the 
export  of  tea  increased,  the  imports  of  opium  out-stripped 
it  in  the  race.  Accordingly  in  the  year  1831  the  Chinese 
Authorities,  in  their  dread  of  the  increasing  outflow  of  silver 
from  China,  imposed  upon  foreign  merchants  such  severe 
additional  restrictions,  that  the  Select  Committee  of  tlie  East 
India  Company's  Supercargoes,  headed  by  Mr.  H.  H.  Lindsay, 
threatened  to  suspend  all  commercial  intercourse.  Eventually, 
however,  when  matters  came  to  a  crisis  (May  27,  1831),  the 
Select  Committee  yielded  and,  in  token  of  their  submission, 
handed  the  keys  of  the  British  Factory  to  the  Brigadier  in 
charge  of  the  Provincial  Constabulary   (Kwong-hip). 

Though  victorious  for  the  moment,  the  Chinese  officials 
could  not  help  noticing  on  this  occasion  more  than  ever  before, 
that  a   considerable   chanire  had   come  over  the  demeanour  of 


TTKlVERsiTT 


C^ 


.     OF 


10  CHAPTER  I. 

tliG  foreign  merchants.  The  East  India  Company's  chiefs 
seemed  to  have  lost  somehow  their  former  control  over  the 
foreign  commnnity,  and  the  latter  would  not  submit  now,  as- 
formerly,  to  all  the  caprices  of  the  Chinese  Authorities;  they 
were  talking  now  of  international  and  reciprocal  responsibilities, 
and  murmured  seditiously  against  trade  monopolies  as  commercial 
iniquities. 

Moreover  the  restrictions  placed  on  the  opium  ships, 
from  which  the  Provincial  Authorities  were  reaping  their 
richest  harvests,  were  persistently  evaded  by  the  ships 
anchoring  at  the  island  of  Lintin  or  in  the  Kapsingmoon 
chamiel,  outside  the  Bogue,  where,  with  the  connivance  of 
the  Authorities,  the  foreign  merchants  had  established  stationary 
receiving  ships,  serving  the  purpose  of  floating  warehouses 
for  all  sorts  of  goods.  This  measure  encouraged  a  great  deal 
of  smuggling  on  the  part  of  Chinese  private  traders,  and  the 
consequent  infringement  of  the  official  trade  monopoly  curtailed 
the  share  which  the  Provincial  Authorities  had  in  the 
whole  trade. 

The  Chinese  officials  now  saw  clearly  that  a  different  spirit 
had  crept  in  among  the  foreigners  at  Canton,  that  even  the 
servile  attitude  of  the  former  East  India  Company's  officers  was 
rapidly  giving  way  to  claims  of  national  self-respect,  a  most 
preposterous  thing,  as  it  appeared  to  the  Chinese,  on  the 
part  of  outer  barbarians,  and  finally  that  the  most  intelligent 
private  merchants  freely  expressed  their  conviction  that,  owing 
to  the  approaching  dissolution  of  the  East  India  Company's 
Chinese  monopoly,  the  whole  foreign  trade  with  China  would 
have  to  be  placed  on  a  distinctly  international  basis  by  the 
year  1834.  The  Viceroy  now  perceived  and  reported  to  Peking 
that  a  serious  crisis  was  approaching.  Accordingly  an  Imperial 
Edict  was  issued  (September  19,  1832)  ordering  all  the 
maritime  provinces  to  put  their  forts  and  ships  of  war  in 
repair  *in  order  to  scour  the  seas  and  drive  off  any  European 
vessels  (of  war)  that  might  make  their  appearance  on  the  coast.' 
Thus    prepared,    the    Chinese    calmly    awaited  the  year   1834,. 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  BRITISH  TRADE  WITH  CHINA.  H 

continuing  meanwhile  to  encourage  foreign  trade  and  to  levy 
on  it  as  many  charges,  regular  and  irregular,  as  it  would 
bear.  "What  the  British  Government  failed  to  discern,  the 
Emperor  of  China  foresaw  clearly,  viz.  that  a  war  was  bound 
to  arise  from  the  denial  of  China's  supremacy. 


CHAPTER  II. 


International  Relations. 
A.D.  1625  to  1S34, 

"jI^aURTNG  the  whole  period  above  reviewed,  the  relations 
^p,  between  the  Chinese  Government  and  the  East  India 
Company  had  been  conducted  on  the  express  understanding, 
which  for  nearly  two  centuries  was  tacitly  acquiesced  in  by 
the  Company,  that  China  claims  the  sovereignty  over  all 
under  heaven ;  that  trade,  whether  retail  or  wholesale,  is  a 
low  degrading  occupation,  fit  only  for  the  lower  classes  beneath 
the  contempt  of  the  Chinese  gentry,  literati  and  officials ; 
but  that  the  Emperor  of  China,  as  the  father  of  all  human 
beings,  is  merciful  even  to  barbarians,  and  as  their  existence 
seems  to  depend  upon  periodical  supplies  of  silk,  rhubarb 
and  tea,  the  Emperor  permits  the  foreign  traders  at  Canton 
to  follow  their  base  instincts  and  allows  them  to  make 
money  for  themselves  by  tliis  trade,  subject  to  official 
surveillance,  restrictions  and  penalties.  At  the  same  time, 
though  permitted  to  reside  at  intervals  in  the  suburbs  of 
Canton,  foreigners  must  not  suppose  that  they  are  the  equals 
^even  of  the  lowest  of  the  Chinese  people;  they  must  not 
presume  to  enter  tlie  city  gates  under  any  pretext  what- 
ever, nor  travel  inland,  nor  take  into  their  service  any 
natives  except  those  belonging  to  the  Pariah  caste  of  the 
boat  population  (known  as  Ham-shui),  forbidden  by  law  to 
live  on  shore  or  to  compete  at  literary  examinations.  So 
long  as  the  Company's  Supercargoes,  and  other  foreign 
jnerchants  resorting  to  Canton,  silently  accepted  the  degrading 


INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS.  13- 

status  thus  assigned  to  them,  and  tacitly  acknowledged  the 
political  supremacy  and  the  Heaven-bestowed  jurisdiction  of 
the  Chinese  Government,  things  went  on  tolerably  and  trade 
continued  in  spite  of  all  restrictions. 

The  Chinese  were  confirmed  in  this  low  estimate  of 
foreign  character  and  culture  by  the  to  them  singular  fact 
that,  with  very  rare  exceptions,  none  of  those  foreigners 
seemed  able  to  learn  the  Chinese  language  nor  even  to  conceive 
any  appreciation  of  Chinese  history,  philosophy  or  literature, 
besides  shewing  utter  incapacity  to  comprehend  the  principles 
of  Chinese  polity,  morality  and  etiquette.  Nor  did  these 
barbarians  exhibit  any  symptoms  of  religious  life,  so  far  as 
the  Chinese  could  observe,  to  whom  they  appeared  to  have 
no  soul  whatever  above  dollars  and  sensual  pleasures.  The 
more  the  Chinese  saw  of  foreigners,  the  less  they  found 
themselves  able  to  classify  them  with  other  nations  like  the 
€oreans,  Japanese,  Loochooans,  Annamese  or  Tibetans,  all 
of  whom  readily  appreciated  and  adopted  Chinese  culture  and 
Chinese  forms  of  religion  and  etiquette.  Hence  they  could 
only  characterize  the  barbarians  from  Europe  or  America  as 
*  foreign  devils.' 

The  first  intimation  the  Chinese  received  of  a  superior 
moral  power,  inherent  in  the  character  of  foreigners,  was 
conveyed  to  them  by  contact  with  officers  of  the  British  navy. 
When  the  first  British  man-of-war,  the  Centaury  arrived  in 
Chinese  waters  (November,  1741),  the  Hoppo's  officers  pretended 
not  to  understand  any  difference  between  a  ship  of  His  Majesty, 
and  an  East  India  Company's  trader.  They  insisted  upon 
measuring  the  Centaur,  and  coolly  demanded  the  usual  trade 
charges.  However,  her  commander,  Commodore  Anson,  very 
quietly  and  good-naturedly  resisted  all  pretensions  and  by  sheer 
force  of  character,  combined  with  judicious  menaces,  brushed 
all  objections  aside,  and  forced  his  ship  without  positive  hostilities 
through  the  Bogue  and  up  to  Whampoa.  On  arrival  there, 
he  fairly  took  away  the  breath  of  the  Chinese  officials  by 
notifying  them  that  he  proposed  to  call  in  person  on  the  Viceroy 


14  CHAPTER  II. 

to  pay  his  respects  to  His  Excellency,  which  was  his  bonnden 
duty  as  the  Officer  of  His  Majesty  King  George  II.  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  and  that  'there  must  be  no  breach  of 
etiquette.'  The  unparalleled  boldness  of  this  typical  British 
tar  was  so  novel  to  the  Chinese  Authorities  that  it  cowed  them 
completely.  The  Viceroy  admitted  the  importunate  sailor  to  a 
personal  interview,  treated  him  to  cold  tea  and  ice-cold  etiquette, 
and  not  until  the  Commodore  set  sail  and  left  Chinese  waters 
did  the  Chinese  Authorities  recover  their  breath  and  resume 
their  former  policy  of  undisguised  contempt  for  all  foreigners. 
However,  on  the  next  occasion  (February,  1791),  when  His 
Majesty's  Ships  Leojmrd  and  Thames  arrived  and  desired  to 
follow  the  precedent  set  by  Commodore  Anson,  they  found 
things  changed.  The  Chinese  officials  now  stubbornly  refused 
to  allow  the  ships  to  enter  the  Bogue  and  the  officers  had  to 
content  themselves  with  a  flying  personal  visit  to  the  port 
and  suburbs  of  Canton.  Nevertheless  the  next  visitor,  Captain 
Maxwell,  of  H.  M.  S.  Alceste  (November  12th,  1816),  was 
determined  to  follow  the  example  of  Commodore  Anson.  On 
arrival  at  the  Bogue,  a  Chinese  officer  boarded  the  Alceste 
and  informed  the  Captain  that,  before  proceeding  any  further, 
he  must  obtain  the  security  of  two  Hong  merchants  and 
declare  the  nature  of  his  cargo.  The  gallant  Captain  pointed 
to  his  biggest  guns  as  his  security  and  declared  the  only  cargo 
carried  by  a  British  man-of-war  to  be  powder  and  shot. 
Thereupon  the  frightened  officer  beat  a  hasty  retreat  and 
subsequently  sent  on  board  a  stern  refusal  to  allow  the  ship 
to  enter  the  Bogue.  In  reply,  Captain  Maxwell  politely  informed 
the  commanders  of  the  Bogue  forts  of  the  exact  hour  when 
he  intended  to  pass  through  the  Bogue,  and,  after  giving  them 
ample  time  to  make  all  their  preparations,  he  gallantly  ran 
the  gauntlet  of  the  Bogue  forts,  under  sail,  leisurely  returning 
the  fire  of  the  forts  after  aiming  and  firing  the  first  gun  with 
his  own  hands.  Though  becalmed  within  range  of  the  forts, 
he  succeeded  in  pushing  his  way  to  "Whampoa  without  serious 
-casualty   on  his    own  side.      After    anchoring    there,    Captain 


INTERNATIONAL  RELATION S.  15- 

Maxwell  resumed  his  communications  with  the  Chinese  officials 
•with  the  utmost  good  nature,  and  the  Chinese  Government, 
likewise  ignoring  what  had  happened,  allowed  him  to  do  just 
as  he  pleased  until  he  took  his  ship  away.  But  no  direct  official 
intercourse  was  accorded  to  Captain  Maxwell  in  spite  of  his 
bravery. 

The  several  Embassies  that  were  sent  with  autograph  letters 
from  King  George  III,  accompanied  by  costly  presents  and  much 
pomp  of  showy  retinue,  had  even  less  effect  upon  the  attitude 
which  the  Tatsiiig  Dynasty  assumed  towards  foreign  commerce, 
than  the  servile  bribes  and  presents  of  the  East  India  Company's 
Supercargoes  or  the  periodical  demonstrations  of  British  pluck  by 
His  Majesty's  naval  officers.  Lord  Macartney's  Embassy  (A.D. 
1792),  sent  forth  by  George  III,  with  strong  complaiiils  and 
-sanguine  expectations,  was  treated  by  the  Chinese  Government  as 
a  deputation  of  tribute-bearers,  like  those  that  periodically 
came  from  the  Loochoo  Islands.  Lord  Amherst's  Embassy 
(A.D.  1815),  vainly  expected  to  result  in  the  establishment 
of  diplomatic  intercourse  with  Peking,  was  treated  politely  but 
strictly  as  a  tribute-bearing  commission.  When  Lord  Amherst 
lingered,  hoping  to  be  allowed  to  remain  near  the  Court,  he 
was  quietly  told  that  it  was  high  time  for  him  to  petition  for 
the  issue  of  his  passport  and  be  off.  Henceforth  the  chroniclers 
•of  the  Tatsing  Dynasty  complacently  recorded  the  fact  of  Great 
Britain  having  been  formally  admitted  to  a  place  in  the  list 
of  the  nations  tributary  to  China  by  voluntary  submission. 

Nevertheless  both  the  bold  appearance  of  British  frigates 
da  Chinese  waters  and  the  humble  presentation  at  Court  of 
British  Ambassadors  had  a  certain  amount  of  effect  in  impressing 
the  Chinese  people  with  the  conviction  that  Europeans  after 
all  were  considerably  above  the  ordinary  class  of  barbarians 
known  to  them. 

Special  instances  of  the  steadily  increasing  importance  of 
the  British  navy  were  not  wanting.  In  the  years  1802  and 
1808  British  marines  occupied  ^lacao  to  protect  the  Portuguese 
settlement  against  a  threatened  attack  by  the  French.     In  the 


16  CHAPTER  II. 

former  year  the  troops  were  not  withdrawn,  in  spite  of  irate 
protests  by  the  Cantonese  Authorities,  until  peace  with  France 
was  restored.  In  the  latter  year  Admiral  Drury  withdrew 
his  men  again  and  abstained  from  forcing  his  way  up  to  Canton 
in  order  to  please  the  East  India  Company's  Committee  and 
to  avoid  interference  with  trade.  Again,  in  the  year  1814, 
H.B.M.  Frigate  Doris  cruized  in  Canton  waters  to  intercept 
American  ships,  and  when  the  Viceroy  instructed  the  Committee 
to  order  her  off,  the  Committee,  to  the  surprise  of  the  Chinese 
officials,  declared  that  they  had  no  power  whatever  in  the 
matter  and  were  quite  willing  that  trade,  as  threatened  by 
the  Viceroy,  should  be  stopped.  The  Committee,  moreover,  by 
adroit  management,  improved  the  opportunity  so  as  to  obtain 
from  the  frightened  Viceroy  important  concessions,  viz.  the 
right  to  send  Chinese  petitions  to  the  Governor  of  Canton 
under  seal,  to  employ  native  servants  without  restraint  and 
to  have  their  dwellings  secure  from  Chinese  intrusion. 

The  gradual  development  of  the  British  navy  not  only 
impressed  the  Chinese  Authorities  but  served  the  purpose  of 
enabling  foreign  merchants  to  take  a  firmer  attitude  towards 
Chinese  pretences  of  political  and  judicial  supremacy.  Foreign 
merchants  never  consented  to  formally  acknowledge  their 
subjection  to  Chinese  criminal  jurisdiction,  though  they  were 
often  compelled  by  sheer  force  to  submit  to  it.  But  not  until 
the  year  1822  were  the  Chinese  distinctly  informed  that 
foreigners  refused  on  principle  to  submit  to  Chinese  jurisdiction. 

In  the  year  1750  the  French  surrendered  to  the  Chinese- 
Authorities  one  of  their  seamen,  and  again  in  1780.  In 
1784  the  English  surrendered  a  gunner  who,  in  firing  a  salute, 
had  accidentally  killed  a  native,  and  they  actually  submitted 
to  his  being  executed  by  strangling.  In  1807  again  a  British 
sailor  was  surrendered,  and  though  Captain  Rolles,  of  H.M.S. 
Lion,  obtained  his  release,  a  fine  of  $!20  was  paid.  In  1821  the 
Americans  surrendered  a  foreigner  (Terranuova)  to  Chinese 
jurisdiction  and  submitted  to  his  being  strangled.  But  in  the 
very  next  year,  when  two  natives  were  killed  in  a  scuffle  with 


INTERNATIONAL   RELATIONS.  17 

men  of  K.M.S.  Toimze,  the  British  coiniiinnder,  assisted  by 
Dr.  Morrison  as  interpreter,  made  it  quite  clear  that  a  recognition 
of  Chinese  claims  of  jurisdiction  over  British  seamen  and 
particularly  over  men-of-war's  crews  was  entirely  out  of  the 
question.  Thencefoith  no  foreigner  was  surrendered  to  a  Chinese 
Court. 

In  1831  a  curious  episode  occurred,  illustrating  the  strained 
international  relations  which  had  gradually  arisen.  In  spring 
1831  the  Select  Committee  of  the  East  India  Company  took 
upon  itself  to  enlarge  the  garden  in  fi-ont  of  their  factory  by 
reclaiming  a  narrow  strip  of  foreshore.  Soon  after,  wdien  the 
merchants  had  all  retired  to  Macao  for  the  summer,  the 
Governor  of  Canton,  resenting  the  unauthorized  reclamation,, 
came  in  person  to  the  British  factory  and  ordered  the 
premises  to  be  forthwith  restored  to  tlieir  previous  condition. 
Meanwhile  he  walked  into  the  Select  Committee's  dining  room 
where  a  life-size  picture,  representing  George  IV.  as  Prince- 
Regent,  was  hanging.  On  being  informed  that  it  was  the 
portrait  of  the  then  reigning  King  of  England,  the  Governor 
took  a  chair  and  deliberately  sat  down  with  his  back  turned 
to  the  picture.  The  Select  Committee  reported  this  deliberate 
insult  to  their  Directors  and  the  merchants  used  various  means 
of  making  their  indignation  known  to  the  Chinese  officials. 
One  of  their  defenders  publicly  alleged  (September  15,  1831) 
that  the  Governor  disavowed  any  intentional  disrespect  and 
blamed  the  Committee  for  desecrating  the  picture  by  exhibiting 
it  without  a  curtain  of  Imperial  yellow  and  for  omitting  to 
place  in  front  of  it  an  altar  with  frankincense.  Lord  William 
Bentinck,  then  Governor-General  of  India,  addressed  (August 
27,  1831)  a  letter  to  the  Governor  demanding  an  explanation, 
but  took  no  further  steps  when  the  Governor,  whilst  refusing 
to  notice  Lord  Bentinck's  letter,  issued  (January  7,  1832\ 
an  edict  denying  the  imputation.  The  picture  in  question 
(by  Sir  T.  Lawrence)  now  graces  the  dining  room  of  the 
Government  House  of  Hongkong,  whither  it  was  removed 
from  Macao  in  February  1842. 

2 


18  CHAPTER   II. 

All  these  experiences  impressed  the  Chinese  Authorities 
Avith  the  conviction  that  the  claim  of  extra-territorial  jurisdiction 
was  but  a  symptom  of  a  deeper  seated  claim  of  international 
rights,  the  concession  of  which  would  be  the  deathblow  to 
China's  sovereignty  over  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Monopoly  versus  Free  Trade. 

^OAVEVER  galling  this  stolid  assertion  of  self-adequacy 
^^  and  supremacy,  and  this  persistent  exclusivism  of  the 
'Chinese  Government,  must  have  been  to  the  East  India 
Company's  officers  and  to  the  Ambassadors  specially  com- 
missioned to  bolster  up  the  position  of  the  East  India  Company 
in  China,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  East  India 
Company  was,  within  its  own  sphere,  just  as  haughty, 
<iomineering  and  exclusive  a  potentate,  as  any  Emperor  of 
China.  Private  British  merchants,  scientists,  missionaries,  and 
•even  English  ladies,  had  as  much  reason  to  complain  of  the 
tyranny  of  the  East  India  Company's  Court  of  Directors, 
4is  their  Supercargoes  suffered  in  their  relations  with  the 
Chinese  Government.  When  naturalists  or  missionaries,  entirely 
unconnected  with  trade,  desired  to  pursue  their  noble  avocations 
4it  any  port  of  Asia  occupied  by  the  East  India  Company, 
they  were  either  strictly  prohibited  and  ordered  off,  or 
permission  was  granted  in  exceptional  cases,  as  a  matter  of 
extraordinary  favour,  and  under  galling  injunctions  and 
restrictions. 

As  to  the  treatment  of  foreign  ladies,  the  coincidence 
between  the  policy  of  the  Chinese  Government  and  that  of 
the  East  India  Company  is  striking.  When  the  first  English- 
rspeaking  lady,  a  Mrs.  McClannon  who,  with  her  maid,  had 
been  shipwrecked  on  her  way  to  Sydney  and  picked  up  at  sea 
by  the  American  ship  Betsetj,  arrived  at  Macao,  the  Chinese 
officials  professed  themselves  shocked.  They  refused  to  admit 
the  ship   to   trade.     What   with   barbarian   merchants    residing 


20  CHAPTER   III, 


'S.. 


ou  the  coast,  and  what  with  flying  visits  by  naval  officer 
they  said,  it  was  difficult  enough  for  Chinese  officials  to  keep* 
the  foreign  trade  in  order,  but  that  barbarian  women  should 
also  enter  the  hallow^ed  precincts  of  the  Celestial  Kingdom 
was  an  outrage  of  Chinese  fundamental  principles  of  propriety 
and  beyond  all  endurance.  However,  as  usual,  a  cumshaw 
(bribe)  smoothed  away  the  objections,  only  the  Captain  of 
the  Betsey^  who  so  gallantly  had  rescued  the  shipwrecked 
women,  was  officially  informed  that  he  must  never  do  it 
again,  and  take  away  the  women  as  soon  as  possible  on  pain 
of  permanent  exclusion  from  the  trade.  As  a  parallel  to  this 
Chinese  interdict  placed  on  women,  the  Court  of  Directors  of 
the  East  India  Company  renewed  (A.D.  1825)  a  previously 
existing  stringent  order  that  European  females  were  under  no 
circumstances  to  be  admitted  to  Canton.  So  strict  was  this 
rule,  and  so  engrained  did  it  become  i,n  the  trading  community 
of  Canton,  that  the  Hongkong  successors  in  the  old  Canton 
trade  maintained,  until  comparatively  recent  years,  the  same 
principle  in  the  form  of  restrictions  which  the  leading  firms 
placed  on  marriage  in  the  case  of  their  employees. 

As  regards  private  traders  in  Canton,  the  East  India 
Company  watched,  for  nearly  two  centuries,  with  Argus'  eye- 
again  st  the  violation  of  their  monopoly  by  adventurous  intruders. 
No  British  subject  was  allowed  to  land  at  Canton  except  under 
a  passport  from  the  Court  of  Directors.  Nor  -was  any  British 
ship  permitted  to  participate  in  the  China  trade  except  when 
owned  or  chartered,  or  furnished  with  a  licence,  by  the 
Company  or  by  the  Indian  Government.  Such  licences  were 
moreover  subject  to  be  cancelled  at  any  moment  by  the 
Select  Committee  at  Canton,  who  had  also  legal  power  to^ 
deport  any  British  subject  defying  their  authority.  Nevertheless 
there  were  bold  spirits  who  forced  their  way  in.  In  the  year 
1780  a  Mr.  Smith  was  discovered  at  Canton  trading  on  his 
own  account,  but  w^as  immediately  ordered  off  without  mercy. 
How'ever,  the  East  India  Company's  power  extended  only  over 
-their  own  nationals,  and  private  traders  of  other  nationalities. 


MONOPOLY  VERSUS  FREE  TRADE.  21 

-openly  defied  the  Company  whilst  profiting  by  its  presence. 
The  Portngnese  (from  Macao),  the  Spaniards  (from  Manila), 
and  the  Dutch  (from  Formosa)  had  preceded  the  East  India 
Company  in  the  Canton  trade,  and  could  not  be  ousted.  Danish 
4ind  Swedish  merchants  (A.D.  1732),  French  (A.D.  1736), 
Americans  (A.D.  1784)  and  others  forced  their  way  in,  and 
international  comity  on  the  one  side  and  Chinese  policy  on 
the  other  protected  them  against  the  interference  of  the  East 
India   Company. 

Soon,  moreover,  private  British  merchants  also  secured 
admission  to  Canton,  and  openly  defied  the  Company's  monopoly 
by  taking  out  foreign  naturalization  papers.  Thus,  for  instance, 
Mr.  W.  S.  Davidson,  an  English  merchant,  visited  Canton  in 
the  year  1807  and  subsequently  traded  in  Canton,  on  his  own 
account  and  as  agent  of  English  firms,  for  eleven  consecutive 
years  (1811  to  1822),  under  a  Portuguese  certificate  of 
naturalization,  which  he  had  obtained  without  fee  in  London, 
with  the  assistance  of  the  British  Ambassador  to  Brazil.  Many 
others  followed  the  example  of  Mr.   Davidson. 

The  renewal  of  the  East  India  Company's  charter,  in  1813, 
made  no  great  difference  in  the  conduct  of  its  Chinese  trade. 
But  as  the  Company  was  from  that  date  compelled  to  publish 
its  commercial  accounts  separately  from  its  territorial  accounts, 
British  merchants  generally  became  aware  of  the  profitable  aspects 
•of  trade  with  China.  Moreover  the  public  press  now  began  to 
undermine  the  Company's  monopoly  by  suggesting  on  sundry 
-occasions  that  trade  with  the  East  would  be  carried  on  more 
profitably  by  private  merchants  than  by  the  Company.  But 
the  antagonistic  forces  of  Monopoly  and  Free  Trade,  thus  evoked, 
took  years  to  gather  strength  for  a  final  struggle. 

The  earliest  pioneer  of  British  free  trade  in  Canton  was 
Mr.  AVilliam  Jardine,  founder  of  the  still  flourishing  firm  of 
Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co.,  who  visited  China  off  and  on  between 
the  years  1802  and  1818,  and  resided  in  Canton  continuously 
from  1820  to  January  31,  1839.  Next  in  time  and  influence 
Kjame  W.  S.  Davidson  (referred  to  above),  R.  Inglis  of  Dent  &  Co. 


22  CHAPTER  III, 

(1823  to  1839)  and  the  brothers  A.  Matheson  (1826  to  1839) 
and  J.  Matheson  (of  whom  we  shall  hear  more  anon).  The- 
Mathesons  exercised  particnlar  influence,  as  so  long  ago  as  1827 
they  established  in  Canton  a  weekly  newspaper,  the  *  Canton 
Eegister,'  to  disseminate  the  principles  of  free  trade  and  to- 
oppose  a  prolongation  of  the  East  India  Company's  monopoly. 
To  this  paper  Charles  Grant  referred  (some  time  before  1836) 
in  the  following  memorable  words  :  'The  free  traders  appear- 
to  cherish  high  notions  of  their  claims  and  privileges.  Under 
their  auspices  a  free  press  is  already  maintained  at  Canton ; 
and  should  their  commerce  continue  to  increase,  their  importance 
will  rise  also.  They  will  regard  themselves  as  the  depositaries  of 
the  true  principles  of  British  commerce.' 

During  the  three  or  four  years  that  preceded  the  expiry 
of  the  East  India  Company's  Charter,  it  was  already  foreseen 
bv  the  free  traders,  who  were  staunch  advocates  of  the  Reform 
Bill  of  1831,  that  the  Company's  monopoly  was  not  likely  to- 
be,  renewed  by  a  Reformed  Parliament.  The  officers  of  the 
Company  themselves  had  the  same  apprehensions  and  gradually 
relaxed  its  rules  against  the  admission  of  private  interlopers 
at  Canton.  Happily,  before  the  question  of  renewing  the 
Company's  Charter  had  to  be  decided,  tlie  first  Reform  Bill 
swept  away  those  rotten  boroughs  which  would  have  enabled 
the  well-organized  band  of  monopolists  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
aided  and  abetted  as  they  were  by  the  ignorance  or  indifference 
as  to  all  questions  of  Eastern  trade  which  distinguished  the 
vast  majority  of  honourable  members,  to  crush  the  few  scattered 
advocates  of  commercial  freedom.  It  was  the  first  Reformed 
Parliament  that  fulfilled  the  hopes  and  realized  fch6  prophecies 
of  the  British  free  traders  at  Canton,  stripped  the  East  India 
Company  of  its  commercial  attributes,  delivered  the  China  trade- 
from  the  thraldom  of  monopoly,  and  thereby  paved  also  the 
way  for  its  eventual  liberation  from  the  tyranny  of  Chinese 
mandarindom. 

Thus  it  happened   that,   even   before  the   final    expiration 
(A.D.   1834)    of  the    Company's    Charter,   free    trade    cheerily 


MONOPOLY  VERSUS  FREE  TRADE.  2S 

began  to  rear  its  head  at  Canton.  A  new  impetus  was  thereby 
given  to  British  trade,  and  in  the  year  1832  as  many  as 
seventy-four  British  ships  arrived  at  Canton.  The  little 
band  of  high-spirited,  highly-educated  and  influential  private 
merchants,  that  gathered  at  Canton  during  the  closing  years  of 
the  East  India  Company's  monopoly,  were,  by  their  very  position, 
ardent  advocates  of  free  trade  and  determined  opponents 
of  protection  and  monopoly  in  every  shape  or  form.  Some 
of  them  removed  in  later  years  to  Hongkong  and  the  spirit 
of  free  trade  that  filled  them  descended  as  a  permanent 
heirloom  to  the  future  merchant  princes  of  Hongkong.  If  the 
experiences  of  the  East  India  Company  negatively  paved  the 
way  for  the  future  Colony  by  demonstrating  the  irreconcilable 
antipathy  of  the  Chinese  against  any  equitable  intercourse 
with  Europeans,  and  the  impossibility  of  conducting  trade  on 
a  basis  of  international  self-respect  at  Canton,  this  little  band 
of  free  traders,  the  Jardines,  the  Mathesons,  the  Dents,  the 
Gibbs,  the  Turners,  the  Hollidays,  the  Braines,  the  Innes, 
unconsciously  did  for  the  future  Colony  of  Hongkong  what 
subsequently  Cobden  did  for  Manchester,  and  prepared  the 
public  mind  for  future  free  trade  in  a  free  port  on  British 
soil  in  China. 

When,  as  above  mentioned,  the  Select  Committee  of  the 
East  India  Company  at  Canton  descended  to  the  lowest  step 
of  degradation  and  handed  the  keys  of  the  British  factory  to 
the  Chinese  Constabulary  (May  27,  1831),  the  free  traders, 
filled  with  righteous  wrath,  rushed  to  the  front  with  the  first 
of  those  public  meetings  which,  in  subsequent  years,  became 
such  a  characteristic  means  of  venting  public  indignation  in 
Hongkong.  On  May.  30,  1831,  this  first  public  meeting  of 
British  subjects  in  China  was  held,  under  the  presidency  of 
"William  Jardine,  and  solemnly  resolved  to  remonstrate  against 
the  policy  of  the  Select  Committee  of  yielding  to  the  caprice 
of  the  Native  Authorities  and  '  to  appeal  to  the  home  country. *" 
But  the  public  mind  of  that  dear  country  was  by  no  means 
ripe  yet  for  an  unbiassed  understanding  of  the  real  grievances 


24 


CHAPTER  III. 


and  needs  of  the  China  trade,  and  the  next  advices  from 
London  informed  the  free  traders  of  Canton  (April  31,  1832), 
then  smarting  under  a  new  order  of  the  Hoppo  positively 
forbidding  foreign  ships  to  remain  at  Lintin  (April  11,  1832), 
that  general  apathy  prevailed  in  England  as  to  the  restrictions 
and  interruptions  or  hardships  of  the  China  trade. 

However,  the  hated  monopoly  of  the  East  India  Company 
at  Canton  finally  ceased  and  determined  on  April  22,  1834, 
and  the  chagrin  felc  at  the  discovery  that  the  East  India 
Company,  though  closing  its  factory  at  Canton,  left  behind 
a  Financial  Committee  for  brokerage  purposes,  was  almost 
forgotten  in  the  general  rejoicing  over  the  first  private  British 
vessel,  the  ship  Sarah,  that  openly  sailed  from  Whampoa  for 
London  as  the  pioneer  of  the  new  free  trade. 

Yaticinations,  principally  originating  with  the  servants  of 
the  East  India  Company,  were  not .  wanting  that  under  the 
Company's  regime  British  trade  with  China  had  reached  its 
zenith  and  was  bound  to  decline  henceforth.  It  was  asserted 
in  Parliament  that  China  offered  no  further  outlet  for  British 
goods  and  that,  by  throwing  open  the  trade  to  all  comers, 
things  would  go  from  bad  to  worse.  But  the  free  traders 
had  a  better  insight  into  the  inner  workings  of  the  trade 
movement.  They  confidently  predicted  a  great  development 
of  British  trade  to  set  in  at  once  and  history  verified  their 
expectations. 

A  few  of  these  free  traders  were  even  keen  enough  to 
foretell  (April,  1834)  that  the  Act  of  King  William  lY.,  by 
which  he  abolished  the  exclusive  rights  of  the  East  India 
Company,  'would  aid  very  much  in  hastening  the  abolition  of 
the  long  cherished  exclusive  rights  of  the  Celestial  Empire.' 
All  may  not  have  seen  this  at  the  time,  but  all  were  aware 
that  a  new  period  in  the  history  of  British  trade  with  China 
was  inaugurated  thereby.  It  required,  indeed,  no  prophet's 
vision  to  foresee  that  the  inherent  difficulties  of  commercial 
intercourse  with  the  Chinese  were  considerably  accentuated  by 
the  substitution  of  free  trade  for  monopoly. 


MONOPOLY  VERSUS  FREE  TRADE.  25 

But  the  spirit  which  moved  the  British  Parliament  to 
wrench  asunder  the  shackles  in  which  British  trade  had  been 
kept  for  two  long  centuries  by  the  East  India  Company,  was 
the  potent  spirit  of  free  trade,  and  in  this  general  free  trade 
movement  we  see  above  the  dark  horizon  the  first  streak  of 
light  heralding  the  advent  of  the  future  free  Bort  of  Hongkong. 


d g 


CHAPTER  IV. 


The  Mission  of  Lord  Napier. 


■^^EARS  before  the  trade  monopolj  of  the  East  India  Companj- 
;^^      was  actually  dissolved,  it  was  foreseen  by  both  the  British 


m 

Cabinet  and  by  the  Cantonese  Authorities,  that  the  substitution 
of  a  heterogeneous  and  internally  dissentient  community  of 
irresponsible  free  traders  for  a  responsible  and  conservative 
Corporation  like  the  East  India  Company  would  bring  on  a 
serious  crisis  in  the  relations  existing  between  Great  Britain 
and  China. 

When  informed,  by  direction  of  the  British  Government^ 
that  the  Charter  of  the  East  India  Company  would  in  all 
probability  not  be  renewed,  but  British  trade  thrown  open  to  all 
subjects  of  His  Majesty,  the  then  Viceroy  of  Canton  (January  IC, 
1831)  instructed  the  chief  of  the  factory  at  Canton  to  send  an 
early  letter  home,  stating  that,  in  case  of  the  dissolution  of  the 
Company,  it  was  incumbent  to  deliberate  and  appoint  a  chief- 
manager  (tai-pan),  who  undei'stood  the  business,  to  come  to 
Canton  for  the  general  control  of  commercial  dealings,  by  which 
means  affairs  might  be  prevented  from  going  to  confusion,  and 
benefits  secured  to  commerce. 

This  was  the  shrewd  suggestion  of  a  Viceroy  holding  his 
office  for  five  years,  and,  as  given  informally,  not  necessarily 
binding  upon  his  successor.  It  embodied,  however,  a  recognized 
principle  of  Chinese  policy,  viz.,  that  the  traders  of  any  given 
place  must  be  formed  into  one  or  more  guilds,  each  having  a 
recognized  headman  who  can  be  held  solidarily  responsible  for  the 
doings  of  every  member  of  his  guild.  All  that  was  here  proposed 
was,  to  place  British  and  foreign  free  tradera  in  Canton  under  a. 


THE  MISSION  OF  LORD  NAriER.  27 

tangible  and  responsible  head,  having  the  status  of  an  ordinary 
private  trader,  such  as  was  accorded  (A.D.  1699)  to  Mr.  Catchpoole^- 
but  corresponding,  on  the  English  side,  with  the  position  held,  on 
the  Chinese  side,  by  the  head  of  the  Hong  Merchants.  The 
establishment  of  a  Chamber  of  Commerce,  formed  by  compulsory 
membership  and  controlled  by  a  permanent  British  president,, 
would  have  exhausted  the  meaning  of  the  Viceroy's  suggestion.. 
AVhat  the  Viceroy  wanted  was  merely  leverage  for  applying  the 
screw  of  official  control  and  exactions  whenever  desirable. 

It  is  not  likely,  however,  that  the  British  Cabinet  acted  upon 
this  informal  message  of  a  Canton  Viceroy,  or  at  any  rate  not 
without  taking  pains  to  ascertain  its  authoritative  character  and 
real  purport.  As  Cliina  had  for  centuries  tolerated  and  regulated 
foreign  trade  at  Canton,  the  Cabinet  may  well  have  j^roceeded  on 
the  general  assumption  that  British  merchants  had  gained  a 
status  involving,  on  the  part  of  China  and  England,  reciprocal 
responsibilities  and  rights.  At  any  rate  a  Bill  was  laid  before- 
Parliament  to  regulate  the  trade  to  China  (and  India)  and  in  due 
course  received  the  Roval  assent  on  August  28,  183o.  This  Act 
(3rd  and  4th  Will.  IV.  ch.  93),  whilst  throwing  open,  from  after 
April  22,  1834,  the  trade  with  China  (and  the  trade  in  tea)  to  all 
subjects  of  His  Majesiy,  declared  it  expedient,  'for  the  objects 
of  trade  and  amicable  intercourse  with  the  Dominions  of  the 
Emperor  of  China,'  to  establish  'a  British  Authority  in  the  said 
Dominions.'  x^^ccordingly  the  Government  was  authorized  by  this 
Act  to  send  out  to  China  three  Superintendents  of  Trade,  one 
of  whom  should  preside  over  'a  Court  of  Justice  with  Criminal 
and  Admiralty  Jurisdiction  for  the  trial  of  offences  committed  by 
His  Majesty's  subjects  in  the  said  Dominions  or  on  the  high  sea 
within  a  hundred  miles  from  the  coast  of  China.'  The  Act 
also  expressly  prohibited  the  Superintendents,  as  the  King's- 
Officers,  from  eno:agino-  in  anv  trade  or  traffic,  and  authorized 
the  imposition  of  a  tonnage  duty  to  defray  the  expenses  of  their 
peace  establishment  in  China.  The  will  of  the  British  nation 
thus  off-hand  decided  what  for  two  centuries  the  Chinese 
Government  had  persistently  I'efused  to  grant,  viz.,  that  British- 


28  CHAPTER   lY. 

subjects  in  China  were  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  extra- 
territorial jurisdiction.  The  Chinese  war  of  1841  (wrongly 
styled  the  opium  war)  was  the  logical  consequence  of  this  British- 
Act  of  1833.  The  passing  of  this  Act  is  one  of  the  besb 
illustrations  of  'that  superb  disregard  of  consequences  abroad 
which  ever  distinguishes  British  legislators  when  they  try  to 
meddle  in  foreign  affairs  of  which  they  know  nothing.' 

In  pursuance  of  this  Act  the  Right  Honourable  William 
John  Napier,  Baron  Napier  of  Merchistoun,  Baronet  of  Nova 
Scotia  and  Captain  in  the  Royal  Navy,  was  selected  by  Lord 
Palmerston  to  proceed  under  a  Royal  Commission  to  China  as 
Chief  Superintendent  of  British  Trade,  and  to  associate  with 
himself,  there,  in  the  Superintendency  of  Trade,  two  members 
of  the  East  India  Company's  Select  Committee.  By  a  s}3ecial 
Commission  under  the  Royal  Signet  and  Sign  Manual  (dated 
January  26,  1834),  Lord  Napier,  together  with  ^Y.  H.  Ch. 
Plowden  and  J.  F.  Davis,  were  appointed  'Superintendents  of 
the  Trade  of  British  Subjects  in  China,'  empowered  to  impose 
duties  on  British  ships,  and  directed  to  station  themselves,  for 
the  discharge  of  their  duties  within  the  port  or  river  of  Canton 
and  not  elsewhere  (unless  ordered),  to  collect  trade  statistics, 
to  protect  the  interests  of  British  merchants,  to  arbitrate  or  judge 
in  disputes  between  British  subjects,  and  to  mediate  between 
them  and  the  Chinese  Government.  To  these  orders,  distinctly 
investing  the  three  Superintendents  w^ith  extra-territorial,  political 
and  judicial  power  over  British  subjects,  to  be  exercised 
within  the  dominions  of  the  Emperor  of  China  '  and  nofc 
■elsewhere,'  there  was  added  the  special  injunction  'to  abstain 
from  any  appeal  (for  protection)  to  British  military  or  naval 
forces,  unless  in  any  extreme  case  the  most  evident  necessity 
shall  require  that  any  such  menacing  language  should  be  holdeu 
or  that  any  such  appeal  should   be  made.' 

If  we  had  to  believe  that  both  Lord  Palmerston  and 
his  chief.  Earl  Grey,  supposed,  that  the  Chinese  Government 
would  concede  or  silently  tolerate  the  merest  shadow  of  extra- 
territorial  rights  to  be  exercised  by  the  British  Government   in 


THE  MISSION  OF  LORD  NAPIER.  29' 

its  proposed  supervision  of  British  merchants  residing  within  the 
Dominions  of  the  Emperor  of  China,  we  would  have  to  assume- 
•that  these  experienced  statesmen  made  an  incompreliensible 
bUuider.  It  seems  much  more  probable  that  we  have  here 
one  of  those  many  cases  which  have  caused  historians  to 
characterize  Lord  Palmerston's  general  policy  as  an  incessant 
violation  of  the  principle  of  non-intervention.  There  is  reason 
to  suppose  that  Lord  Palmerston,  with  his  keen  political 
foresight,  anticipated  the  jDrobability  that  this  attempt  to 
establish  quietly  a  mild  form  of  extra-territorial  jurisdiction 
would  by  itself,  apart  from  any  existing  complications,  be 
sufficient  to  provoke  hostilities.  But  he  no  doubt  anticipated 
also  that  in  the  end  English  public  opinion  would  support  him.. 
In  giving  his  final  instructions  to  Lord  Napier,  Lord  Palmerston 
(January  20,  1834)  enjoined  him  Ho  foster  and  protect  the 
trade  of  His  Majesty's  subjects  in  China,  to  extend  trade  if 
possible  to  other  ports  of  China,  to  induce  the  Chinese 
Government  to  enter  into  commercial  relations  with  the  English 
Government,  and  to  seek,  Avith  peculiar  caution  and  circum- 
spection, to  establish  eventually  direct  diplomatic  communication 
with  the  Imperial  Court  at  Peking,  also  to  have  the  coast  of^ 
China  surveyed  to  prevent  disasters.'  But  Lord  Palmerston 
added  to  all  these  peaceful  instructions  the  significant  direction, 
Ho  inquire  for  places  where  British  ships  might  find  requisite 
protection  in  the  event  of  hostilities  in  the  China  sea.'  Surely 
we  are  justified  in  saying  that  Lord  Palmerston  then,  as  ever 
after,  was  determined  that,  to  use  his  own  words,  like  the  civts 
Romanus  of  old,  wherever  he  be,  '  every  British  subject  should 
feel  confident  that  the  watchful  eye  and  the  strong  arm  of 
England  will  protect  him  against  injustice  and  wrong,' — even 
in   China. 

Assuming  that  the  British  Government  could  reasonably 
argue,  on  the  ground  of  their  interpretation  of  the  Viceroy's 
invitation  of  1831,  and  on  the  principle  of  established  reciprocal 
responsibilities  and  rights,  that  the  Chinese  Government  ought 
to  be  willing,  or  at  any  rate  should  be   compelled,  to  admit 


30  CHAPTER   IV. 

into  Canton  a  foreign  Superintendent  of  British  trade  and 
accord  to  him  an  official  status:  no  fault  can  be  found  with 
the  Royal  Instructions  supplied  to  Lord  Xapier,  except  that  these- 
instructions  associated  with  him,  in  the  official  superintendence 
-of  British  trade  in  China,  two  former  servants  of  the  East 
India  Company.  Clearly  it  was  the  expectation  of  the  Cabinet 
that  Lord  Napier  should  experience  at  the  hands  of  the  Cantonese 
Authorities  a  treatment  different  from  that  which  the  Chinese 
Oovernment  had,  for  two  centuries,  uniformly  accorded  to  the 
Supercargoes  of  the  East  India  Company,  Mr.  Catchpoole,  the 
King's  Minister  or  Consul,  not  excepted.  The  Cabinet  desired 
the  Chinese  Government  to  dissociate,  in  mind,  Lord  Xapier 
as  the  King's  Officer  from  mere  traders  and  therefore  to  accord 
DO  him  the  privilege  of  direct  official  intercourse.  But  at  the 
same  time  the  Cabinet  associated  him,  in  fact,  with  men  who 
for  years  past  had  practically  been  the  subordinates  of  the  Hong 
Merchants.  ^Ir.  Plowden  and  ^Ir.  Davis,  though  gentlemen 
of  the  highest  character  and  refined  culture,  and  best  fitted 
in  every  respect  to  advise  Lord  Napier  in  his  delicate  mission, 
had  in  the  eyes  of  the  haughty  Mandarins  merely  the  status 
of  peddling  tradei*s.  It  seems  that  all  the  lessons  which  the 
history  of  the  East  India  Company's  experiences  in  China  had 
taught  England,  were  entirely  thrown  away  upon  the  British 
Cabinet  Ministers,  whose  ignorance  of  the  contempt  in  which 
Chinese  officials  hold  all  traders,  however  worthy  or  honoured, 
defeated  the  veiy  object  of  the  Royal   Instructions. 

But  then,  it  would  seem  as  if  the  Crown  Lawyers  who 
must  have  advised  the  Cabinet  that  the  British  Crown  had 
an  international  right  to  plant  Royal  Superintendents  at  Canton, 
invested  with  political  and  judicial  powers,  and  to  do  that  without 
previous  permission  obtained  from  the  Chinese  Government, 
must  have  had  rather  peculiar  notions  of  international  law. 
It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  the  international  law 
of  those  days  held  non-Christian  States  to  be  outside  the  comity 
of  nations,  and  distinctly  accorded  to  Christian  communities, 
residing  in  non-Christian  countries,  the  right  of  extra-territorial 


THE  :MISSI0N  of  lord  NAPIER.  31 

jurisdiction.  It  is  possible,  also,  that  there  was,  on  the  part 
(^f  the  Crown  Lawyers  and  the  Cabinet,  no  assumption  of  any 
positive  right  to  establisli  a  British  Superintendent  at  Canton. 
Lord  Palmerston  specially  enjoined  upon  Lord  Napier,  that 
*in  case  of  putting  to  hazard  the  existing  opportunities  of 
intercourse,'  he  was  not  to  enter  into  any  negotiations  with 
the  Chinese  Authorities  at  all.  These  words,  together  with 
the  subsequent  condemnation  of  Lord  Xapier  s  action  by  the 
Duke  of  "Wellington,  who  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  Lord 
Xapier  ought  to  have  been  satisfied  '  to  keep  the  enjoyment 
of  what  we  have  got,'  suggest  the  surmise  that  the  British 
CVibinet  did  not  mean  forcibly  to  claim  any  right  of  stationing 
a  British  official  at  Canton  or  of  exercising  any  extra-territorial 
jurisdiction  over  British  subjects  within  the  Dominions  of  the 
Emperor  of  China,  but  that  their  policy  was  merely  to  take 
the  Chinese  Government  by  surprise,  to  try  it  on,  so  to  say,  in 
Ohinese  fashion,  to  see  how  far  the  Chinese  Authorities  would 
yield;  but,  in  case  of  failure,  rather  to  be  satisfied  with  what 
the  Chinese  were  willing  to  concede,  than  to  demand  what  could 
be  obtained  only  by  an  appeal  to  force. 

If  such,  however,  was  the  intention  of  the  British  Cabinet, 
it  was  a  kind  of  diplomacy  unworthy  of  England,  and  moreover 
foolish,  because  such  a  continuation  of  the  mistaken  policy 
which  the  East  India  Company's  Court  of  Directors  had 
followed  for  two  centuries,  was,  under  the  altered  circumstances, 
impossible.  A  community  of  independent  British  free  traders, 
knowing  that  Parliament  had  conceded  to  them  the  privilege 
of  extra-territorial  jurisdiction,  was  not  likely  to  remain  content 
with  the  enjoyment  of  what  they  had  got,  if  that  enjoyment 
Avas  to  be  coupled  with  the  continuance  of  the  old  regime, 
u,-aUing  to  personal  and  national  self-respect. 

Moreover,  if  such  was  the  real  policy  of  the  British 
Oovernment,  it  was  unfair  to  Lord  Napier  to  keep  him  in 
the  dark.  For  he  evidently  had  no  notion  of  it,  until  perhaps 
at  the  very  last  moment,  when  he  resolved  to  retreat  from 
•Canton.     Possibly   it   was   then  that   his  eyes   were   opened  to 


k 


32  CHAPTER   IV. 

the  strategies  of  tbe  Cabinet,  and,  if  so,  it  was  this  disco verv,. 
rather  than  the  ignominious  treatment  he  encountered  at  the 
hands  of  the  Chinese,  tliat  broke  his  heart. 

It  seems  very  probable  that,  whatever  the  real  aim  of 
the  British  Government  may  have  been,  the  Cabinet  had  been 
acting  under  the  advice  of  the  Directors  of  the  East  India 
Company,  and  if  so,  this  was  sufficient  to  ruin  Lord  Xapier 
and  his  mission. 

Immediately  on  his  arrival  at  Macao  (88  miles  South 
of  Canton),  on  July  15,  1834,  Lord  Napier,  finding  that 
Mr.  Plowden  had  meanwhile  left  China,  appointed  Mr.  (sub- 
sequently Sir)  John  F,  Davis  to  be  second,  and  Sir  G.  Best 
Robinson  (another  member  of  the  East  India  Company's  Select 
Committee)  to  be  third  Superintendent  of  British  Trade  in 
China.  The  three  Superintendents  then  made  the  following- 
appointments,  viz.,  Mr.  J.  W.  Astell  to  hd  Secretary  to 
the  Superintendents,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Robert  Morrison  (who- 
unfortunately  died  a  few  weeks  afterwards,  when  he  was  , 
succeeded  by  Mr.  J.  R.  Morrison)  to  be  Chinese  Secretary 
and  Interpreter,  Captain  Ch.  Elliot,  R.N.,  to  be  Master 
Attendant  (in  charge  of  all  British  ships  and  crews  within  the 
Bogue),  Dr.  T.  R.  Coliedge  to  be  Surgeon,  Dr.  Anderson  ta 
be  Assistant  Surgeon,  and  the  Rev.  J.  H.  Yachell  to  be 
Chaplain  to  the  Superintendents.  Finally  Mr.  A.  R.  Johnston 
was  appointed  to  be  Private  Secretary  to  Lord  Napier.  The 
Commission,  after  some  interviews  with  messengers  of  the 
Yiceroy,  soon  proceeded  (July  25,  1884),  without  waiting  for 
a  passport,  to  Canton.  On  the  very  day  of  his  arrival,  however, 
Lord  Napier  was  at  once  subjected  by  the  Chinese  Authorities 
to  uuprovoked  insults,  in  the  treatment  of  his  baggage  and 
his  servants,  and  the  Customs  tide-waiters  officially  reported 
that  'some  foreign  devils'  had  arrived.  To  these  indignities 
Lord  Napier  quietly  submitted.  But  he  endeavoured,  without 
loss  of  time,  to  open  direct  official  communication,  first  with, 
the  Yiceroy  and  then  with  the  Governor  of  Canton.  His 
object    was    merely   to  inform  the    Provincial    Authorities,   in 


THE  MISSION  OF  LORD  NAPIER.  3^ 

pursuance  of  his  instructions,  that  he  had  arrived  bearing  the 
King's  Commission  and  invested  with  political  and  judicial 
powers  for  the  control  of  British  subjects  in  China.  But  this- 
information  was  couched  in  terms  characteristic  of  a  dispatch 
or  oflRcial  communication,  and  implying  that  the  writer  had 
an  official  status.  By  accepting  the  letter,  the  Chinese 
Government  would  have  recognized  Lord  Napier  as  having 
such  a  status  in  China.  Accordingly  reception  of  the  letter 
was  peremptorily  refused.  The  Viceroy,  after  sending  Lord 
Napier  word  (through  the  Hong  Merchants)  '  that  he  could 
hold  no  communication  with  outside  barbarians,'  authorized 
the  Prefect  of  Canton,  the  Prefect  of  Swatow,  and  the  Deputy 
Lieutenant-General  in  command  at  Canton  to  go,  together 
with  the  Hong  Merchants,  and  interview  Lord  Napier  in  order 
to  ascertain  what  he  really  wanted.  This  interview  took  place 
on  August  23,  1834,  and  ended  with  the  sage  remark  of  the 
gallant  Lieutenant-General,  '  that  it  would  be  very  unpleasant 
were  the  two  nations  to  come  to  a  rupture,'  to  which  Lord 
Napier  made  the  significant  reply  that  England  was  perfectly 
prepared.  The  Hong  Merchants  offered  to  deliver  the  letter 
to  the  Governor  of  Canton,  on  condition  that  it  should  be 
rewritten  in  form  of  a  humble  petition,  having  on  the  outside 
a  certain  Chinese  character  (pien)  which  marks  an  application 
made  by  one  of  the  common  people  (not  having  literary  or 
official  rank)  to  a  Chinese  official  from  a  Magistrate  upwards. 
But  one  of  the  Hong  Merchants  used  the  opportunity  ta 
heap  a  gratuitous  insult  upon  Lord  Napier.  Addressing  him 
in  writing,  he  used  characters  which  designated  Lord  Napier, 
by  a  pun,  as  '  the  laboriously  vile.' 

Lord  Napier's  argument  that  a  former  Viceroy  had  by  edict 
invited  the  British  Government,  in  1831,  to  send  a  chief  to- 
Canton  to  supervise  trade,  was  met  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese 
Authorities  by  a  denial  of  the  meaning  which  Lord  Napier 
attached  to  that  invitation.  They  pointed  out  that  in  several 
proclamations  issued  by  the  Governor  of  Canton  (August  18 
and   September  2,    1834),   it   was    distinctly   stated,    that   'the 

3 


34  CHAPTER  IV. 

commissioned  offic3rs  of  the  Celestial  Empire  never  take 
<3ognizance  of  the  trivial  affairs  of  trade,'  that  '  never  has  there 
been  such  a  thing  as  official  correspondence  with  a  barbarian 
headman,'  that  *the  English  nation's  King  has  hitherto  been 
reverentlv  obedient,'  that  'in  the  intercourse  of  merchants 
inntual  williu2:ness  is  necessarv  oa  both  sides,  wherefore  there 
can  be  no  overrnli ng  control  exercised  bj  officers,'  and  finally 
'how  can  the  officers  of  the  Celestial  Empire  hold  official 
correspondence   with  barbarians  ? ' 

Whilst  declining  to  adopt  the  form  of  a  petition,  Lord 
Xapier  adopted  a  suggestion  of  the  Hong  Merchants  to  substitute 
another  designation  of  the  Governor  of  Canton,  but  otherwise 
Lord  Napier's  official  message  was  left  unaltered,  in  the  form 
of  a  dispatch.  But  no  messenger  could  be  found  to  deliver  it. 
So  Mr.  A^stell,  accompanied  by  the  interpreters,  proceeded  with 
the  latter  to  the  city  gates,  where  the  party  were  detained  for 
hours  and  subjected  to  every  possible  indignity.  Various  ^ 
officials  came,  but  one  and  all  refused  to  deliver  the  letter  to 
its  address,  unless  it  was  couched  in  the  form  of  a  petition.  It 
seemed  to  the  Chinese  preposterous  that  a  barbarian  official 
should  claim  an  official  status  in  China.  It  was  with  them  not 
merely  a  question  of  etiquette  and  form  of  address,  such  as  was 
subsequently  settled  by  a  special  provision  of  the  Treaty  of 
Nanking,  but  it  was  a  plain  question  of  polity.  The  Chinese 
offi<3ials  claimed  supremacy  over  all  barbarians,  whether  traders 
or  officers,  and  the  form  of  this  letter  was  a  deliberate  denial 
of  it.  The  one  word  '  petition '  (picn)  was  now  made  the  test 
of  British  submission  to  China's  claim  of  supremacy. 

Lord  Xapier  continued  firm  in  his  refusal  to  'petition'  the 
Viceroy,  nor  would  he  accept  the  renewed  offer  of  the  Hong 
Merchants  to  act  as  his  intermediaries  in  his  communications 
with  the  Chinese  Government.  He  remained  in  Canton,  although 
the  Hong  Merchants  had  informed  him  that  the  Provincial 
Authorities  would  not  receive  any  message  from  him,  unless  it 
was  sent  through  the  channel  which  had  been  constituted  by 
Imperial  Authority,  and  brought  him  an  order  by  the  Governor 


THE  MISSION  OF  LORD  NAriER.  35 

of  Canton,  dated  August  18,  1834,  directing  bim  to  leave 
Canton  at  once.  Thereupon  the  Chinese  Authorities  resolved 
to  drive  him  away  by  applying,  to  begin  with,  indirect  force. 
A  proclamation  was  issued  calling  upon  the  people  to  stop  all 
intercourse  with  the  British  factory.  The  supply  of  provisions 
to  British  merchants  was  strictly  prohibited  and  all  Chinese 
servants  were  ordered  to  leave  them  forthwith.  Next,  the  Hong 
Merchants  were  ordered  to  stop  shipping  cargo  by  any  British 
vessel  and  to "  make  an  effort  to  induce  the  several  British 
merchants  to  disown  the  assumed  authority  of  Lord  Napier 
and  the  other  Superintendents  and  to  declare  their  willingness 
to  obey  the  orders  of  the  Chinese  Authorities,  which  would 
be   conveyed  to  them,   as   formerly,   by   the    Hong   Merchants. 

Foreseeing  the  danger  of  dissension,  Lord  Napier  had 
called  (August  IG,  1834)  a  public  meeting  of  British  merchants, 
warned  them  against  the  intrigues  of  Hong  Merchants  and 
suggested  the  formation  of  a  British  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
to  ensure  joint  action  and  to  provide  a  medium  of  communication 
between  the  merchants  and  the  Superintendents.  This  suggestion 
was  now  adopted  and  (August  25,  1834)  a  British  Chamber 
of  Commerce  was  formed  by  the  following  firms,  viz.,  Jardine, 
Matheson  &  Co.,  R.  Turner  &  Co.,  J.  McAdam  Gladstone,  J. 
Tnnes,  A.  S.  Keating,  N.  Crooke,  J.  Templeton  &  Co.,  J.  Watson, 
Douglas,  Mackenzie  &  Co.,  T.  Fox,  and  John  Slade  (Editor 
of  the  Canton  Register).  The  Committee  of  this  first  British 
Chamber  of  Commerce  in  China  were  J.  Matheson,  L.  Dent, 
R.   Turner,  W.  Boyd,  and  Dadabhoy  Rustomjee. 

AVhen  the  Chinese  Authorities  found  that  the  British 
merchants  rejected  all  temptations  offered  to  them  individually 
through  the  Hong  Merchants,  and  that  the  whole  British 
community  unanimously  supported  Lord  Napier's  pretensions, 
stronger  measures  were  taken.  Trade  with  British  merchants 
and  communication  with  Whampoa  was  now  (September  2,  1834) 
stopped  and  the  factories  were  surrounded  by  a  cordon  of  Chinese 
soldiere.  British  merchants  were  informed  that  they  were  allowed 
to  depart  by  way  of  Whampoa  for  Macao,  but  none  would  be 


36  .  CHAPTER  IV. 

allowed  to  return.  Some  Chinese  compradors  and  shop-keepers^ 
who  had  secretly  supplied  the  British  factories  with  provisions^ 
were  arrested  and  the  British  community  found  themselves  in 
danger  of  being  starved  out.  Seeing  the  critical  position  of 
affairs,  Lord  Napier,  in  the  absence  (at  Macao)  of  the  other 
two  Superintendents,  consulted  the  Commibtee  of  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce,  and  at  their  request  dispatched  an  order  for  two 
frigates  to  come  up  to  Whampoa  and  thence  to  send  up  a 
guard  of  marines  for  the  protection  of  His  Majesty's  subjects- 
Accordingly  H.M.  Ships  Imogene  and  Andromache  sailed  through 
the  Bogue  (September  5,  1834)  under  a  rattling  fire  of  th& 
forts,  to  which  they  gallantly  replied,  silencing  one  battery 
after  the  other,  until  they  reached  Whampoa  (September  11, 
1834).  A  guard  of  marines  also  succeeded  in  forcing  their  way 
into  the  British  factories. 

Naturally  enough,  the  Chinese  now,  instead  of  continuing 
hostilities,  blandly  recommenced  negotiations  through  the  Hong 
Merchants.  The  Provincial  Authorities  offered  to  resume  trade 
with  British  merchants  at  Canton,  on  condition  that  the  two 
frigates  should  leave  the  river  and  that  Lord  Napier  should 
retire  to  Macao  '  until  the  pleasure  of  His  Majesty  the  Emperor 
of  all  under  Heaven  was  known.'  Recognizing  now  the  official 
status  of  Lord  Napier,  they  urged  with  some  emphasis  that 
'it  w'as  a  thing  hitherto  unknown  for  a  barbarian  official  to 
reside  at  Canton.'  But  there  was  no  room  left  to  doubt  the 
sincerity  of  the  Chinese  Authorities,  both  in  their  expressed 
willingness  to  resume  trade  and  in  their  indignation  at  the 
attempt  of  the  British  Cabinet  to  establish  extra-territorial 
jurisdiction  without  the  previous  consent  of  the  Chinese 
Government. 

Lord  Napier  turned  again  to  his  instructions,  and  now, 
perhaps,  his  eyes  were  opened  as  to  the  policy  concealed  under 
Lord  Palmerston's  words  concerning  'the  case  of  putting  to 
hazard  the  existing  opportunities  of  intercourse.'  Sick  in  body 
and  mind,  separated  from  the  other  two  Superintendents,  Lord 
Napier  now  broke  down  completely  and  instructed  his  surgeon,. 


THE  MISSION  OF  LORD  XAPIER.  37 

Dr.  Colled2:e,  to  make  in  his  name  what  terms  he  could  with 
the  Chinese  Authorities. 

Accordingly  Dr.  Colledge  wrote  (September  18,  1834)  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  informing  him  that 
he  had  been  authorized  by  Lord  Napier  *  to  make  the  requisite 
arrangements  with  the  Hong  Merchants.'  A  meeting  was 
arranged,  Dr.  Colledge  and  Mr.  Jardine  representing  Lord  Napier 
and  the  British  community,  whilst  two  Hong  Merchants,  Howqua 
and  Mowqua,  acted  on  behalf  of  the  Chinese  Authorities.  Two 
•contradictory  statements  of  what  took  place  at  this  meeting 
exist,  and  although  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  Dr.  Colledge's 
account  of  the  transaction  is  correct,  the  official  report  which 
the  Hong  Merchants  made  of  this  interview  deserves  some 
consideration  as  characteristic  of  the  misunderstandings  or 
misinterpretations  which  in  subsequent  years  attached  to  all 
similar  negotiations  between  Europeans  and  Chinese. 

The  words  which  Dr.  Colledge  used  were  these  :  *  I,  T. 
R.  Colledge,  engage  on  the  part  of  the  Chief  Superintendent, 
the  Right  Honourable  Lord  Napier,  that  His  Lordship  does 
grant  an  order  for  His  Majesty's  Ships  at  Whampoa  to  sail 
to  Lintin,  on  my  receiving  a  chop  (stamped  passport),  from  the 
Governor  for   His   Lordship   and  suite   to   proceed    to    Macao, 

health  not  permitting  him  to  correspond 
Duger  on  this  subject.  One  condition 
impose,  which  is,  that  His  Majesty's 
any  ostentatious  display  on  the  part 
Howqua  replied  :  *  Mr.  Colledge,  your 
e  most  serious  nature,  and  from  my 
acter  I  doubt  nob  the  honesty  of  it. 
nd   Mowqua,  and   let   Mr.   Jardine   do 

account  of  this  meeting  is  as  follows  : 

Woo   Tun-yuen   and   others    (Howqua 

(to  the   Governor  of  Canton   and   his 

nation's  private  merchants,   Colledge 

[)  them  that  Lord  Napier  acknowledged 


38  CHAPTER  IV. 

that,  because  it  was  his  first  entrance  into  the  Central  Kingdom^ 
he  was  ignorant  of  the  prohibitions,  and  therefore  he  obtained, 
no  permit ;   that  the  ships  of  war  were  really  for  the  purpose 
of  protecting  goods  and  entered  the   Bogue  by  mistake ;    that 
now    he    (Lord   Napier)    was  himself   aware   of  his   error   andi 
begged  to  be  graciously  permitted  to  go  down  to  Macao,  and. 
that  the   ships   should    immediately    go    out    (of    the  ,  Central. 
Kingdom),    and    he  therefore  begged  permission   for  them   ta-; 
leave  the  port.' 

The  informality  of  the  proceedings  naturally  opened  the- 
door  for  a  variety  of  versions  as  to  what  actually  transpired^ 
But  the  omission,  on  the  part  of  Dr.  Colledge,  of  any  stipulation 
as  to  the  resumption  of  trade  consequent  on  the  departure  of 
Lord  Napier  and  of  the  ships  of  war,  indicates  that,  while 
determined  to  save  the  life  of  Lord  Napier  at  any  cost,  he  had 
reason  to  trust  in  the  determination  of  the  Chinese  Government . 
not  to  forego  the  profits  of  the  British  trade  so  long  as  their 
own  exclusive  supremacy  was  maintained. 

Lord  Napier  received  his  passport  and  started  (September  21, 
1834)  for  IVlacao,  after  giving  an  order  to  the  commanders  of 
H.M.    Ships    Imogene    and    Andromache  to   retire   beyond  the 
Bogue.     Lord  Napier  desired  to  travel  in  his  own  boat,  but  the 
Chinese    insisted    upon    conveying    him    to   Macao   themselves, 
escorted  him   like   a   prisoner,  did   everything   on   the   way   to- 
annoy  him  by  the  noise  of  gongs,  crackers  and  firing  salutes,; 
which   the.  Mandarins    in   charge   of    the    escort   persisted   in,, 
although  Lord  Napier  repeatedly  remonstrated   against  it,  and 
they  protracted  the  voyage,  which  need  not  have  taken   more 
than  twenty-four  hours,  so  as  to  last  five  days.     By  the  time 
Lord  Napier  reached  Macao  (September  26,  1834),  he,  was  beyond 
recovery  and  died  a  fortnight  later  (October  11,  1834),  worn 
out   with  the  harassing  and   distressing    annoyances   which   he 
experienced  at  the  hands  of  the   Chinese   Authorities,  as  well' 
as   by  the  unnecessary  delay  interposed  on   his   passage  down; 
to  Macao,  and  especially  also  by  the  consciousness,  that  appears . 
to  have  come  over  him  at  the  last,  that  he  had  been  placed; 


THE  MISSION  OF  LORD  NAPIER.  39 

in  a  false  j3ositioii  by  the  ignorance  of  the  Cabinet  as  to  the 
real  attitude  preserved  by  the  Chinese  Government  all  along, 
and  by  the  obscurity  in  which  the  Orders  in  Council  and  the 
instructions  of  Lord  Palmerston  enveloped  the  real  policy  of 
the  British  Government.  Lord  Napier  died,  like  Admiral 
Hosier,  'of  a  grieved  and  broken  heart.' 

As  soon  as  the  Cantonese  Authorities  learned  that  the 
frigates  had  left  the  river  and  that  Lord  Napier  had  reached 
Macao,  they  reported  to  the  Emperor  that  '  Napier  had  been 
driven  out  and  his  two  ships  of  war  dragged  ovei*  the  shallows 
and  expelled,'  but  they  eagerly  resumed  commei-cial  intercourse 
with  the  British  merchants  (September  29,  1834),  placing  them, 
however,  under  fresh  restrictions.  They  expressly  stipulated 
that  henceforth  no  barbarian  official  should  presume  to  come 
to  Ca;nton  but  only  persons  holding  the  position  of  tai-2Jan  (the 
vulgar  term  for  the  East  India  Company's  Chief-Supercargoes), 
and  that  all  commercial  transactions  should  be  strictly  confined 
to  dealings  with  the  Hong  Merchants.  Moreover,  they  published 
now  (November  7,  1834)  an  Imperial  Edict  prohibiting  the 
opium  trade. 

Thus  ended  the  melancholy  mission  of  Lord  Napier.  Its 
failure  is  clearly  not  due  to  any  want  of  diplomatic  tact  or 
coui'age  on  the  part  of  Lord  Napier,  but  to  the  clashing  of 
Chinese  and  British  interests.  Nor  can  we  blame  the  Chinese 
Authorities,  who,  accustomed  by  the  policy  of  abject  servility, 
maintained  by  the  East  India  Company  for  two  consecutive 
centuries,  to  deal  with  Europeans  willing  to  forego  for  the 
sake  of  trade  all  claims  of  national  and  personal  self-respect, 
were  entirely  taken  by  surprise  when  they  suddenly  encountered, 
on  the  part  of  the  British  Government,  the  identical  notions  of 
national  self-adequacy  and  political  supremacy  which  had  hitherto 
been  the  undisputed  monopoly  of  the  Chinese  Government. 
The  crowning  misfortune  of  Lord  Napier  was  that  by  the  time 
(end  of  November)  when  the  first  news  of  the  disastrous  ending 
of  his  mission  reached  England,  the  administration  of  Lord 
Melbourne  (who  had  taken  Earl  Grey's  place  in  July)  had  come 


4:0  CHAPTER   IV. 

to  an  end  (November  14),  that  Lord  Palmerston  was  therefore 
out  of  office  and  the  Diike  of  Wellington  at  the  helm  of  affairs. 
But  the  worst  feature  of  this  whole  melancholy  spectacle 
is  the  stolid  apathy  with  which  the  English  public  received  the 
news  of  the  failure  of  Lord  Napier's  mission  and  the  heartless 
crueltv  with  which  the  Duke  of  "Wellington  condemned  Lord 
Napier's  conduct.  The  silent  acquiescence  of  the  British  public 
in  the  expulsion  from  Canton,  in  so  degrading  a  manner,  of 
the  principal  officer  of  their  King  and  their  country,  lowered 
British  reputation  in  the  eyes  of  the  Chinese  and  contributed 
to  encourage  them  to  venture  upon  future  outrages.  As  to 
the  Duke,  he  never  had  much  respect  for  Lord  Palmerston's 
or  anybody's  statecraft.  AYith  a  belief  in  his  own  shrewd 
intuition  of  the  right  thing  to  be  done  at  any  critical  moment, 
he  combined  a  somewhat  brusque  manner  of  criticising  supposed 
diplomatic  blunderers.  He  looked  upon  this  whole  scheme 
of  the  fallen  Whig  leaders  as  a  bungle  from  the  beginning  to 
the  end  and  judged  it,  exactly  as  he  judged  the  Cabul  disasters 
eight  years  later,  as  a  case  of  *  giving  undue  power  to  political 
agents.'  The  series  of  insults  heaped  upon  Lord  Napier,  while 
alive,  by  the  Chinese  Authorities,  was  kindness  compared  with 
the  cruel  injustice  with  which  the  Duke  of  Wellington  censured 
TiOrd  Napier  when  dead.  The  man  whose  'puissant  arm  could 
bind  the  tyrant  of  a  world'  proved  childishly  impotent  in 
his  encounter  with  Chinese  mandarindom.  The  hero  who, 
'conquering  Fate,  enfranchised  Europe,'  entirely  missed  his 
opportunity  of  becoming  also  the  liberator  of  European  trade 
in  Asia.  The  noble  Duke  entirely  forgot  himself  when  he  gave 
it  as  his  opinion  (March  24,  1835)  that  Lord  Nnpier  had  brought 
about  the  failure  of  his  mission  by  assuming  high-sonnding 
titles,  by  going  to  Canton  witliout  permission,  and  by  attempting 
an  unusual  mode  of  communication.  Understanding  that  British 
trade  in  China  was  flourishing  again,  in  spite  of  the  defeat 
Lord  Napier  had  sustained  at  Canton,  the  Duke  recommended 
to  keep  the  enjoyment  of  what  we  have  got  and  to  repress  the 
ardour  of   British   traders. 


THE  MISSION  OF  LORD  NAPIER.  41 

The  British  Government,  having  first  disregarded  the 
lessons  afforded  by  the  experiences  of  the  East  India  Conopanj, 
now  misinterpreted  the  lessons  to  be  derived  from  Lord  Napier's 
fate.  Clearly,  the  time  for  a  British  Colony  in  China  had 
not  come  yet.  Hongkong  had  to  wait  yet  a  little  longer. 
Another  and  sharper  lesson  was  needed. 


XXNIVERSITT 
CALIFORNIA!, 


*\U     ■     ['t'.!.^^—     ^i»- 


CHAPTER  V. 


DiSSEXSIONS   AND   A    QUIESCENT   POLICY. 
A.D.  1834  to  1836. 

Wi'HE  expulsion  of  Lord  Napier  and  the  indignities  deliberately 
^P  heaped  upon  him  (in  1834)  were  but  the  premonitory 
symptoms  of  a  thunderstorm  of  Chinese  Imperial,  official  and 
popular  wrath,  which  was  to  burst  over  the  heads  of  the  British 
community  at  Canton  five  years  later  (in  1839).  For  the 
present,  this  precursory  brief  disturbance  of  the  peace  was 
succeeded  by  a  temporary  lull.  During  this  interval,  however, 
internal  dissensions  sprang  up  among  all  the  parties  concerned, 
in  the  British  Cabinet,  among  the  Superintendents  who  succeeded 
Lord  Napier,  among  the  British  merchants  and  among  the 
Chinese. 

Mr.  J.  F.  Davis  (later  on  better  known  as  Sir  John  Davis, 
Sinologue  and  Grovernor  of  Hongkong)  succeeded  to  the  post 
of  Chief  Superintendent  of  British  trade  in  China  (October 
12,  1834),  Sir  George  B.  Eobinson  acting  as  Second  and 
Mr.  J.  H.  Astell  as  Third  Superintendent.  AVhen  announcing 
to  Lord  Palmerston  the  changes  that  had  taken  place,  Mr.  Davis 
declared  that  an  unbecoming  and  premature  act  of  submission 
to  the  Chinese  Authorities  would  not  only  prove  fruitless  but 
mischievous,  and  that  therefore  '  absolute  silence  and  quiescence ' 
seemed  to  him  the  most  eligible  policy  to  pursue,  until  receipt 
of  instructions  from  the  Cabinet. 

But  the  British  Cabinet  was  not  in  a  position,  for  years 
to  come,  to  form  any  definite  policy  with  regard  to  China. 
Lord  Palmerston  was  temporarily  (November  14,  1834,  to  April 
10,  1835)  out  of  office  and  when  the  Whig  leaders  resumed  the 
reins  of  the  Government  (April  10,  1835,  to  September  16,  1841), 


DISSENSIONS  AND  A  QUIESCENT  POLICY.  43 

they  felt  the  ground  under  their  feet  too  unstable  to  risk  their 
existence  by  adopting  a  definite  policy  with  regard  to  China. 
The  Duke  of  Wellington  personally  adopted  the  views  of  the 
Chinese  officials  and  did  not  shrink  from  applying  them  to  the 
past,  in  condemning  Lord  Napier's  action,  or  to  the  future  in. 
approving  of  Mr.  Davis'  proposed  policy  of  inaction.  As  to 
the  British  public,  it  took  the  attitude  of  stolid  apathy,  caring 
nothing  for  these  things,  so  long  as  the  supply  of  tea  and  silk 
was  forthcoming  at  the  usual  prices.  Accordingly,  when 
Mr.  Davis,  fearing  lest  he  be  left  without  any  instructions, 
forwarded  positive  suggestions,  they  were,  though  good  enough 
to  be  taken  up  and  acted  upon  in  subsequent  years,  quietly, 
shelved  for  a  good  while  by  the  Government.  . 

Mr.  Davis  recommended  (October  24=  and  28,  1834)  not 
to  send  out  another  cumbrous  and  expensive  Embassy,  but  to 
appeal  to  the  Emperor  of  China  by  means  of  a  dispatch  to  be 
delivered  by  a  small  fleet  at  the  mouth  of  the  Peking  River: 
(Peiho),  and,  if  such  an  appeal  should  fail,  as  he  expected  it 
would,  to  use  then  measures  of  coercion.  Mr.  Davis  recommended 
this  course  on  the  ground  that  the  Imperial  Government  of 
China  sincerely  desired  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  British 
merchants,  but  that  the  Cantonese  Authorities,  by  their  mis- 
representations, kept  the  Emperor  in  the  dark  as  to  the  real 
position  of  affairs.  Mr.  Davis,  at  the  same  time,  stated  that 
the  Mandarins  at  Canton  were  anxious  to  keep  the  control  of 
British  merchants  in  the  hands  of  the  Hong  Merchants, 
because  this  system  enabled  them  to  lighten  their  own  respon- 
sibilities and  to  practise  their  heavy  exactions  on  the  trade  with 
greater  impunity. 

In  these  views  Mr.  Davis  was  cordially  supported  by  the 
whole  British  community  of  Canton  and  Macao,  who  forwarded, 
(December  9,  1834)  a  petition  signed  by  sixty-four  British 
subjects  and  addressed  to  the  King's  Most  Excellent  ^lajesty' 
in  Council.  Their  unanimous  opinion  was  that  the  long 
acquiescence  in  the  arrogant  assumption  of  superiority  over  the 
monarchs  and  people  of  other  countries,  claimed  by  the  Emperor 


44  CHAPTER  V. 

of  China,  had  caused  the  disabUities  and  restrictions  which 
had  been  imposed  on  British  trade  in  China,  and  that  Lord 
Napier's  not  having  the  reqnisite  powers,  properly  sustained  by 
^n  armed  force,  had  put  British  merchants  in  their  present 
degraded  and  insecure  position.  Accordingly  they  suggested  to  the 
Kins:  in  Council,  that  a  determined  maintenance  of  the  rank  of 
the  British  Empire  in  the  scale  of  nations  was  the  proper  policy 
to  adopt,  and  they  recommended  the  plan  which  was  actually 
•carried  out  seven  yeare  later  in  the  so-called  opium  war,  viz.,  that 
a  Plenipotentiary,  with  an  armed  force,  proceed  to  a  convenient 
station  on  the  east  coast  of  China  and  demand  of  the  Emperor 
ample  reparation  for  the  insults  offered  to  Lord  Napier,  to 
•the  King  and  to  his  subjects,  and  to  propose  the  appointment 
of  Lnperial  Commissioners  to  arrange  with  the  British 
Plenipotentiary  a  basis  for  regulating  British  trade,  so  as  to 
prevent  future  troubles,  and  to  extend  trade  to  Amoy,  Ningpo 
and  Chusan. 

The  fact  that  at  the  close  of  the  year  1834  ample  reasons 
existed  for  making  this  demand  and  for  taking  this  action, 
which  without  coercive  measures  was  impossible,  is  important. 
E(}ually  important  is  the  other  fact  that  the  subsequent  war 
of  1841  did  no  more  than  what  was  needed  and  demanded  in 
the  year  1834.  For  these  facts  show  that  the  subsequent 
expulsion  of  the  British  community  from  Canton  (in  1839) 
and  the  whole  opium  question,  as  connected  with  the  war 
of  1841,  were  merely  accidental  accessories  to  the  fact  already 
jwtent  in  the  year  1834  to  every  resident  in  China,  the  foreign 
merchants  and  the  British  Superintendents,  that  the  necessities  of 
British  trade,  combined  with  British  national  and  individual 
S€lf-respect,  were  so  irreconcilable  with  Chinese  contempt  of 
trade  and  Chinese  notions  of  supremacy  and  autocracy,  as  to 
make  war  l)etwcen  Great  Britain  and  China  an  absolute 
necessity.  In  no  other  way  could  the  Chinese  Authorities  be 
induced  to  make  reasonable  concessions  to  the  merchants, 
whom  they  had  themselves  invited  and  wbom  they  desired 
ito   continue   their   commerce    with   China.     Nothing   short    of 


DISSENSIONS  AND  A   QUIESCENT  POLICY.  4S 

an  armed  demonstration  of  force  could  induce  the  Chinese 
Mandarins  to  grant  foreign  trade  a  dignified  modus  vivendi. 
War  with  China  was,  at  the  close  of  the  year  1834,  a  mere 
question  of  time.  Strictly  speaking  it  was  simply  a  question 
of  arousing  public  opinion  in  England  to  a  recognition  of  the 
actual  necessities  of  the  case.  But  it  took  years  to  accomplish 
this,  and  meanwhile  affairs  in  China  were  in  a  state  of  transition, 
which  made  the  position  of  the  British  merchants  and  their 
Superintendents  extremely  awkward. 

British  merchants  in  Canton,  at  Macao  and  at  the  anchorage 
of  Lintin,  were  nominally  under  the  control  of  the  British 
Superintendents.  But  the  Chinese  Authorities  persistently 
protested  against  their  claim  of  an  official  status,  and  the 
British  Cabinet  left  their  political  authority  unsupported  and 
their  jurisdiction  over  British  subjects  undefined.  Moreover 
it  was  asserted  by  many  British  merchants  that  their  own 
Government  had  broken  faith  with  them  in  the  matter  of 
the  dissolution  of  the  East  India  Company's  trade  monopoly. 
For  the  Government  had  by  Act  of  Parliament  thrown  open 
the  trade  with  China  and  thereby  invited  them  to  operate  at. 
Canton,  and  yet  the  Government  appeared  to  tolerate  and 
sanction  a  survival  in  Canton  of  the  East  India  Company's 
trade  monopoly  in  the  form  of  a  Financial  Committee  of  bill 
brokers  who,  with  the  resources  of  the  Indian  revenues  at  their 
command,  hampered,  and  domineered  over,  the  commercial 
operations  of  British  free  traders.  This  yoke  was  the  more 
chafing,  because  the  Chinese  Authorities  increased  their  exactions 
on  British  trade  almost  from  month  to  month,  ever  since  the 
East  India  Company's  charter  had  ceased. 

Consequently,  headed  by  Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co.,  E. 
Turner  &  Co.,  J.  Innes,  J.  McAdam  Gladstone,  A.  S.  Keating, 
J.  Watson,  N.  Crooke,  W.  S.  Boyd,  J.  Templeton  &  Co.,  and 
Andrew  Johnstone,  the  British  Chamber  of  Commerce  at  Canton 
protested  against  the  continuance  in  China  of  any  part  of  the 
East  India  Company's  factory,  even  for  the  purpose  of  selling 
bills   on   India   and   purchasing  bills  on   England,   by  making 


46  CHAPTER  V. 

•advances  .on  the  goods  and  merchandise  of  individuals  intended 
for  consignmeufc  to  England.  They  pleaded  that  this  practice 
was  an  infringement  of  the  Act  of  Parliament  which  required 
*he  East  India  Company  to  abstain  from  all  commercial  business; 
that  it  raised  the  prices  of  Chinese  produce  ;  that  it  encouraged 
improvident  speculation  ;  that  it  shut  out  British  mercantile 
capital  through  occupying  the  field  with  the  revenues  of  India ; 
-and  that  it  formed,  through  an  understanding  with  the  Hong 
Merchants,  a  close  monopoly  of  the  most  desirable  teas. 

Meanwhile  the  Chinese  Authorities  continued  their  previous 
tactics.  They  had  not  the  slightest  wish  to  kill  the  goose 
which  laid  the  golden  eggs  ;  only  the  goose  must  have  no 
•aspirations  above  a  goose  and  remain  in  their  own  exclusive 
grasp.  As  soon  as  they  heard  of  Lord  Napier's  arrival  iu 
Macao,  they  re-opened  trade  (September  29,  1834)  and  rescinded 
the  prohibition  against  pilots  bringing  foreign  vessels  up  to 
Whampoa.  Trade  forthwith  re-commenced  and  proceeded  as 
briskly  as  ever,  both  at  Canton  and  at  Lintin.  But  the 
Cantonese  Authorities  and  the  Hong  Merchants  scrupulously 
avoided  recognizing  the  British  Superintendents  as  having  any 
official  status  whatever,  whilst  they  used  every  possilile  means, 
fair  and  foul,  to  |X)rsuade  individual  British  merchants  to 
disavow  the  authority  and  jurisdiction  of  the  Superintendents. 
They  even  attempted  to  induce  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  to 
nominate  '  a  trading  tai-pan '  (a  Chief-Supercago)  to  be  officially 
recognized  by  the  Chinese  Government  as  responsible  for  the 
personal  conduct  and  for  the  commercial  transactions  of  every 
foreign  merchant,  and  especially  also  for  the  Lintin  opium 
trade.  To  the  invitation  to  nominate  a  trading  tai-pan,  specially 
ordered  by  the  Governor  (October  19  and  20, 1834),  the  British 
merchants,  having  been  particularly  warned  by  the  Secretary 
to  the  Superintendents  to  remain  loyal  (November  10,  1834), 
replied  in  a  body,  that  no  authority  of  the  kind  could  be  held  by 
any  British  merchant  without  the  authority  of  the  British  Crown. 

Nevertheless  the  British  community  did  not  disguise  to  the 
Superintendents  that,  if  the  suggestions  they  had  both   made 


DISSENSIONS  AND  A  QUIESCENT  POLICY.  '47 

'to  fclie  British  Government  were  disregarded,  the  mercantile 
■community  would  have  no  faith  whatever  in  the  quiescent  policy 
of  the  Suj^erintendents,  and  that,  unrecognized  as  the  Commission 
"remained  in  relation  to  the  Chinese  Authorities  and  unable  to 
assert  their  claims  to  political  and  judicial  authority,  they 
■ought  not  to  expect  the  British  mercantile  community  to  look 
to  them  for  guidance,  direction  or  protection.  One  of  the 
merchants,  Mr.  Keating,  having  a  petty  dispute  with  the  firm 
of  Turner  &  Co.  concerning  a  claim  of  three  hundred  dollars, 
preferred  against  him  by  that  firm,  went  so  far  as  to  deny 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Superintendents  altogether,  on  the  ground 
•of  the  undefined  character  of  their  functions  and  of  their  want 
of  power  to  enforce  their  decisions.  On  the  same  grounds 
Mr.  Innes,  another  British  merchant,  when  wronsed  bv  the 
Chinese,  deliberately  threatened  the  Superintendents  with  taking 
the  law  into  his  own  hands  and  making  independently  reprisals 
upon  the  natives. 

Whilst  these  and  similar  disputes  divided  the  foreign 
merchants  and  their  Superintendents,  the  Chinese  Authorities 
and  the  Hong  Merchants  were  not  in  any  more  amicable 
relations.  The  Hong  Merchants  were  severely  censured  by  their 
superiors  for  having  failed  to  bring  the  foreign  merchants  under 
a  responsible  foreign  head  and  for  the  consequent  failure  of 
any  means  of  inducing  them  to  stop  the  trade  carried  on  at 
Lintin  by  the  opium  receiving-ships.  Moreover,  free  trade 
principles  began  to  assert  themselves  on  the  Chinese  side.  The 
Hong  Merchants'  own  monopoly  began  to  crumble  down.  For 
some  time  past  the  Senior  Hong  Merchant,  who  alone  was 
solvent,  had  virtually  been  acting  as  the  sole  holder  of  the 
monopoly,  but  lately  the  other  Hong  Merchants,  tempted  by 
their  indebtedness  to  the  foreign  merchants  and  to  the  Mandarins, 
had  taken  to  the  practice  of  sub-letting  some  of  their  privileges 
to  private  Chinese  traders  and  shopkeepers,  to  whom  they 
individually  issued  licences  to  deal  in  foreign  goods  under  the 
names  of  the  i'espective  Hong  Merchants.  In  this  way  it  had 
come  to  pass  that  the  neighbourhood  of  the  factories  at  Canton 


48  CHAPTER  V. 

was  gradually  suiTouuded  by  a  colony  of  Chinese  free  traders^ 
and  shopkeepers.  At  the  sight  of  this  inroad  of  free  trade 
principles,  the  Mandarins  waxed  wroth  and  a  series  of  fulminating 
edicts  went  forth  against  the  Hong  Merchants  and  the 
sub-licensees. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  January  1835,  when 
Mr.  Davis,  seeing  himself  unrecognized,  powerless  and  without 
prospect  of  an  early  change  of  policy,  prudently  vacated  his 
post  as  Chief  Superintendent  and  returned  to  England  (January 
21,  1835).  Sir  George  Best  Eobinson  now  assumed  office  as 
the  Head  of  the  King's  Commission,  declaring  his  intention 
to  follow  the  quiescent  line  of  policy  initiated  by  Mr.  Davis. 
Mr.  J.  F.  Astell  acted  as  Second  and  Captain  Ch.  Elliot,. 
R.N".,  as  Third  Superintendent,  but  when  Mr.  Astell  resigned 
soon  after  (April  1,  1835),  Captain  Elliot  succeeded  to  the 
post  of  Second  and  Mr.  A.  R.  Johnston  to  that  of  Third 
Superintendent,  whilst  Mr.  E.  Elmslie  acted  as  Secretary  and 
Treasurer. 

Dissensions  now  multiplied  on  all  sides.  Sir  George 
Robinson  conceived  an  insuperable  antipathy  against  the  British 
free  traders  whom  he  falsely  represented  to  the  Foreign  Office 
as  having  caused  Lord  Napier's  failure  by  their  bitter  party 
strife,  as  being  possessed  of  an  anxious  wish,  aiding  and 
abettina:  therein  the  Chinese  Authorities,  to  avoid  anv  reference 
to  the  Superintendents,  and  as  divided  among  themselves  by 
virulent  dissensions  to  a  fearful  extent.  Sir  George  was, 
however,  equally  at  variance  with  his  colleagues  in  the 
Commission.  He  differed  from  the  other  two  Superintendents 
on  matters  of  policy,  so  much  so,  that  he  not  only  separated 
from  them,  leaving  them  at  Macao  or  Canton  while  he 
established  himself  (November  2,  1835),  with  the  Secretary 
and  the  archives  of  the  Commission,  on  board  the  cutter 
Louisa  at  Liutin,  but  wrote  from  thence  to  Lord  Palmerston 
(January  29,  1836)  recommending  to  reduce  the  Commission 
to  one  member  *  because  disunion  and  opposition  inevitably 
results  from  the  existence  of  a  Council  or  Board  of  three.' 


DISSENSIONS  AND  A  QUIESCENT  POLICY.  49' 

At  Linbin  Sir  George  remained  enthroned  in  the  very 
centre  of  the  hated  opium  traffic,  which  the  other  Superintendents 
equally  loathed  as  a  source  of  disgrace  and  danger.  Sir  George, 
though  residing  in  tlie  midst  of  the  opium  dealers,  was  no- 
admirer  of  the  opium  trade.  On  the  contrary,  he  expressly 
applied  to  Lord  Palmerston  for  orders  to  authorize  him  to 
prevent  British  vessels  engaging  in  this  traffic.  Sir  George 
fondlv  imagined  then  that  he  would  be  able  to  enforce  such 
orders.  But  the  opium  consumption  had  by  this  time  already 
assumed  such  dimensions  and  gained  such  popularity  on  the 
Chinese  side,  that  no  power  on  earth,  whether  British  or 
Chinese,  could  have  stopped  either  the  demand  by  the  Chinese 
people  or  the  supply  by  the  foreign  shipping.  Very  properly, 
therefore.  Sir  George  further  advised  Lord  Palmerston  (February 
5,  1836)  that  'a  more  certain  method  would  be  to  prohibit 
the  growth  of  the  poppy  and  manufacture  of  opium  in 
British  India.' 

Throughont  his  tenure  of  the  office  of  Chief  Superintendent 
(January  22,  1835,  to  December  14,  183G),  Sir  George 
B.  Robinson  had  no  communication  with  the  Hong  Merchants 
nor  with  the  Cantonese  Authorities,  who  rigidly  adhered  to 
their  determination  not  to  recognize  the  presence  of  any 
foreign  official.  When  the  crew  of  the  Argyle  were  seized  on 
the  Chinese  coast  and  detained  (January  25,  1835),  Captain 
Elliot  went  to  Canton  (February  4,  1835)  and  demanded  their 
liberation.  He  was  curtly  ordered  to  leave  Canton,  but  the 
crew  was  set  at  liberty  (February  18,  1845).  On  February 
23,  1835,  the  Canton  officials  made  a  public  demonstration  of 
their  determination  to  carry  out  the  Imperial  edict  (of 
November  7,  1834)  and,  having  seized  some  chests  of  opium, 
burned  them  in  pubUc.  In  private,  however,  they  continued 
to  connive  at  and  to  foster  the  opium  trade,  and  commerce 
continued  quietly  throughout  the  year.  In  autumn  (October 
IG,  1835)  Sir  G.  B.  Robinson  Avrote  to  the  Duke  of  Wellington,, 
to  whom  he  looked  as  his  patron  rather  than  to  Lord  Palmerston, 
that  he  had  never  in  the  slighesb  degree  perceived  any  dispositioa 

4 


50  CHAPTER  V. 

on  the  part  of  the  Chinese  Authorities  to  enter  into  any 
communication,  or  even  to  permit  any  intercourse  with  the 
-officers  of  this  Commission  and  that  Elliot's  attempts  to  open 
up  coramuuication  with  them  had  only  involved  him  in 
•additional  contumely  and  insult,  thereby  greatly  impeding 
the  prospective  adjustment  of  existing  difficulties.  The  words 
which  the  Duke  of  Wellington  penned  (March  24,  1835) 
in  condemnation  of  Lord  Napier's  mission,  'he  (the  Chief 
Superintendent)  must  not  go  to  Canton  without  permission, 
he  must  not  depart  from  the  accustomed  channel  of  com- 
munication, hut  he  must  have  great  powers  to  enable  him  to 
control  and  keep  in  order  the  King's  subjects  (the  free 
traders),  and  there  must  always  be  within  the  Consul-General's 
reach  a  stout  frigate  and  a  smaller  vessel  of  war,'  seemed  to 
be  always  ringing  in  Sir  George's  ears  and  formed  the  keynote 
of  what  he  loved  to  call  his  'perfectly  quiescent  policy.'  He 
regarded  himself  as  a  Consul-General,  unaccredited  indeed  to 
the  Chinese  Government,  bub  specially  commissioned  to  keep 
the  free  traders  in  order  where  they  most  needed  it,  at  Lintin. 
There  he  remained,  out  of  touch  with  the  leaders  of  the 
legitimate  trade  at  Canton  and  Macao,  unrecognized  by  the 
Chinese  Authorities  and  separated  from  his  own  colleagues  in 
the  Commission  who  desired  to  follow  an  active  policy.  Until 
the  close  of  the  year  183G,  Sir  George  practically  did  nothing 
-iixcepb  signing  ships'  manifests  and  port  clearances  and  writing 
dispatches  to  Lord  Palmersbon,  in  Avhich  he  triumphantly 
reported  from  time  to  time  that  trade  continued  to  flourisli 
without  disturbance,  thanks  to  his  own  perfectly  quiescent 
line  of  policy,  and  persistently  dinning  into  the  Minister's 
■ears  that  he  was  *  waiting  for  His  Lordship's  positive  and 
definite  instructions  as  to  future  measures.' 

In  one  point,  however,  Sir  George  Avent  beyond  the  hues  of 
the  Duke  of  Wellington's  policy.  He  was  constantly  on  the 
look-out  for  a  place  where  British  trade  might  be  conducted 
without  being  shackled  with  the  extortions  and  impositions  of 
the  Mandarins,  and   where   the   Chief-Superintendent   might  be 


DISSENSIONS  AND  A  QUIESCENT  POLICY.  51 

l)eyoiid  the  dissensions  and  virulent  party  strife  of  the  Canton 
free  traders.  At  first  he  thought  only  of  a  passive  demonstration 
<April  13,  1835)  to  be  made,  against  the  Canton  Authorities, 
by  a  temporary  removal  of  all  British  subjects  to  merchant  ships 
to  be  stationed  *in  some  of  the  beautiful  harbours  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Lantao  or  Hongkong.'  Next  he  recommended 
(December  1,  1835)  that  the  Commission  should  be  permanently 
stationed  at  Lintin,  and  later  on  (January  29,  and  April  18, 
183G)  he  informs  Lord  Palmerston,  that  the  Chinese  Authorities 
seem  to  have  but  one  object,  viz.,  to  prevent  the  Commission 
-establishing  themselves  permanently  at  Canton,  and  that  without 
intimidation  and  ultimate  resort  to  hostilities  no  proper  under- 
standing can  be  established.  Accordingly  he  suggested,  that 
*  the  destruction  of  one  or  two  forts,  and  the  occupation  of  one 
of  the  islands  in  the  neighbourhood,  so  singularly  adai:>ted  by 
nature  in  every  respect  for  commercial  purposes,  would  promptly 
produce  every  effect  we  desire.'  If  Sir  George  B.  Robinson  had 
been  a  prophet,  he  could  not  have  anticipated  more  distinctly 
the  future  origin  of  our  Colony,  the  battle  of  Chuenpi  and  the 
occupation  of  the  Island  of  Hongkong  as  accomplished  seven 
years  later,  in  January  1841. 

Lord  Palmerston,  hov\^ever,  was  not  prepared  yet  to  express 
an  opinion  as  to  any  suggestion  leading  up  to  the  permanent 
establishment  of  a  British  station  or  colony  in  the  East.  Neither 
did  the  Duke  of  Wellington's  ideas  go  beyond  the  establishment 
of  a  Consul-General  in  a  Chinese  port,  backed  by  a  stout  frigate 
and  a  smaller  vessel  of  war.  Lord  Palmerston  had  all  along 
been  little  inclined  to  listen  to  Sir  George  Robinson's  expositions 
of  the  Duke's  notions  or  to  pay  any  attention  to  his  monotonous 
dithyrambics  on  the  subject  of  the  quiescent  line  of  jDolicy.  As 
to  the  positive  and  definite  instructions  regarding  future  measures, 
for  which  the  Superintendents  were  waiting  in  vain  from  1834 
to  183G,  it  was  not  until  Lord  Palmerston's  views  had  gained 
the  ascendancy  in  the  public  mind  over  those  of  the  noble  Duke, 
that  the  Minister  vouchsafed  to  give  Sir  George  any  instructions 
as  to  his  policy.    And  when  (June  7,  183G)  he  at  last  did  so, 


52  CHAPTER  V. 

he  curtly  informed  Sir  George  that  there  was  no  longer  any 
necessity  for  maintaining  the  office  of  Chief-Superintendent 
which  was  hereby  abolished,  and  that  Sir  George's  functions 
should  cease  from  the  date  of  the  receipt  of  this  dispatch. 
Accordingly  he  instructed  Sir  George  to  hand  over  the  archives 
of  his  office  to  Captain  Elliot  whom  he  requested  to  consider 
himself  as  Chief  of  the  Commission.  Sir  George,  nothing 
daunted,  remained  at  his  post  and  appealed  for  reconsideration 
(probably  looking  to  the  Duke  of  Wellington  for  rescue),  but 
it  was  all  in  vain.  The  Cabinet  had  begun  to  see  that  the 
quiescent  policy  had  failed.  Four  months  afterwards  Lord 
Palmerston  repeated  his  instructions  and  Sir  George  returned 
to  England. 

Thus  ended  the  reign  of  the  quiescent  policy  of  Mr.  Davis 
and  Sir  George  Robinson.  A  more  active  policy  was  to  be 
inaugurated  as  soon  as  public  attention  in  England  could  be 
aroused  to  a  sense  of  the  dishonour  heaped  upon  British 
merchants  and  officers  by  Chinese  autocracy. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


The  Search  for  a  Colony. 

IR  George  B.  Robinson  was  by  no  means  the  first  discoverer 
(5^  of  the  need  of  a  British  Colony  in  the  East.  Nor  was  Lord 
Palmerston  the  only  statesman  that  shrank  from  the  idea  and 
found  liimself  unable  to  form  hastily  a  final  opinion  upon  such  a 
suggestion  until  the  force  of  events  had  actually  accomplished  it. 

So  far  back  as  1815,  Mr.  Elphinstone,  then  President  of  ^^ 
the  Select  Committee  of  the  East  India  Company's  Supercargoes 
at  Canton,  recommended  to  the  Court  of  Directors,  that  they 
should    establish     a     high     diplomatic    Plenipotentiary    'on    a 
convenient  station  on  the  eastern  coast  of  China,'  and  as  near 
the  capital  of  the  country  as  might  be  found  most  expedient. 
He  further   recommended   that   this   Plenipotentiary   sliould   be     y 
iittended  by  a  sufficient  maritime  force  to  demand  reparation  of  ^ 
the  gi'ievances  from  which  the  trade  was  suffering.    The  Directors 
of  the  Company,  with  all  their  statesman-like  sagacity,  did  not 
see   their   way   to  follow   up   this  suggestion,  the  carrying   out 
of  which  would  have  anticipated  the  sound  basis  of  commercial 
relations   which   was   eventually  obtained  some   thirty-six    yeara 
later,    by    the     very   course    of    action   first    recommended    by 
Mr.   Elphinstone. 

The  next  person  to  take  up  and  develop  Mr.  Elpinstone's 
idea  of  a  station  on  the  east  coast  of  China  as  a  iwint  cTapimi 
for  a  naval  demonstration,  intended  to  compel  China  to  redress 
grievances  and  to  make  some  commercial  concessions,  was  "^ 
Sir  George  Staunton,  the  famous  translator  of  the  original 
.statutes  of  the  Tatsing  Dynasty  (Penal  Code  of  China),  who  had  \  v)  j 
:also  been  a  trusted  servant  of  the  East  India  Com^^any  in 
China.  Having  returned  to  England,  he  entered  Parliament. 
In  the  course  of  a  debate  which  took  place  in  the  House  of 


54  CHAPTER  VI. 

Commons  (Juno,  1833)  concerning  the  arbrogation  of  the  East 
India  Company's  trade  monopoly,  Sir  George  Staunton  moved 
a  series  of  resokitions,  one  of  which  (No.  8)  ran  as  follows  : 
*That,  in  the  event  of  its  proving  impracticable  to  replace 
the  influence  of  the  East  India  Company's  Authorities  by  any 
system  of  national  protection,  directly  emanating  from  the 
Crown,  it  will  be  expedient  (though  only  in  the  last  resort)  to 
withdraw  altogether  from  the  control  of  the  Chinese  Authorities, 
and  to  establish  the  trade  in  some  insular  position  on  the 
Chinese  coast  where  it  may  be  satisfactorily  carried  on  beyond 
the  reach  of  acts  of  oppression  and  molestation,  to  which  an 
unresisting  submission  Avould  be  equally  prejudicial  to  the 
national  honour  and  to  the  national  interests  of  this  country.' 
Whilst  this  important  subject  was  under  discussion,  the  House 
was  counted  out,  and  on  a  subsequent  resumption  of  the  debate 
the  resolutions  were  negatived  without  a  division,  indicating 
the  general  indifference  as  regards  Chinese  affairs  which  then 
prevailed  in  England. 

At  the  time  when  Sir  George  Staunton  drafted  the 
foregoing  resolution,  the  project  of  stationing  in  Canton  three 
Superintendents  of  British  trade  in  China  was  definitely  placed 
before  the  country  by  the  Bill  above  mentioned  which  passed 
into  law  two  montlis  later.  In  speaking  of  '  a  system  of  national 
protection  directly  emanating  from  the  Crown,'  Sir  George 
Staunton  referred  to  Lord  Napier's  proposed  mission,  the  failure 
of  which  he  appears  to  have  foreseen.  In  suggesting  a  remedy 
for  this  expected  failure,  the  establishment  of  the  Commission 
»*in  some  insular  position  on  the  coast,  beyond  the  reach  of  acts 
(of  oppression  and  molestation,'  Sir  George  Staunton  may  not 
have  had  in  his  mind  more  than  the  establishment  of  a  trade 
station  after  the  fashion  of  the  East  India  Company's  factories, 
but  he  evidently  came  very  near  the  idea  of  a  British  Colony. 
He  had  to  advantage  studied  the  history  of  the  East  India 
Company  and  drawn  from  it  lessons  which  Cabinet  Ministers 
failed  to  master.  Speaking  before  the  House  of  Commons  in 
support  of  the  above  resolution,   he  argued  that  the  port  of 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  A  COLONY.  55* 

Canton  was  one  of  the  least  advantageous  in  the  Chinese 
dominions,  either  for  exports  or  for  imports,  that  the  trade  of 
Canton  was  wholly  abandoned  to  the  arbitrary  control  of  the 
Local  Authorities,  and  was  by  them  subjected  to  many  and 
severe  and  vexatious  burdens  and  to  various  restrictions  and 
privations  of  the  most  galHuo-  and  oppressive  nature,  and  finally 
that  those  evils  were  wholly  attributable  to  the  nature  and 
character  of  the  Chinese  Government. 

About  the  time  when  these  sage  counsels  were  urged  in 
the  House  of  Commons  upon  an  apathetic  audience,  another 
former  servant  of  the  East  India  Company,  Sir  J.  B.  Urmston, 
who  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  British  Factory  in  Canton 
in  the  years  1819  and  1820,  published  (London,  J^3)  a 
pamphlet  under  the  title  ' Observations  on  the  Trade  of  China' 
(printed  for  private  circulation  only).  In  this  pamphlet,  S.ir 
J.  B.  Urmston  impressed  upon  the  British  Government  the 
necessity  of  removing  the  trade  entirely  from  Canton  to  some 
other  more  northern  port  of  the  Empire.  His  argument  was 
that  British  trade  at  Canton  had  always  been  at  the  mercy  of 
the  caprice  and  rapacity  of  the  Cantonese  Authorities  and  their 
subordinates,  and  that  Canton  was  one  of  the  worst  places  in 
the  Empire  which  could  have  been  chosen  as  an  emporium  for  tha 
British  trade.  Accordingly  Sir  J.  B.  Urmston  named  Ningpo- 
and  Hangchow  as  central  and  convenient  places  for  British 
commerce,  but  gave  it  as  his  decided  opinion  that  an  insular 
situation,  like  Chusan,  would  be  infinitely  more  so.  We  see, 
therefore,  that  Mr.  Elphinstone,  Sir  George  Staunton  and  Sir 
J.  B.  Urmston  were  of  one  and  the  same  way  of  thinking, 
having  correctly  drawn  the  lessons  of  the  past  history  of  British 
trade  in  China,  but  that,  as  former  employees  of  the  East  India 
Company,  they  thought  of  a  factory  rather  than  of  a  Colony. 
It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  Cabinet  Ministers  profited  so 
little  from  the  advice  thus  tendered  in  Parliament  and  in  the 
Press,  as  to  commit  the  blunders  which  characterized,  a  few 
months  later,  their  design  of  Lord  Napier's  mission  and  the 
instructions  by  which  they  frustrated  it. 


56  CHAPTER   VI. 

When  an  echo  of  the  foregoing  discussions  reached  Canton 
at  the  close  of  the  year  1833,  a  writer  in  one  of  the  local 
publications,  signing  himself  'A  British  Merchant,'  made  some 
further  suggestions.  Canton,  he  said,  should  no  longer  be  the 
base  of  operations,  be  they  of  negotiation,  of  peace,  or  of  war. 
An  Admiral's  station  should  be  selected,  and,  for  the  sake  of 
resting  on  some  point,  Xingpo  might  be  adopted  or  the  adjacent 
island  of  Chusan.  The  writer  then  goes  on  discussing  the 
annexation  of  Formosa,  the  seizure  of  the  island  of  Lantao 
(close  to  Hongkong),  the  cession  of  Macao  to  be  obtained  from 
the  Portuguese,  but  finally  rejects  the  seizure  of  any  portion 
of  Chinese  territory  as  impolitic  and  the  cession  of  Macao  as 
impracticable.  The  author  of  this  letter  thereupon  labours  to 
I  recommend  the  idea  of  negotiating  a  treaty  Avitli  China  under 
'which  some  port  of  the  east  coast  of  China  should  be  opened 
to  British  trade,  free  from  the  restrictions  in  force  at  Canton. 
A  treaty  port  with  a  British  Consulate  seemed  to  him  preferable 
to  a  Colony,  but  how  such  a  treaty  could  be  negotiated  without 
compulsion  by  force  of  arms,  he  did  not  explain. 

The  honour  of  having  first  discerned  and  directed  attention 
to  the  peculiar  facilities  afforded  by  the  Island  of  Hongkong 
belongs  to  Lord  Napier.  In  a  dispatch  addressed  to  Lord 
Palmerston  (August  14,  1834),  in  which  he  urged  the  necessity 
of  commanding,  by  an  armed  demonstration,  the  conclusion  of 
a  commennal  treaty  to  secure  the  just  rights  and  interests 
of  European  merchants  in  China.  Lord  Xapier  distinctly 
recommended  that  a  small  British  force  '  should  take  possession 
of  the  Island  of  Hongkong,  in  the  eastern  entrance  of  the 
|€auton  River,  which  is  admirably  adapted  for  every  purpose.' 
!  It  is  possible,  however,  that  Lord  Napier,  as  subsequently  Captain 
Elliot,  thought  of  Hongkong  as  a  future  Chinese  treaty  port 
rather  than  as  a  British  Colony.  The  next  advocate  of  a  similar 
policy  was  Sir  George  B.  Robinson,  who,  as  stated  above,  urged 
upon  Lord  Palmerston  (in  1836)  to  withdraw  from  Canton 
.and  to  occupy  'one  of  the  islands  in  the  neighbourhood  (of 
Lintin)    so  singularly  adapted  by  nature  in   every   respect  for 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  A  COLONY.  57 

commercial   purposes.'      At    the    same    time   when   Sir   George 

Robinson    sought    to    impress    upon    the    Foreign    Office    the 

advantages  of  an    island   station,   away   from   Canton,   another 

former    resident    of     China    appealed    to    the     British    public, 

commending  the  same  policy,  seeking  to  arouse  public  opinion 

in  England  and  to  turn  it  in  favour  of  the  project  first  advanced 

by   Mr.   Elphinstone.      In  a  pamphlet,   entitled    'The   Present 

Condition   and    Prospects   of    British   Trade   with    China,'   and 

published  in  London  in  18:^&,  Mr.  James  Matheson  of  Canton, 

expounded  and  expanded  Mr.    Elphinstone's   advice  of  sending 

a  Plenipotentiary  to  China,  who  should  take  his  station  on  one 

of  the  islands  on  the  east  coast  of  China  and  thence  negotiate, 

by   the   demonstration    of    a   small   naval   foi'ce,   a   commercial  I 

treaty,   the   object    of   which   should   be   to   secure   for    British 

trade  in  China  an  insular  location  beyond  the  reach  of  Chinese 

officialdom.     This   clearly   pointed   to   a    British   Colony   to   be 

established  on  the  coast  of   China.  \ 

Mr.  Matheson,  however,  was  no  advocate  of  war  with  China,  i 

...  ! 

Neither   did   he   imagine  that  China   would  readily  consent  to  | 

the  establishment  of  a  British  Colony  at  her  very  gates.     Mr.  j 

Matheson   argued   that   a  state  of  preparedness  for   war  is  the 

surest    preventive   of    war,   especially   in   our    deanngs    witli   a 

nation  like  China,   and   that   a  firm   policy,   plainly   supported 

by  a  strong  fleet,  ready  for  war,  might,   if  judiciously  pressed 

home,   be  all   that   would   be   absolutely   necessary.     Tlius   Mr. 

Matheson   struck,-  in    183G,    the   key-note  of   the   poHcy  which 

eventually  procured  the  establishment  of  the  Colony  of  Hongkong. 

What  Mr.    Matheson   thus   urged  upon  the  home  country 

as  a  whole  by  his  pamphlet,  he  impres.sed  especially  also  upon 

the  various  Associations  and  Chambers  of  Commerce  within  reach 

of  his   influence  in  England   and   Scotland.     In   the  course  of 

the  year   1836,   several    memorials   were  accordingly    presented 

at   the   Foreign   Office    from   various    parts  of    Great    Britain, 

requesting   that    immediate   and    energetic   measures  should   be 

adopted  for  the  extension  and  protection  of  commerce  in  China. 

Among   them    was   a    memorial    of    the    Glasgow    East    India 


58  CHAPTER  VI. 

Association,  addressed  to  Lord  Palmerston.  This  document 
siio:o:ested,  no  doubt  at  the  instigation  of  Mr.  Matheson,  'the 
obtaining,  by  negotiation  or  purchase,  an  island  on  the  eastern 
coast  of  China,  where  a  British  factory  may  reside,  subject  to 
its  own  laws  and  exposed  to  no  collision  with  the  Chinese.' 
When  the  Glasgow^  merchants  thus  recommended  to  seek,  by 
negotiation  or  purchase,  the  cession  of  an  island  for  the 
establishment  of  a  factory,  they  did  not  mean  a  factory  like 
the  trade  stations  of  the  East  India  Company,  but  a  factory 
of  British  and  notably  Scotch  free  traders,  in  the  Canton  sense 
of  the  word.  They  forestalled  thus  in  principle  the  future 
cession  of  Hongkong,  although  their  thoughts  then  turned, 
with  Mr.  Matheson,  more  in  the  direction  of  Chusan  than  of 
Hongkong. 

The  idea  which  Mr.  Matheson  thus  prominently  brought, 
by  his  pamphlet,  before  the  general  public,  and  by  the  Glasgow 
memorial  before  the  Cabinet,  to  desert  Canton  and  to  seek, 
somewhere  on  the  east  coast,  an  island  where  British  trade  with 
China  might  be  conducted  under  the  British  flag,  on  British 
ground,  and  under  British  government,  was  not  left  without  its 
^>ponGnts.  Mr.  H.  Hamilton  Lindsay,  also  a  former  Canton 
resident  and  ex-member  of  the  East  India  Company's  Select 
Committee,  published,  in  1836,  a  Letter  addressed  to  Lord 
Palmerston  under  the  title  '  British  Relations  with  China.'  In 
this  pamphlet,  whilst  recommending  the  adoption  of  a  belligerent 
policy  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Matheson's  armed  peace  procedure, 
Mr.  Lindsay  advocated  the  formation,  on  the  coast  of  China, 
of  two  or  three  depots  Avith  floating  warehouses,  like  the  above 
mentioned  hulks  anchored  at  Lintin.  Each  of  those  depots,  he 
suggested,  should  be  guarded  by  a  stout  frigate  and  thrown 
open  for  the  resort  of  merchant  vessels  to  trade  there.  As 
to  the  project  of- forming  a  Colony,  Mr.  Lindsay  added  that  he 
would  on  no  account  advocate  the  taking  possession  of  the 
smallest  island  on  the  coast. 

Another    opponent   of    the    Colonial   policy  came    forward 
anonymously,  by  a  pamphlet  published  in  London,  in  1836,   by 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  A  COLONY.  59' 

a  resident  in  China,  under  the  title  'British  Intercourse  with 
Cliina.'  The  anonymous  author  of  this  pamphlet  represented 
the  Mssionary  view  of  the  question  and  suggested  that  the 
Government  should  choose  a  pacific  policy  towards  China  on 
grounds  of  expediency,  humility  and  generosity,  and  confine  its 
political  action  to  the  establishment  of  a  Consulate  at  Canton 
together  with  a  small  fleet  for  the  protection  of  trade. 

To  combat  the  foregoing  opponents  of  his  scheme.  Sir  George 
Staunton  now  came  forward  again  and  published,  in  1836,  a 
pamphlet  entitled  'Remarks  on  British  Relations  with  China.' 
Sir  George  had,  however,  but  little  to  say  that  was  new.  He 
argued,  as  before,  that  Canton  was  the  very  worst  station  to 
select  for  trade  purposes,  but  he  now  advocated  the  occupation 
of  an  island  on  the  coast  without  previous  negotiation  with 
the  Chinese  Government.  He  stated  that  there  were  many 
islands  on  the  coast  over  which  the  Chinese  Government  exercised 
no  act  of  jurisdiction,  and  that  such  an  island  might  easily  be 
taken  possession  of  with  the  entire  consent  and  good-will  of 
the  inhabitants  if  there  were  any.  Moreover  he  now  pointed,!  y 
very  aptly,  to  the  precedent  afforded  by  the  Portuguese  Colony!  ^ 
on  the  island  of  Macao,  the  original  occupation  of  which  was 
an  act  precisely  of  that  description  which  Sir  George  Staunton 
advocated,  and  not  the  result  of  any  previous  authentic  cession 
by  the  Chinese  Authorities,  as  pretended  by  the  Portuguese. 

So  far,  however,  this  general   search   for  a  Colony  in  the^ 
East  was  more  a  groping  about  for  an  island  on  the  east  coast  \ 
of  China  than  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Canton.     Chusan  was 
most  in  favour.     Next  came  Ningpo  and  Formosa.     But  other 
places  also  were   mentioned.     At   the   close   of  the  year   1836,. 
when  this  war  of  the  pamphleteers  was  transferred  from  England 
to    Canton,   the    general    divergence    of    views    was  increased. 
Mr.   G.   Tradescant   Lay,   a    naturalist    who    had   accompanied 
Captain   Beechy's   Expedition   to   the    Bonin    Islands,   strongly 
advocated,  in  the  Canton  newspapers  and  by  a  pamphlet  published 
in  1837,  the  occupation  of  one  of  those  islands  for  the  purpose 
of  a  British  Colony.     Hongkong  was  almost  out  of  the  running.    / 


y  ru 


^60  CHAPTER  VI. 

However,   the  annexation    of    Hongkong    was    under    the 

consideration    of    the    Canton    free    traders  early   in  the  year 

1836,  when  a  correspondent  of  the  Canton  Register  made  the 

following  prophetic  remarks    (April  25,  1836).     'If  the  lion's 

paw    is    to    be  put  down   on   any   part   of   the   south  side  of 

China,   let   it   be    Hongkong;    let   the   lion   declare    it    to    be 

under  his  guarantee   a  free  port,  and  in  ten  years  it  will  be 

the  most  considerable  mart  east  of  the  Cape.     The  Portuguese 

made    a    mistake:    they    adopted  shallow   \vater  and  exclusive 

rules.     Hongkong,    deep    water,   and    a    free    port    for    ever!' 

his  anticipation  of  the  future  was  but  the  view  of  a  minority 

t  Canton.     Most  of  the  British  merchants  continued  to  cling 

to    the    notion    that    the    inner   waters   of    Canton  afforded   a 

special  vantage  ground,  that  the  lion's  share  was  there  where 

their    trade    was    acknowledged    by    the    Chinese    Authorities, 

that    at    Canton    therefore    the    uritish    representative    should 

reside  and   that,  unless  he  were  to  reside  there,  he  would  be 

simply  nowhere,   whether  for  the   Chinese   Government  or   for 

his   countrymen.     At   the   time  when   the  discussion  as  to  the 

best  location  of  the  British  trade  waxed  hottest  in  the  Canton 

/papers,  there  was  published  in  the  same  papers  (December,  1836) 

^a   detail   description   of  the   coast  of  China  for  the  benefit  of 

I  Boariners,  and  in  these   papers,    entirely   unconnected   with   the 

above-mentioned    search    for    a    Colony,    we    find     Hongkong 

referred  to  in  the  following  words : — 

'On  the  west  of  the  Lamma  channel  is  Lantao  (about 
'60  miles  S.E.  of  Canton)  and  on  the  east  are  Hongkong 
:and  Tiamma.  North  of  Hongkong  is  a  passage  between  it 
and  the  main,  called  Ly-ee-moon,  with  good  depth  of  water 
•close  to  the  Hongkong  shore,  and  perfect  shelter  on  all  sides. 
Here  are  several  good  anchorages.  At  the  bottom  of  a  bay 
on  the  opposite  main  is  a  town  called  Kowloon  and  a  river 
is  said  to  discharge  itself  here  (a  statement  the  incorrectness 
of  which  is  palpable,  unless  by  the  word  river  a  little  creek 
is  meant).  On  the  S.W.  side  of  Hongkong,  and  between  it 
and  Lamma,  arc  several  small  bays,  fit  for  anchorage,  one  of 


THE  SEARCH   FOR  A  COLONY.  61 

which,  named  Heang-keang,  probably  has  given  name  to  the 
island.  Tytam  harbonr  is  in  a  bay  on  the  S.E.  side  of  the 
island,  having  the  S.E.  point  for  its  protection  to  the 
eastward,  other  parts  of  the  island  on  the  N.  and  W.  and 
several  small  islands  off  the  entrance  of  the  bay  to  the  sonth. 
It  is  roomy  and  free  from  danger.' 

It  was  unfortunate  that  the  search  for  a  Colony  had  met 
with  opposition  in  Canton  and  developed  in  England  into  a 
war  of  pamphleteers.  This  conflict  confused  instead  of  forming 
public  opinion.  At  any  rate  nothing  definite  was  accomplished. 
Parliament  would  not  take  up  the  question,  and  Lord  Palmerston, 
whose  mind  was  by  this  time  made  up,  preferred  to  wait 
until  he  was  sure  as  to  the  drift  of  public  opinion. 

No  one,  it  will  be  observed,  took  a  share  in  this  search 
for  a  Colony  except  persons  directly  connected  with  the  China 
Trade  past  or  present,  unless  we  except  a  crude  concoction 
by  a  WTiter  of  the  East  India  House  (a  Mr.  Thompson) 
who,  in  a  pamphlet  published  under  the  title  *  Considerations 
representing  the  Trade  with  China '  (London,  183G),  deprecated 
war  for  commerce  only.  Neither  public  opinion  nor  the 
Cabinet  approved  of  or  took  more  than  a  languid  interest  in 
the  measures  discussed.  However,  attention  had  been  called 
to  the  subject  in  prominent  places,  and  the  public  mind 
was  now,  in  some  measure  at  least,  prepared  to  accept, 
reluctantly  though  it  be,  the  idea  of  establishing  a  British 
Colony  in  the  East,  when,  four  years  later,  this  project  was 
suddenly  presented  to  the  nation  as  an  accomplished  fact  by 
the  news  of  the  cession  of  Hongkong  brought  about  by  the 
force  of  events  rather  than  by  any  continuation  of  this  search 
for  a  Colony. 


CHAPTER  Vir. 


Chance  of  Policy. 
18S6  to  1838. 

'N  June  1836  a  marked  change  commenced  in  the  policy 
of  the  British  Cabinet.  Previous  to  that  time  the  Duke 
of  Wellington's  Memorandum  of  March  24,  1835,  had,  as  above 
mentioned,  suggested  that  the  British  Chief-Superintendent  of 
Trade  in  China  should  not  proceed  to  or  reside  at  Canton, 
that  he  should  not  adopt  high-sounding  titles,  that  he  should 
not  depart  from  the  accustomed  mode  of  communication  with 
the  Chinese  Government,  that  he  should  not  assume  a  ])0wer 
hitherto  unadmitted,  but  keep,  by  the  support  of  a  stout  frigate, 
the  enjoyment  of  what  little  had  been  got,  and  leave  it  to  the 
future  to  decide  Avhether  any  effort  should  be  made  at  Peking 
or  elsewhere  to  improve  our  relations  with  Chin^,  commercial 
as  well  as  political.  This  quiescent  line  of  policy  initiated  by 
the  Duke  and  expounded  in  China,  after  Lord  Napier's  defeat, 
by  Mr.  Davis  and  Sir  George  Robinson,  ended  on  June  7,  1886, 
for  it  was  now  to  be  substituted  by  Lord  Palmerston's  own 
diplomacy,  hitherto  restrained  by  the  indolence  of  public  opinion 
and  by  the  divergent  views  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 

The  merchants  at  Canton,  though  disappointed  in  their 
expectation  that  the  Government  would  take  steps  to  obtain 
redress  for  the  insulting  treatment  accorded  to  Lord  Napier,  soon 
had  reason  to  perceive  that  a  different  policy  was  about  to 
be  inaugurated.  When  the  firm  of  Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co. 
introduced  (September  20,  1835)  the  first  merchant  steamer 
Jardine  to  ply  on  the  Canton  River,  Captain  Elliot,  then  still 
under  the  sway  of  the  quiescent  policy,  protested  against  such 
a  proceeding  as  contrary  to  the  laws  and  usages  of  China,  and, 
under  the  orders  of  Sir  George  Robinson,  placed  an  interdict 


CHANGE  OF  POLICY.  63 

on  the  employment  of  the  steamer  in  Chinese  waters.  Bub 
now  (July  22,  1836)  Lord  Pahnerstoii  wrote  to  Captain  ElHofc 
warning  him  that,  whilst  avoiding  to  give  any  just  cause  of 
offence  to  the  Chinese  Authorities,  he  should  at  the  same  time 
be  very  careful  not  to  assume  a  greater  degree  of  authority 
•over  British  subjects  in  China  than  that  which  he  in  reality 
possessed. 

Another  indication  of  the  change  of  policy  that  had  now 
taken  place,  was  a  direction  Lord  Palmerstou  gave,  plainly 
intimatino-  that  free  trade  and  free  traders  were  now  viewed  bv 
the  Cabinet  in  a  light  different  from  that  in  which  the  Duke 
of  Wellington  had  looked  at  them.  What  had  constituted  in 
the  eyes  of  Canton  merchants  the  most  galling  element  of  the 
Duke's  quiescent  j^olicy  was  his  determination,  expressed  in  his 
Memorandum,  '  to  control  and  keep  in  order  the  King's  subjects,' 
implying  that  the  British  community  at  Canton  consisted  of 
a  set  of  smugglers,  pirates  and  ruffians,  requiring  that  the 
Superintendents  be  armed  with  the  strongest  powers  for  their 
coercion  rather  than  protection.  Mr.  Davis,  Sir  George  Robinson 
and  even  Captain  Elliot,  had  hitherto  been  under  the  impression 
that  all  the  powers  and  authorities  formerly  vested  in  the 
Supercargoes  of  the  East  Lidia  Company,  including  the  i:]ower 
to  arrest  and  deport  to  England  unlicensed  or  otherwise 
objectionable  persons,  might  be  lawfully  exercised  by  the 
Superintendents  of  British  Trade  in  China  ;  but  now  (Xovember 
8,  183G)  Lord  Palmerstou  informed  Captain  Elliot  that,  as  no 
license  from  His  Majesty  was  now  necessary  to  enable  His 
Majesty's  subjects  to  trade  with  or  reside  in  China,  such  power 
of  expulsion  had  altogether  ceased  to  exist  with  regard  to  China. 

To  avoid  recurrence  of  the  difference  of  opinion  between 
co-ordinate  Authorities,  which  had  hampered  the  Commission 
during  Sir  George  Robinson's  tenure  of  office,  Lord  Palmerston 
abolished  the  office  of  Third  Superintendent,  and,  whilst 
confirming  Captain  Elliot  as  Chief,  and  Mr.  Johnston  as  Second 
Superintendent,  now  (Xovember  8,  183G)  placed  the  latter  under 
the  orders  and  control  of  the  former.     The  suite,  salaries  and 


64  CHAPTKR  VII.  ^ 

contingent  allowances  of  the  Commission  were  also  reduced  at 
the  same  time,  and  the  two  Superintendents  were  given  to 
Tiuderstand  that  their  appointments  were  only  provisional  and 
temporary.  This  was  unfortunate,  for  it  caused  doubts, 
both  among  the  British  community  and  among  the  Chinese 
Authorities,  as  to  the  official  status  of  the  two  Superintendents. 
Some  years  later  Captain  Elliot,  with  a  view  to  control  the 
conduct  of  lawless  British  subjects,  carrying  on  (in  daily  conflict 
with  Chinese  revenue  cruizers)  a  forced  contraband  trade 
between  Lintin  and  Whampoa,  established  (April  18,  1838) 
a  system  of  police  regulations  exclusively  applicable  to  the 
crews  of  British-owned  vessels  under  the  British  flag.  Lord 
Palmerston,  after  keeping  the  Regulations  submitted  to  him 
unnoticed  for  a  whole  year,  wrote  at  last,  on  the  day  when 
the  whole  foreign  community  were  already  under  rigorous 
confinement  in  consequence  of  those  lawless  doings,  a  dispatch 
in  which  he  suddenly  came  forward  with  notions  of  international 
law  which  ought  to  have  entirely  vetoed  the  former  mission 
of,  and  Privy  Council  instructions  given  to.  Lord  Xapier. 
Lord  Palmerston  then  (March  23,  1839)  informed  Captain 
Elliot  that  the  Law  Officers  of  the  Crown  were  of  opinion 
that  the  establishment  of  a  system  of  ship's  police  at  Whampoa, 
within  the  Dominions  of  the  Emperor  of  China,  would  be 
an  interference  with  the  absolute  right  of  soA^ereignty  enjoyed 
by  independent  States,  which  could  only  be  justified  by  positive 
treaty  or  by  implied  permission  from  usage.  Accordingly  Captain 
Elliot  was  instructed  to  obtain,  first  of  all,  the  written  approval 
of  the  Governor  of  Canton  for  those  Regulations.  By  the  time 
this  curious  dispatch  reached  Elliot,  British  trade  had  been 
driven  out  from  Canton,  thanks  to  Lord  Palmerston's  inaction. 

But,  whilst  thus  curtailing  the  powers  and  restricting  the 
official  standing  and  jurisdiction  of  the  Commission,  Lord 
Palmerston  sought  to  uphold  their  position  in  other  respects 
in  relation  to  both  the  Macao  and  Canton  Authorities. 

It  appeared  to  British  observers  that  the  Macao  Governoi-s 
had,  ever  since  Lord  Napier's  arrival,  played  into  the  hands  of 


CHANGE  OF  POLICY.  65 

the  Chinese  Authorities  and  seci'etly  professed  tlieniselves  as 
their  allies  aoaiust  the  British.  Latterly,  when  the  Chinese 
Government,  and  even  some  of  the  British  merchants,  openly 
disowned  and  defied  the  authority  and  jurisdiction  of  the  British 
Superintendents,  the  Macao  Governor  had  the  hardihood  of 
declining  to  recognize  His  Majesty's  Commission,  going  even 
so  far  as  to  omit  returning  answers  to  their  letters.  After 
making  strong  representations  on  this  subject  to  the  Government 
of  Portugal  and  causing  proper  instructions  to  be  sent  from 
Lisbon  to  the  Governor  of  Macao,  Lord  Palmerston  now 
(December  G,  183G)  informed  Captain  Elliot  that  measures  had 
been  taken  to  recall  the  Governor  of  Macao  to  a  proper  sense 
of  the  respect  which  is  due  to  Officers  acting  under  His  Majesty's 
Commission,  and  that  orders  had  been  issued  for  a  ship  of  war 
to  be  stationed  in  Chinese  waters  with  special  instructions  to 
watch   over  the  interests  of  British  subjects  at  Macao. 

The  firm  attitude  thus  assumed  towards  the  Government 
of  Macao,  Lord  Palmerston  desired  also  to  apply  to  the  regulation 
of  Captain  Elliot's  relations  with  the  Cantonese  Authorities. 
In  direct  opposition  to  the  Duke  of  Wellington's  Memorandum, 
Lord  Palmerston  repeatedly  (July  22,  1830,  and  June  12,  1837) 
instructed  Captain  Elliot  to  decline  every  proposition  to  revive 
official  communication  through  the  customary  channel  of  the 
Hong  Merchants,  to  communicate  with  none  but  Officers  of 
the  Chinese  Government,  under  no  circumstances  to  give  his 
written  communications  with  the  Chinese  Government  the  name 
of  petitions,  and  to  insist  upon  his  right,  as  an  Officer 
commissioned  by  the  King  of  England,  to  correspond  on  terms 
of  equality  with  Officers  commissioned  by  any  other  sovereign  in 
the  world.  '  It  might  be  very  suitable,'  wrote  Lord  Palmerston, 
*for  the  servants  of  the  East  India  Company,  themselves  an 
association  of  merchants,  to  communicate  with  the  Authorities 
of  China  through  the  Merchants  of  the  Hong,  but  the 
Superintendents  are  Officers  of  the  King,  and  as  such  can 
properly  communicate  with  none  but  Officers  of  the  Chinese 
Government.' 

5 


^6  CHAPTER  VII. 

It  seemed  afc  tliis  moment  as  if  the  British  Lion  was 
beginning  to  wake  up,  but  the  Chinese  cared  nothing  for 
his  growl  from  a  distance.  When  Lord  Palmerston,  however, 
discovered  (Xovember  2,  1837)  that  Elliot  could  not  possibly 
•communicate  with  the  Chinese  Authorities  otherwise  than  as 
a  tributary  barbarian  petitioner,  he  shrank  from  the  simple 
<3xpedient  of  a  naval  demonstration  which,  by  the  destruction 
of  the  Bogue  forts,  would,  in  a  couple  of  hours,  have  prevented 
years  of  misery.  Nevertheless,  Lord  Palmerston  once  more 
enjoined  Captain  Elliot  to  continue  to  press,  on  every  suitable 
opportunity,  for  the  recognition,  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese 
Authorities,  of  his  right  to  receive,  direct  from  the  Viceroy, 
sealed  communications  (not  orders)  addressed  to  himself  withouD 
the  intervention  of  the  Hong  Merchants.  AV'hilst  anxious  that 
Elliot  should  have  a  distinct  official  position  and  gain  it  by 
the  logic  of  plausible  arguments,  he  left  him  unsupported  by 
a  sufficient  fleet  to  apply  the  only  logic  the  Chinese  would 
have  respected,  the  demonstration  of  power.  When  Elliot  urged 
(November  19,  1837)  that  Lord  Palmerston  should  at  least 
write  a  letter  to  the  Viceroy  of  Canton,  as  the  Directors  of 
the  East  India  Company  had  done  on  several  occasions,  or  send  a 
Plenipotentiary  to  present,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho,  an  auto- 
graph letter  of  Queen  Victoria,  claiming  a  settlement  of  all  the 
grievances  of  British  trade  in  China,  Lord  Palmerston  explained 
that,  in  such  a  case,  the  question  of  the  opium  trade  would  have 
to  be  taken  up,  but  that  Her  Majesty's  Government  did  not 
yet  see  their  way  towards  such  a  measure  with  sufficient  clearness 
to  justify  them  in  adopting  such  a  course  at  the  moment. 

What  hampered  Captain  Elliot,  next  to  his  want  of  a  fleet, 
was  the  undefined  state  of  his  jurisdiction  which  prevented 
both  the  Chinese  Government  and  the  foreign  community  in 
Oanton  understanding  or  recognizing  his  authority.  Lord 
Palmei-ston  sought  to  amend  this  defect  by  means  of  the  China 
Oourts  Bill  which  was  before  Parliament  at  the  end  of  the 
year  1838,  but  it  was  arrested  in  its  progress,  mainly  in 
consequence  of  objections  raised  by  Sir  George  Staunton. 


CHANGE  OF  TOLICY.  67 

The  British  community  of  Macao  and  Canton  were,  nnder 
these  circumstances,  very  much  thrown  upon  their  own  resources. 
They  established  (N'ovember  28,  183G)  a  General  Chamber  of 
Commerce,  but  the  mixture  of  nationalities  in  it  caused  a  good 
-deal  of  friction.  Nevertheless  the  Committee  (re-elected, 
November  4,  1837)  succeeded  in  redressing  sundry  grievances  by 
arbitration,  built  a  clocktower,  arranged  a  Post  Office,  fixed  the 
regulations  of  the  port  and  supervised  the  sanitary  arrangements 
of  the  factories.  An  attempt  was  made  (January  21,  1837) 
to  form  a  representative  Committee  of  British  merchants  for 
the  purpose  of  providing  an  official  channel  of  communication 
between  the  British  community  and  their  Superintendents,  and 
also  in  order  to  ensure  joint  action  in  any  emergency,  but  the 
attempt  failed  for  want  of  unity  among  the  leading  British 
merchants.  However,  they  were  not  wanting  in  loyalty.  On 
•the  demise  of  AVilliam  IV,  a  public  meeting  was  held  (November 
27,  1837)  and  an  address  was  agreed  upon,  expressing  condolence 
with  Queen  Victoria,  and  prayiug  that  Her  Majesty's  reign 
might  be  long  and  glorious  and  that  Her  Majesty's  name  might 
be  associated  to  the  end  of  all  time  with  things  religious, 
enlightened  and  humane. 

What  troubled  the  peace  of  British  merchants  in  Canton 
most  of  all  at  this  time,  was  the  insolvent  condition  of  most 
of  the  Hong  [Merchants.  The  foreign  free  traders  had  not, 
like  the  East  India  Company,  the  command  of  an  unlimited 
treasury,  enabling  them  to  give  long  credits  and  to  sustain  a 
long  privation  of  large  portions  of  their  trading  capital.  Nor 
were  they  in  a  position  to  adopt  the  former  policy  of  the  East 
India  Company's  Select  Committee  and  distribute  their  business 
among  the  different  Hong  Merchants  in  proportion  to  their 
respective  degrees  of  solvency  and  thus  maintain  a  command 
•of  the  market.  Nearly  all  the  thirteen  Hong  Merchants  were 
more  or  less  involved  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1837 ;  four 
were  avowedly  insolvent ;  one,  Hing-tai,  was  formally  declared 
bankrupt,  his  indebtedness  to  foreigners  amounting  to  over 
two  million  dollars ;    and  another,  King-qua,  was  on  the  verge 


68  CHAPTER   VII. 

of  bankiiipbcy.  The  Viceroy  of  Cauton  sanctioned,  in  the 
case  of  Hing-tai's  bankruptcy,  an  arrangement  to  be  made 
with  his  foreign  creditors,  bub  the  latter  rejected  the  terms 
oifered.  As  the  Chinese  Government  had  originally  appointed 
the  Hong  Merchants  on  the  principle  of  mutual  responsibility, 
had  repeatedly  insisted  upon  the  payment  of  such  debts,  and 
imposed  for  many  years  past  a  special  tax  on  foreign  commerce 
in  order  to  create  a  guarantee  fund  for  their  liquidation,  the 
British  merchants  had  both  law  and  prescription  on  their  side. 
Moreover,  on  a  similar  occasion  {A.T>.  1780),  an  officer  in  the 
service  of  the  East  India  Comj)any  (Captain  Panton)  had 
succeeded,  by  means  of  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Viceroy  of 
Canton  by  a  British  Admiral  (Sir  Edward  Vernon)  and  forwarded 
by  a  frigate  (the  Sea-horse),  in  obtaining  (October,  1780) 
an  Imperial  Decree  ordering  partial  repayment  of  a  similar 
debt.  Naturally  enough,  therefore,  the  British  creditors  of 
Hing-tai  now  argued  that  the  simple  interv^ention  of  the 
British  Cabinet  with  the  Imperial  Government  at  Peking  would 
facilitate  the  adjustment  of  the  whole  of  their  claims  against 
the  bankrupt  Hongs.  In  this  sense  a  memorial  was  addressed 
(March  21,  1838)  to  Lord  Palmerston,  signed  by  the  following 
firms,  viz. :  Dent,  Turner,  Bell,  Lindsay,  Dirom,  Daniell,  Cragg, 
Layton,  Henderson,  Stewart,  Rustomjee,  Fox  Bawson,  Xanabhoy 
Framjee,  Eglinton  Maclean,  Bib  by  Adam,  Gibb  Livingston 
Gemmell,  Macdonald,  "Wise  Holliday,  Kingsley  and  Jamieson 
How.  Nevertheless,  foreseeing  the  unwillingness  of  Lord 
Palmerston  to  press  their  claims  with  due  promptitude  upon 
the  Chinese  Government,  the  above-mentioned  firms  meanwhile 
applied  directly  to  the  Cantonese  Authorities,  without  the 
intervention  of  Captain  Elliot.  A  long  and  exasperating 
correspondence  ensued,  the  upshot  of  which  was  that  the  British 
merchants  obtained  payment  of  their  claims  against  the  Hing-tai 
Hong  at  a  i-educed  rate  but  by  instalments  secured  by  the 
Chinese  Government,  and  further  the  Viceroy  sanctioned,  at 
their  reciuest,  the  liquidation  of  King-qua's  debts.  In  fact, 
through  firmness  of  purpose  combined  with  a  nominal  submission 


CHANGE  OF  POLICY.  69 

to  the  absolntism  of  Chinese  officialdom,  the  British  merchants 
gained  concessions  which  the  British  Government  conld  not 
have  gained  for  them,  whilst  claiming  international  equality, 
except  by  an  armed  demonstration. 

Captain  Elliot's  relations  with  the  Cantonese  Authorities 
were,  throughout  his  whole  tenure  of  office,  characterized  by 
an  unceasing  battle  for  a  formal  recognition  of  his  official  status 
and  for  the  ordinary  courtesies  of  official  intercourse,  which 
China  never  conceded  until  they  were  wrung  out  of  her  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet  by  the  Nanking  Treaty.  On  the  ground 
of  what  on  the  surface  seemed  to  be  petty  questions  of  official 
etiquette,  Elliot  had,  single-handed  and  unsupported,  to  fight 
the  battle  between  China's  stubborn  assertion  of  supremacy  over 
all  barbarian  potentates,  Queen  Victoria  included,  and  England's 
•quiet  but  deliberate  claim  of  international  equality.  Elliot's 
position  in  this  conflict  was  extremely  difficult. 

On  the  one  hand,  the  Cantonese  Authorities  argued  that 
for  two  centuries  British  merchants  had  acknowledged,  with 
abject  servility,  China's  claim  of  supremacy  and  consented  to 
take  the  orders  of  the  Governor  or  the  Hojipo  at  the  hands 
of  the  Hong  merchants ;  that  Lord  Macartney  and  Lord 
Amherst  had  brought  tribute  from  the  Kings  of  England; 
that  Imperial  Decrees,  Avhich  admitted  of  no  alteration,  had 
fixed  the  mode  of  governing  foreign  trade  at  Canton ;  and 
that  there  was  no  intellio:ible  difference  between  a  Roval 
Superintendent  like  Elliot  and  a  Supercargo  of  the  former 
East  Lidia  Company,  the  latter  having  wielded,  in  the 
■experience  of  Chinese  officials,  more  authority  and  ])0wer  over 
their  countrymen  than  Lord  Napier  or  Captain  Elliot  ever 
possessed.  On  the  other  hand.  Lord  Palmei*ston,  with  equal 
justice,  persisted  in  giving  Captain  Elliot  reiterated  instructions, 
based  on  an  assumed  equality  of  the  British  and  Chinese 
nations,  and,  on  account  of  the  barbarities  of  the  Chinese 
Penal  Code,  virtually  amounting  to  a  claim  of  extra-territorial 
criminal  jurisdiction  over  British  subjects  trading  at  Canton. 
The  mistake  was  that  he,  at  the  same  time,  left  Elliot  without 


70  CHAPTER  VII. 

a  sufficient  fleet  to  enforce  these  just  and  proper  claims.  It 
is  hard  to  say  what  Captain  Elliot  ought  to  have  done  under 
the  circumstances.  Had  he  carried  out  Lord  Palmerston's 
instructions  literally,  had  he  adopted  the  unusual  mode  of 
communication  enjoined  upon  him,  and  assumed  the  high- 
sounding  title  of  the  King's  Officer,  boldly  insisting  upon 
equality  of  official  intercourse,  he  would  have  courted  the 
fate  and  condemnation  that  fell  on  Lord  Napier.  Had  he 
informed  Lord  Palmerston  the  thing  was  impossible  without 
having  recourse  to  arms,  and  advised  him  to  adopt  the  only 
remaining  alternative  of  retiring  from  Canton  and  establishing 
a  British  Colony  on  one  of  the  beautiful  islands  in  the 
neighbourhood,  say  Hongkong,  he  would  probably  have  been 
dismissed  with  as  little  ceremony  as  Sir  George  Robinson. 

What  Captain  Elliot  actually  did  remains  to  be  told. 
He  commenced  his  duties  with  the  determination  not  to 
protract  the  interruption  of  official  communication  between 
the  Superintendents  and  the  Cantonese  Authorities  by  any 
demand  of  redress  for  the  insults  offered  to  the  King  and 
the  country  by  the  treatment  accorded  to  Lord  Napier,  but 
to  exhibit  a  conciliatory  disposition,  by  respecting  Chinese 
usages,  and  refraining  from  shocking  the  prejudices  of  the 
Chinese  official  mind.  Accordingly,  in  his  first  communication 
to  the  Viceroy  of  Canton  (December  14,  188G),  he  did  not 
refer  to  the  events  connected  with  Lord  Napier's  death,  but 
on  the  contrary  explained  that  all  he  desired  was  '  to  maintain 
and  promote  the  good  understanding  which  has  so  long  and 
.80  happily  subsisted.'  This  letter,  written  at  Macao  and 
delivered  at  Canton  by  the  hands  of  two  Agents  of  the  East 
India  Company  (J.  H.  Astell  and  H.  M.  Clarke)  and  two- 
British  free  traders  (AV.  Jardine  and  L.  Dent)  to  the  Hong 
Merchants,  was  conveyed  to  the  Governor  of  Canton  as  a 
humble  petition  of  the  barbarian  headman  Elliot.  Looking 
to  the  tenor  of  this  letter  and  to  the  form  of  its  delivery, 
tlie  Viceroy  justly  concluded  that  the  old  policy  of  the  East 
India  Company   was  to  be  resumed  by  the  cowed  barbarians. 


CHANGE  OF  POLICY.  71 

To  make  sure,  he  sent  a  deputation  of  Hong  Merchants  to 
interview  Elliot  at  Macao,  to  question  him  as  to  his  official 
status  and  policy,  and  to  impress  upon  him  that  he  must 
first  of  all  send  a  humble  petition  begging  for  a  passport, 
and  then  remain  at  Macao  until  Imperial  permission  had 
been  obtained  for  him  to  visit  Canton,  from  time  to  time, 
during  each  business  season.  The  result  of  the  interviews 
that  took  place  was  that  Elliot  did  as  he  was  told.  He 
applied,  in  form  of  a  petition,  for  a  passport  and  dutifully 
waited  at  Macao  until  a  report  had  been  sent  to  Peking 
stating  that  the  hatchet  had  been  bni-ied  in  Napier's  grave, 
that  Elliot  was  virtually  but  a  Chief-Supercargo  with  a 
different  name  and  a  smarter  uniform,  and  that  things  would 
go  on  as  of  yore.  Accordingly,  three  months  later  (March  18, 
1837)  the  Hoppo  informed  the  Hong  Merchants  that  '  Elliot 
having  received  a  public  official  commission  for  the  control 
of  foreign  merchants  and  seamen,  although  his  title  be  not 
the  same  as  that  of  the  Chief-Supercargoes  (tai-pan)  hitherto 
sent,  yet  in  the  duty  of  controlling  he  does  not  differ,  and 
that  therefore  it  is  now  the  Imperial  pleasure  that  he  be 
permitted  to  repair  to  Canton,  under  the  existing  regulations 
applicable  to  Chief-Supercargoes,  and  that  on  his  arrival  at 
the  provincial  capital  he  be  allowed  to  take  the  management 
of  affairs.'  In  forwarding  a  passport  for  Elliot  to  the  Hong 
Merchants,  he  instructed  them  to  give  Elliot  particular  orders 
that  *as  regards  his  residence,  sometimes  at  Macao,  sometimes 
at  Canton,  he  must  in  this  also  conform  himself  to  the  old 
regulations,  nor  can  he  be  allowed  to  loiter  (at  Canton) 
beyond  the  j^roper  period.'  Thus  the  official  status  of  the 
King's  Officer  was  fixed :  subject  to  the  control  of  the  Hong 
Merchants  and  under  the  orders  of  the  Hoppo,  let  him  obey 
tremblingly ! 

Captain  Elliot  accepted  this  humiliating  position  with- 
out further  remonstrance  and  promised  (December  28,  1836) 
to  remain  in  Macao  until  further  instructed.  In  March  1837 
an   Imperial  edict  was  received  at  Canton  authorizing  Elliot's 


Tt, 


72  CHAPTER  VII. 

proceeding  to  Canton.  Accordingly  be  removed  (April  12,  1837) 
to  Canton  with  Mr.  Johnston,  the  Second  Superintendent, 
and  took  with  him  his  whole  suite,  consisting  of  a  Secretary 
(Mr.  Elmslie),  two  Interpretei*s  (Mr.  Morrison  and  ^Ir.  Giitzlaif), 
two  Surgeons  (Mr.  Colledge  and  Mr.  Anderson),  and  a  Chaplain 
(the  Rev.  Mr.  Vachell).  On  arrival  at  Canton,  Captain  Elliot 
at  once  set  to  work  to  obtain  a  modification  of  his  official 
status.  He  counnenced  (April  "ll^  1837)  by  protesting  that  he 
could  not  possibly  continue  sending  any  further  communications 
to  the  Viceroy  through  the  Hong  Merchants,  but,  on  meeting 
with  a  curt  refusal,  yielded  this  point  five  days  later,  on  being 
graciously  allowed  to  send  his  petitions  through  the  Hong 
Merchants  under  a  sealed  cover  addressed  to  the  Viceroy. 
But  the  Canton  Authorities  communicated  with  Elliot  only 
through  the  Hong  Merchants,  to  whom  they  addressed  their 
ordei-s.  Thus  things  went  on,  quietly  enough,  for  about  seven 
months,  whilst  the  Viceroy  (September,  1837)  repeatedly 
instructed  the  Hong  Merchants  to  order  Elliot  to  send  the 
receiving  ships  away  from  Lintin,  and  Elliot  persisted  in 
declaring  that  he  had  no  power  to  do  so,  although  he  had 
informed  the  British  merchants  (December  31,  1836)  that  Macao 
and  Lintin  were  included  in  his  jurisdiction  over  British  subjects 
and  ships.  On  receiving,  however,  renewed  instructions  from 
Lord  Palmerston  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  an  Officer  of  the 
British  Crown,  Captain  Elliot  humbly  informed  the  Viceroy  of 
Canton  (Xovember  23,  1837)  that,  with  all  respect  for  His 
Excellency's  high  dignity,  he  must  discontinue  the  use  of  the 
character  Pkn  on  his  addresses  to  the  Governor.  When  the 
Viceroy  peremptorily  declined  making  the  slightest  concession 
ou  this  point,  Elliot  plucked  up  courage,  hauled  down  his  flag 
and  retired  to  Macao  (Xovember  29,  1837).  The  Canton 
Authorities,  not  in  least  moved  by  this  proceeding,  took  no 
notice  of  Elliot's  departure,  but  recommended  to  the  Emperor 
(December  80,  1837)  to  stop  the  regular  foreign  trade  until  the 
receiving  ships  at  Lintin  had  taken  their  departure.  Meanwhile 
all  official  intercourse  with  Captain  Elliot  remained  suspended. 


CHANGE  OF  POLICY.  73 

Lord  Palmerston  approved  of  Elliot's  proceedings  (June  15, 
1838)  and  seufc  Admiral  Maitland,  who  arrived  on  July  12, 
1838,  in  H.M.S.  WelJesley,  to  cheer  him  up.  Here  was  an 
opportunity  for  Captain  Elliot,  and  the  Chinese  unwittingly 
improved  upon  it  by  foolishly  firing  on  a  boat  of  the  Wellesh//. 
But  Captain  Elliot  missed  his  chance  and  allowed  the  Chinese 
to  cajole  him.  Admiral  Maitland  was  satisfied  with  a  mild 
apology  by  the  Chinese  Admiral  and  the  usual  exchange  of 
empty  civilities  between  the  two  Admirals  took  place.  Thus  the 
commander  of  the  WeUeslef/  was  induced  to  sail  away  peacefully 
(September  25,  1838),  but  under  circumstances  which  justified 
the  assertion  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese  that  they  had  ordered 
him  off.  This  palpable  mismanagement  of  the  Admiral's  visit 
to  China  also  met  with  Lord  Palmerston's  unqualified  approval. 
But  the  Chinese  Authorities,  having  by  this  time  taken  the 
measure  of  Captain  Elliot's  position,  now  reduced  his  official 
status  to  an  even  lower  level.  They  induced  him  actually  to 
yield  (December  31,  1838)  the  very  point  for  the  sake  of  which 
he  had  struck  his  flag  a  year  before,  and  to  communicate  with 
subordinate  officers  of  the  Governor  of  Canton,  by  means  of 
humble  petitions.  The  British  newspapers  in  Canton  now 
overwhelmed  him  with  a  torrent  of  abuse,  and  even  meek  Lord 
Palmerston  regretted  it  and  mildly  suggested,  six  months  later, 
(June  13,  1830)  as  a  remedy,  that  Elliot  should  not  omit  to 
avail  himself  of  any  proper  opportunity  to  press  *for  the 
substitution  of  a  less  objectionable  character  than  the  character 
Pien.'  But  the  real  degradation  in  this  move  Lord  Palmerston 
did  not  understand.  The  concession  which  Captain  Elliot  made, 
in  December  1838,  aud  the  price  he  paid  for  the  re-opening  of 
official  communications,  involved  far  more  than  the  use  of  an 
objectionable  character.  For  the  official  status  now  assigned 
to  Her  Majesty's  Commission  and  accepted  by  Elliot  (December 
26,  1838)  was  this:  whilst  previously  receiving,  from  the  lips 
of  the  Hong  Merchants,  the  orders  of  the  Viceroy  and  the  Hoppo, 
the  latter  being  next  in  rank  to  the  Viceroy,  he  was  henceforth 
to  receive  throusrh  the  Hontr  Merchants  the  orders  of  the  local 


IffKIVERSITT 
CALIFORNIA. 


74  CHAPTER  VII. 

Governo]''s  subordinate  officers,  the  Prefect  of  Canton  city  and 
the  Commandant  of  the  local  constabulary.  Well  might  the^ 
English  newspapers  of  Canton  cry  shame  at  the  fresh  indignities 
heaped  upon  British  honour  by  placing  the  Queen's  Commission 
in  China  on  a  level  below  that  of  subordinate  police  officers, 
in  a  position  far  lower  than  that  of  the  former  Supercargoes. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  must  also  be  considered  that  Elliot 
made  these  concessions  at  a  time  when,  through  the  lawless- 
proceedings  of  foreigners  engaged  in  the  opium  traffic  between 
Lintin  and  Whampoa,  the  life  and  property  of  the  whole  foreign 
community  had  been  placed  in  jeopardy  and  a  dreadful 
catastroplie  was  believed  to  be  impending.  Elliot  believed  that 
this  humiliating  mode  of  communication  with  the  Chinese 
Government  would  only  be  of  brief  duration,  pending  the  succour 
he  expected  to  receive  from  the  home  country.  In  this  he  was 
mistaken.  The  public  mind  of  England  did  not  care  for  or 
understand  these  things,  or  at  any  rate  the  nation  was  not 
prepared  yet  to  redeem  the  honour  of  the  British  flag  in  China. 
Stronger  measures  had  to  be  taken  by  the  Chinese  to  arouse- 
public  opinion  in  England,  and  the  occasion  for  such  measures 
was  furnished  by  the  opium  trade  itself. 


(5 Of 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


The  Opium  Question  and  the  Exodus  from  Canton. 

1839. 

The  tasfce  for  opium  is  a  congenital  disease  of  the  Chinese- 
race.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era,  the  uses  and  effects 
of  opium  were  the  secret  of  the  Buddhist  priesthood  in  China. 
Priests  from  India  secured  for  themselves  divine  honours  by 
performing  feats  of  ascetic  discipline,  fasting  and  mental 
absorption,  sitting  for  instance  motionless  for  months  at  a  time 
indolently  gazing  at  a  black  wall.  These  feats  were  performed 
by  means  of  opium.  Buddhist  and  Taoist  priests  peregrinated 
through  the  whole  of  China  performing  astounding  medical 
cures  by  means  of  opiates.  Centuries  before  European  medical 
science  discovered  the  uses  of  opium,  there  was  all  over  China  a 
large  and  constantly  increasing  demand  for  this  drug,  and,  though 
opium  Avas  grown  in  China  from  the  earliest  times,  most  of  the 
supply  was  imported  into  China  by  Arab  traders  at  Canton  and 
Foochow.  Nevertheless,  while  numbers  of  individuals  taking 
opium  in  excess  were  physically  and  morally  ruined  by  it,  the  use 
of  opium  never  affected  the  health  of  the  race  to  any  perceptible 
extent.  When  the  smoking  of  opium  and  the  consequent  practice 
of  introducing  opium  vapour  into  the  lungs  commenced  in  China^ 
is  not  known.  As  early  as  A.D.  1G78  a  regular  duty  on 
foreign  imported  opium  was  levied  ab  Canton,  but  for  77 
years  after  that  date  the  annual  import  did  not  exceed  200 
chests.  By  the  year  1790,  however,  the  annual  rate  of 
importation  had  risen  to  4,100  chests  and  the  rapid  spread  of 
a  taste  for  opium  smoking,  and  the  consequent  demoralisation 
of  individuals  who  smoked  opium  to  excess,  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  Government.     Accordingly  the  importation  of 


76  CHAPTER   VIII. 

opium  was  formally  prohibited  (A.D.  179C)  by  an  Imperial 
Edict,  the  regular  levy  of  a  duty  ou  opium  ceased,  and  for  it  was 
substituted,  with  the  connivance  of  the  Cantonese  Authorities, 
-a  system  of  secret  importation  under  a  clandestine  levy  of  official 
fees.  The  effect  of  this  Imperial  prohibition  was  an  immediate 
rise  in  the  selling  price  of  opium,  and  a  consequently  increased 
supply.  Chinese  historians  report  that  by  the  year  1820,  the 
annual  clandestine  sales  of  opium  at  Canton  had  reached  a  total 
of  nearly  4,000  chests. 

But  we  have  exact  statistics  of  the  annual  exportation  of 

opium  from  India,  most  of  which   found   its  way  to   Canton, 

while  the    remainder  which    went   elsewhere   was   balanced   by 

imports  of  opium  into  China  from  other  countries.     These  Indian 

Government  statistics  show  that  the  exportation  of  opium  from 

India  continued,   from   A.D.   1798   to    1825,   with    very   little 

variation,  at  an  average  rate  of  4,117  chests  per  annum;   that 

it  rose   in   the  year   182G,   at  a  bound,   to  6,570   chests,   and 

•continued  until  the  year  1829  at  an  average  annual  rate  of  7,427 

chests;   that  in  the  year  1880  the  export  suddenly  rose  to  11,835 

•chests  and  continued,  until  the  year  1835,  at  an  average  annual 

rate  of  12,095  chests.     But  in  the  year  1837,  on  account  of  the 

enhanced  demand  caused  by  the  general  expectation  entertained 

in   183G  that  the  trade  would  be  legalised,  the  exportation  of 

•opium  took  another  sudden  bound,  rising  to  19, GOO  chests,  in 

-consequence  of  which  the   total  amount  of  opium,  accumulated 

in  the  hands  of  opium  merchants  at  Canton  and  Macao  during 

the  period  183G  to  1837,  reached  a  total  of  30,000  chests.     Of 

these,  some  20,000  chests  were  sold  in   1836,  to  the  value  of 

about   two   million   pounds  sterling,   of    which    sum    £280,000 

Avent  into  the  pockets  of  the  High  Authorities.     The  trade  in 

•opium  was  all  along  carried  on  at  Canton  in  the  foreign  factories, 

where  the   Hong   Merchants   and  their  privileged  clients    and 

•even  Chinese  officials  openly  purchased — from  the  various  foreign 

merchants,  representing  English,  Anglo-Indian  (chiefly  Pai*see), 

Portuguese,    American,    French,    Spanish,    Danish,    and    Dutch 

iirms — written  orders  (chops)  for  opium  to  be  delivered  by  ships 


THE  OPIUM  QUESTION.  77 

aucliored  in  the  outer  waters  of  the  Canton  River.  The  opium 
was  not  stored  at  Canton,  but  at  first  it  was  warehoused  in 
Macao,  subsequently  it  was  kept  on  board  ships  anchored  at 
Wharapoa  (the  port  of  Canton),  until,  with  the  year  1830,  a 
new  practice  arose.  Foreign  ships  now  used,  on  arrival  from 
India,  to  anchor  first  at  the  mouth  of  the  Canton  Eiver,  viz,  at 
Kam-sing-moon  during  the  S.AV.  monsoon  (April  to  September) 
or  at  Lintin  during  the  N.E.  monsoon  (October  to  March),  and 
there  to  discharge  their  opium  into  stationary  receiving  hulks, 
whereupon  the  ships  proceeded  with  the  remainder  of  their 
cargo  to  Whampoa  to  engage  there  in  the  legitimate  trade. 
In  the  year  1830,  there  were  only  five  such  receiving  ships  in 
Chinese  waters,  but  by  the  year  1837  their  number  had  increased 
to  25,  most  of  which  were  either  English  or  temporarily 
transferred  to  the  English  flag,  though  some  were  openly  under 
the  American,  French,  Dutch,  Spanish  and  Danish  flags.  These 
receiving  ships,  anchored  at  Lintin  or  Kam-sing-moon,  were 
heavily  armed  and  strongly  manned,  so  much  so  that  no  Chinese 
fleet  could  possibly  interfere  with  them  successfully.  They 
were  readily  supplied  with  provisions  by  native  boats  (known 
as  bumboats)  and  during  the  business  season  the  officers  in 
command  of  these  receiving  ships  were  in  daily  communication 
with  their  respective  agencies  at  Canton  and  Macao  by  means 
of  fast  foreign  cutters  or  schooners,  manned  by  Indian  lascars, 
and  known  as  European  passage-boats.  Since  the  winter  of 
1836,  when  foreign  ships  were  forbidden  to  anchor  at  Kam-sing- 
moon,  and  the  prohibitions  enforced  by  the  erection  of  a  shoro 
battery  guarded  by  a  naval  squadron,  the  opium  ships  were 
(1837  to  1841)  confined  to  the  station  at  Lintin.  But  whenever 
the  Cantonese  Authorities  made  a  special  show  of  interference 
with  the  opium  traffic,  as  carried  on  at  Lintin,  some  of  the 
most  powerfully  armed  opium  ships  would  be  sent  away  to 
the  eastern  and  north-eastern  coasts  of  China,  to  sell  opium 
wherever  practicable  along  the  coast,  in  a  manner  similar  to 
that  practised  at  Lintin.  In  the  year  1826  the  commanders 
of  the  receiving  ships  anchored  at  Lintin  made  an  arrangement 


"78  CHAPTER  YIII. 

• 

with  the  revenue  cruizers  established  by  the  Viceroy  Li 
Hung-pan,  under  which  these  cruizers,  for  a  monthly  fee  of 
Taels  3G,000,  allowed  the  opium  to  pass  freely  into  the  ports 
of  Whampoa  and  Macao.  And  in  the  year  1837,  when  strict 
orders  had  been  issued  by  the  Emperor  to  stop  all  opium 
traffic  at  Lintin,  the  Commodore  Hou  Shiu-hing,  in  command 
of  the  Viceroy's  cruizers,  arranged  with  the  commanders  of  the 
opium  ships  at  Lintin,  to  convoy  or  actually  to  carry  by  his 
vessels  the  opium  from  Lintin  to  its  destination,  for  a  fixed 
percentage  of  opium.  Some  of  the  opium  which  he  thus  received, 
the  wily  Commodore  then  presented  to  the  Viceroy  as  captured 
by  force  of  arms,  and  on  these  meritorious  services  being  officially 
reported  to  the  Throne,  the  Emperor  bestowed  on  the  Commodore 
a  peacock's  feather  and  gave  him  the  rank  of  Rear-Admiral. 
The  Annals  of  the  present  Manchu  Dynasty  (partly  translated 
by  Mr.  E.  H.  Parker),  from  which  the  foregoing  statements 
are  taken,  allege  that  the  opium  annually  stored  in  the  original 
five  receiving  ships  did  at  first  not  amount  to  more  than  4,000 
or  5,000  chests,  but  that  later  on  (1826  to  1836)  there  were, 
on  the  25  receiving  ships,  some  20,000  chests  of  opium  in  any 
one  year. 

The  extraordinary  dimensions  which  the  opium  trade  thus 
assumed,  with  the  connivance  of  the  Chinese  Authorities,  as  a 
forced  trade  (neither  legal  nor  strictly  speaking  contraband), 
especially  during  the  decade  from  1826  to  1836,  naturally 
aroused  anxious  attention  both  on  the  part  of  the  English  and 
Chinese  Cabinets. 

The  English  Government  viewed  with  apprehension  the 
annually  increasing  importance  which  the  East  India  Company's 
opium  monopoly  assumed,  since  1826,  as  a  source  of  public 
revenue.  The  extent  to  which  the  income  of  the  Indian 
Government  had  gradually  become  dependent  upon  the  cultivation 
and  export  of  opium,  likewise  caused  the  English  Cabinet  much 
anxiety  and  perplexity.  Parliament  also  took  the  matter  up  and 
appointed  a  Select  Committee  to  investigate  the  questions 
involved,  both  in  1830  and  1832.     In  the  latter  year,  however, 


THE  OPIUM  QUESTION'.  79 

* 

the  Committee,  though  by  no  means  approving  of  the  opium 
traffic,  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  it  did  not  seem  advisable 
to  abandon  so  important  a  source  of  revenue  in  the  East  India 
"Company's  monopoly  of  opium  in  Bengal. 

Captain  Elliot,  the  Government's  representative  in  China, 
personally  abhorred  the  opium  trade,  root  and  branch,  and  did 
not  diguise  his  views  either  in  his  relations  with  the  merchants 
in  Canton  or  in  his  communications  to  the  Government.  He 
stated  the  j^erfect  truth  when  he  wrote  to  Lord  Palmerston 
(November  16,  1830)  that,  if  his  private  feelings  were  of  the 
least  consequence  upon  questions  of  a  public  and  important 
nature,  he  might  assuredly  and  justly  say  that  no  man  entertained 
a  deeper  detestation  of  the  disgrace  and  sin  of  this  forced  traffic 
on  the  coast  of  China;  that  he  saw  little  to  choose  between 
it  and  piracy;  and  that  in. this  place,  as  a  public  officer,  he  had 
steadily  discountenanced  it  by  all  the  lawful  means  in  his 
power,  and  at  the  total  sacrifice  of  his  private  comfort  in  the 
society  in  which  he  had  lived  for  years.  But  he  also  stated 
perfect  truth,  and  in  this  respect  Chinese  history  supports  him, 
when  he  wrote  to  Lord  Palmerston  (February  2,  1837),  that 
the  opium  trade  commenced  and  subsisted  only  by  reason  of 
the  hearty  concurrence  of  the  Chief  Authorities  of  the 
southern  provinces  of  China  and  indeed  also  of  the  Court  at 
Peking;  that  no  portion  of  the  foreign  trade  to  China  more 
regularly  paid  its  entrance  duties  than  this  opium  traffic ;  and 
that  the  least  attempt  to  evade  the  fees  of  the  Mandarins  was 
almost  certain  of  detection  and  severe  punishment.  Captain 
Elliot  further  stated,  on  the  same  occasion,  that  a  large  share 
of  these  emoluments  reached  not  merely  the  higher  dignitaries 
of  the  Empire,  but  in  all  probability,  in  no  very  indirect  manner, 
the  Imperial  hand  itself.  The  fact  that,  for  centuries  past,  the 
principal  trade  revenue  office  at  Canton  (that  of  the  Hoppo) 
has  always  been,  as  it  still  is,  the  monopoly  of  officers  of  the 
Imperial  Household,  lends  force  to  this  surmise.  But  what 
prevented  Elliot's  taking  official  proceedings  against  the  opium 
trade,  which  he  personally  loathed,  was  the  same  consideratiou 


80  CHAPTER  YIIL 

"which  had  prevented  the  Parh'amentaiy  Committee  of  1832 
disavowing  it  altogether.  The  evil  had  already  gone  on  too 
long.  The  opinm  trade  had,  by  its  financial  operations,  become 
so  intertwined  with  the  legitimate  trade,  that  separate  dealing 
with  it  was  impossible.  The  import  of  opium  into  China,  as 
it  gradually  expanded,  gave  an  enormous  impetus  to  the  export 
of  tea  and  silk  from  China  to  the  European  markets,  and  the 
whole  opium  trade  had  imperceptibly  become  a  necessity  both  for 
China  and  for  Europe;  for  China,  because  the  craving  for  opium 
was  so  widespread  among  the  Chinese  people,  that  the  demand  for 
it  defied  the  severest  criminal  enactments ;  for  Europe,  because 
the  sale  of  opium,  which  had  by  this  time  come  to  form  three- 
fifths  of  the  whole  British  imports  into  China,  provided  a  very 
large  portion  of  the  funds  required  for  operations  in  Chinese 
produce  destined  for  European  markets.  Indeed,  as  Elliot  put 
it  (February  21,  1837),  the  movement  of  money  at  Canton 
had  come  to  depend,  by  the  force  of  circumstances,  almost 
entirely  upon  the  deliveries  of  opium  at  Lintin.  The  tares  could 
not  be  rooted  out  now,  without  destroying  the  wheat. 

Lord  Palmei-ston,  and  the  other  members  of  the  Cabinet, 
whilst  unanimous  in  their  dislike  of  the  opium  trade,  could 
not  yet  agree  to  any  definite  solution  of  the  problem.  On  one 
point  Lord  Palmerston  was  perfectly  clear,  viz.  that  Her 
Majesty's  Government  could  not  possibly  interfere  for  the 
purpose  of  enabling  British  subjects  to  violate  the  laws  of 
the  country  to  which  they  trade,  and  that  therefore  any  loss  ' 
which  such  pei-sons  may  suffer  in  consequence  of  the  more 
effectual  execution  of  the  Chinese  laws  on  this  subject,  must 
be  borne  by  the  parties  who  have  brought  that  loss  upon 
themselves  by  their  own  acts.  He  wrote  to  Elliot  to  this  effect 
(June  15,  1838),  but  at  the  same  time  declared  that  the  Cabinet 
did  not  feel  sufficient  confidence  in  their  apprehension  of  the 
opium  problem  to  enter  upon  any  negotiations  with  the  Chinese 
Government  regarding  the  repression  or  legalisation  of  the 
trade  in  opium.  Nevertheless  there  are  indications  that  Lord 
Palmerston  had,  in  his  own  mind,  already  settled  the  leading 


THE  OPIUM  QUESTION.  81 

principles  of  that  policy  which  he  formulated  later  on  (February 
2{],  1841),  in  the  following  words.  'It  is  evident,'  he  wrote 
to  Rear  Admiral  Elliot  and  to  Captain  Elliot,  '  that  no  exertions 
of  the  Chinese  Authorities  can  put  down  the  opium  trade  on 
the  Chinese  coast,  because  the  temptation  both  to  the  buyers 
and  to  the  sellers  is  stronger  than  can  be  counteracted  by 
any  fear  of  detection  and  punisliment.  It  is  equally  clear,  that 
it  is  wholly  out  of  the  power  of  the  British  Government  to 
prevent  opium  from  being  carried  to  China,  because  even  if 
none  were  grown  in  any  part  of  the  British  territories,  plenty 
of  it  would  be  produced  in  other  countries,  and  would  thence 
be  sent  to  China  by  adventurous  men,  either  British  or  of 
other  nations.  The  present  state  of  Chinese  law  upon  this 
matter  makes  the  trade  illegal ;  and  illegal  trade  is  always 
attended  with  acts  of  violence.  Battles  between  Ch  inese  war- 
junks  and  British  smugglers  have  a  necessary  tendency  to 
produce  unfriendly  and  embarrassing  discussions  between  the 
British  and  Chinese  Governments,  or  at  all  events  to  keep  alive 
hostile  feelings  between  the  British  and  the  Chinese  people. 
It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  much  additional  stability  would 
be  given  to  the  friendly  relations  between  the  two  countries, 
if  the  Government  of  China  would  make  up  its  mind  to  legalise 
the  im23ortation  of  opium  upon  payment  of  a  duty  sufficiently 
moderate  to  take  away  from  the  smuggler  the  temptation  to 
endeavour  to  introduce  the  commodity  without  payment  of  duty. 
By  this  means,  also,  it  is  evident  that  a  considerable  increase 
of  revenue  might  be  obtained  by  the  Chinese  Government, 
because  the  sums  which  ai-e  now  paid  as  bribes  to  the  custom- 
house officers  would  enter  the  public  coffers  in  the  shape  of 
duty.' 

The  policy  of  the  Chinese  Government  was  for  a  long 
time  equally  undecided,  wavering  between  legalisation  and 
extirpation  of  the  opium  trade.  The  counsels  of  the  leading 
statesmen  of  China  were  divided  until  the  close  of  the  year 
1838.  But,  whilst  divided  in  their  opinions  as  tO  the  desirability 
of  stamping  out  the  use  of  opium,  and  as  to  the  possibility  of 

6 


32  CHAPTER  VIII. 

preventing  smuggling  effectively,  all  the  principal  statesmen 
of  China  were  singularly  unanimous  in  looking  at  the  opium 
question  not,  as  we  might  suppose,  from  a  moral  point  of 
view,  but  simply  and  solely  as  a  financial  problem.  Their 
objection  to  the  opium  trade  was  not  that  it  fostered  a  vice 
ffnawins:  at  the  vitals  of  the  nation,  but  that  it  caused  the 
balance  of  the  trade  to  turn  against  China  and  that  it 
accordingly  drained  China  of  silver  and  impoverished  the 
nation.  The  Chinese  author  of  the  above-mentioned  Annals 
of  the  Manchu  Dynasty,  whilst  personally  holding  the  same 
views  of  the  opium  traffic  which  Elliot  held,  and  occasionally 
indulging  in  elaborate  tirades  concerning  the  immorality  of 
the  traffic  in  opium,  gives,  as  the  reasons  why  the  Chinese 
Government  condemned  -the  trade,  purely  financial  arguments. 
Formerly,  he  says,  a  rule  had  been  in  force,  that  no  silver 
was  to  be  exported  and  that  the  whole  foreign  trade  should 
be  conducted  by  barter,  which  compelled  foreign  merchants 
annually  to  import  half  a  million  dollars,  but,  he  adds,  with 
the  expansion  of  the  opium  trade  it  came  gradually  to  pass 
that  a  balance  of  silver  had  annually  to  be  made  up  by 
China.  Thus  also  a  Memorial  to  the  Throne,  by  Wong 
Tseuk-tsz,  which  contributed  much  to  the  victory  eventually 
scored  by  the  anti-opium  party  in  Peking,  argued  that  the 
growing  consumption  of  opium  was  at  the  root  of  all  China's 
troubles,  because  silver  was  becoming  scarce  and  relatively 
dear,  the  value  of  the  tael  having  advanced  from  1,000 
to  1,C00  cash  in  price.  But  since  the  year  1832,  and  especially 
all  through  the  year  1836,  the  counsels  of  the  pro-opium 
party  were  decidedly  in  the  ascendant  at  Peking  and  in  the 
provinces.  A  joint  Memorial,  presented  to  the  Throne  in 
1832  by  the  ex-Viceroy  and  the  Governor  of  Canton,  boldly 
recommended  the  licensing  of  the  opium  trade  on  the  ground 
that  such  a  measure  would  reduce  the  price  of  opium  and 
thereby  diminish  the  export  of  silver,  and  secretly  hinted 
that  the  encouragement  of  the  growth  of  native  opium  would 
still  further  impede  the  avaricious  plans  and  large  profits  of 


THE  OPIUM  QUESTION.  83 

the  foreigners.  Anothei*  Memorial,  presented  to  the  Throne 
in  spring  1836,  further  argaed  that  the  legalisation  of  the 
opium  trade  would  bring  it  under  the  rules  of  barter;  that 
thereby  the  baneful  effects  of  the  trade,  consisting  in  an  annual 
loss  of  over  ten  million  taels  inflicted  on  the  currency  of  the 
realm,  would  be  entirely  obviated ;  but  that  for  this  purpose 
the  Hong  Merchants  must  be  made  personally  responsible  for 
the  conduct  of  the  whole  opium  trade  and  for  the  entire  abolition 
of  the  traffic  carried  on  at  Lintin ;  and  that  the  success  of  the 
scheme  depended  upon  levying  such  a  small  duty  (seven  dollars 
a  chest)  as  to  cut  off  all  inducement  to  smugglers  to  risk  their 
lives.  When  the  Emperor  remitted  this  Memorial  (June  12, 
183G)  for  further  report,  it  was  generally  assumed  at  Canton 
that  it  was  now  only  a  question  of  framing  the  regulations  for 
the  detailed  organisation  of  the  legalisation  scheme.  Elliot  gave 
utterance  to  an  opinion  generally  entertained  at  the  time  in 
the  best  informed  official  circles  of  Peking  and  Canton,  when 
he  wrote  to  the  Foreign  Office  (October  10,  1830),  that  he 
expected  soon  receiving  the  final  orders  from  Peking  for  the 
legalisation  of  the  opium  trade.  "When,  a  few  weeks  later 
(October  28,  1836),  the  Viceroy  issued  orders  for  the  expulsion 
from  Canton  of  twelve  foreign  opium  merchants,  eight  of.  whom 
were  British  subjects,  it  was  still  thought  that  this  measure, 
though  rigidly  insisted  on  (November  23  and  December  13, 
1836),  was  only  meant  as  a  blow  directed  against  the  Lintin 
trade.  This  surmise  was  confirmed  when  an  Imperial  Edict 
(dated  January  26,  1837)  appeared,  which  declared  the  baneful 
effects,  arising  from  a  prevalence  of  opium  throughout  the 
Empire,  .to  consist  in  a  daily  decrease  of  fine  silver,  and 
consequently  placed  a  strict  interdict  on  the  exportation  of  sycee 
silver,  without  prohibiting  the  trade  in  opium.  On  February  2, 
1837,  EUiot  wrote  to  Lord  Palmerston,  that  he  was  still  of 
opinion  that  the  legal  admission  of  opium  may  be  looked  for. 
That  the  Lintin  trade  was  the  principal,  if  not  exclusive,  cause 
of  objection,  was  further  demonstrated  by  another  Imperial 
Edict  with  reached  Canton  in  August,  1837.     This  Edict  stated 


84  CHAPTER  Vlir. 

that,  whereas  the  illicit  trade,  the  importation  of  opium  and 
exportation  of  sycee,  depended  entirely  on  the  receiving  ships- 
stationed  at  Lintin,  the  resident  foreigners  mnst  immediately 
be  ordered  to  send  those  ships  away.  Elliot  accordingly  had 
four  successive  demands  made  upon  him  to  order  those  shijDS 
to  leave  China,  and  finally  he  was  directed  to  write  to  his- 
King  and  request  him  to  command  those  ships  to  leave,  and 
to  prohibit  their  return  to  China.  Captain  Elliot  declined  ta 
interfere  on  the  ground  that  his  duties  were  at  Canton  and 
that  he  had  no  power,  and  he  hinted  that  the  Chinese  Authorities 
were  themselves  at  fault  in  not  recognising  him  properly  as  a 
Government  Officer.  But  towards  the  close  of  the  year  the 
hopes  of  the  legalisation  of  the  opium  trade  grew  fainter  and 
fainter  and  Captain  Elliot  now  (December  7,  1837)  reported 
to  Lord  Palmerston,  that  things  were  in  such  a  condition  of 
uncertainty  that  it  was  impossible  to  divine  what  the  Chinese 
Authorities  meant,  as  they  Avere  wandering  from  project  to 
project  and  from  blunder  to  blunder,  and  that  the  protection 
of  British  interests  demanded  that  a  small  naval  force  should 
immediately  be  stationed  in  Chinese  waters. 

Lord  Palmerston  must  have  seen  the  reasonableness  of 
Captain  Elliot's  request.  But  he  had  by  this  time  determined 
upon  applying  to  Chinese  affairs  his  favourite  policy  of 
masterly  inaction.  So  he  deliberately  left  Elliot  and  the 
British  community  to  their  fate,  unprotected  by  any  fleet, 
and  waited  to  see  what  the  Chinese  Government  would 
really  do. 

Whilst  the  British  and  Chinese  Cabinets  hesitated  as  to 
the  course  to  be  taken,  the  hanoers  on  of  the  Lintin  trade 
pushed  matters  to  a  crisis.  During  the  first  few  months  of 
the  year  18^8,  the  number  of  foreign  cutters  and  schooners 
carrying  opium  from  Lintin  to  Whampoa  increased  enormously, 
and  the  deliveries  of  opium  were  now  frequently  accompanied 
by  conflicts  in  which  fire-arms  were  used  freely.  Elliot 
discovered  that  many  of  these  craft  were  owned  by  British 
subjects,  but  he  was  powerless.    When  he  devised   (as  above 


THE  OPIUM  QUESTION.  85 

mentioned)  some  police  regnlations  for  the  purpose,  Lord 
Palmerston  informed  him  thafc  he  had  gone  beyond  his  powers 
in  doing  so.  The  Cantonese  Authorities,  irritated  by  this 
incomprehensible  inactivity  of  Elliot,  desired  to  give  foreigners 
in  general  a  warning,  and  caused  a  native,  convicted  of 
smuggling  opium  and  sycee,  to  be  executed  under  the  walls 
of  Macao  (April  18,  1838).  Trade  continued,  though  under 
gloomy  apprehensions,  as  everybody  felt  that  a  crisis  was 
approaching.  Things  went  on,  however,  quietly  enough,  until 
the  close  of  the  year,  when  (December  3,  1838)  some  boxes 
of  opium,  that  had  been  brought  up  to  Canton,  presumably 
from  an  American  ship  anchored  at  Whampoa,  were  seized  in 
front  of  the  house  of  Mr.  Innes  and  discovered  to  be  his 
property.  The  Chinese  Authorities  immediately  ordered  both 
Mr.  Innes  and  the  ship  in  question  to  leave  Canton  waters 
Avithin  three  days  (subsequently  extended  to  ten),  whilst  the 
Hong  Merchant,  who  was  security  for  the  ship,  was  at  once 
oxposed  in  the  stocks  with  a  heavy  wooden  collar  round  his 
neck.  This  caused  great  excitement,  the  more  so  as  the 
other  Hono-  Merchants  sent  Mr.  Innes  a  written  Avarnino; 
that  they  were  going  to  pull  down  his  house  over  his  head. 
The  threat  was,  however,  not  carried  out,  and  the  excitement 
had  well  nigh  subsided,  Avhen  (December  12,  1888)  the 
Chinese  Authorities,  resolved  to  give  the  foreigners  another 
lesson  to  intimidate  them,  brought  a  criminal,  condemned  to 
death  on  a  charge  of  selling  opium,  and  made  arrangements 
to  execute  him  in  the  square,  right  under  the  windows  of  the 
factories.  Some  of  the  foreigners  at  once  protested  against 
the  erection  of  the  tent  which  w^as  to  accommodate  the 
officials,  others  pulled  down  what  scaffolding  had  already 
been  put  up,  while  a  mob  of  some  six  thousand  natives  that 
had  collected  stood  by  and  at  first  applauded  the  proceedings 
of  the  foreigners,  laughing  at  the  discomfiture  of  the  Chinese 
police.  But  when  some  foreigners  imprudently  pushed  in 
between  the  mob,  and  assaulted  some  of  the  crowd  with 
sticks,    popular    feeling    turned    against    them    and     the    cry 


36  CHAPTER  YIII. 

Ha,  ta'  (kill  them)  was  raised  on  all  sides.  Showers  of 
stones  now  forced  the  foreigners  into  their  houses;  the  doors 
were  hastily  barricaded;  a  shot  was  fired,  happily  without 
doing  any  injury ;  the  mob  were  about  making  preparations- 
for  the  entire  demolition  of  the  factories,  and  the  life  of 
every  foreigner  in  Canton  was  in  imminent  peril,  when  the 
Authorities  sent  troops  at  the  last  moment  and  restored 
quiet.  But  the  Hong  Merchants,  whom  the  Authorities  held 
responsible  for  the  disturbance,  now  declared  that  trade  must 
be  suspended  altogether,  unless  the  traffic  carried  on  in  small 
craft  between  Lintin  and  Whampoa  were  immediately  put  a 
stop  to.  Elliot  would  have  gladly  exceeded  his  legal  powers- 
to  do  so,  but  Lord  Palmerston  had  left  him  without  sufficient 
naval  support  to  clear  the  waters  of  Canton  of  an  armed 
traffic,  carried  on  by  the  riffraff  of  every  foreign  nation,, 
supported  by  the  Chinese  people  and  secretly  participated  in 
by  Chinese  officials.  All  he  could  do  was  to  make  an  appeal 
to  the  conscience  of  the  foreign  community  and  to  warn  the 
offenders.  He  called  a  public  meeting  (December  17,  1838) 
and  asked  the  merchants  to  co-operate  with  him  in  his  efforts 
to  stop  the  traffic  between  Lintin  and  AYhampoa.  But  the 
reckless  foreigners  on  board  the  boats  down  at  Whampoa 
cared  neither  for  the  threatenings  of  Elliot  or  the  Chinese 
Authorities,  nor  for  the  general  reprobation  in  which  all  the 
respectable  foreign  merchants  at  Canton  held  this  traffic. 
Elliot  exhausted  all  his  executive  powers  by  serving  a  notice 
upon  all  British  subjects  eugaged  on  those  boats,  which 
warned  them  that,  unless  they  at  once  left  the  Canton  River^ 
he  would  consider  them  as  outlaws  and  leave  them  to  be 
dealt  with  by  the  Chinese  Authorities.  When  Elliot  issued 
this  notice  (December  18,  1838),  his  communications  with 
the  Chinese  Government  had  been  interrupted  for  nearly  a 
year.  It  was  at  this  juncture,  believing  some  dreadful  calamity 
to  be  im^xinding  upon  the  whole  foreign  community  at  Canton, 
that  Elliot  resolved  to  resume  official  intercourse  with  the 
Chinese    Government  at  any  cost,   and  accordingly    he    made 


THE  OPIUM  QUESTION.  87 

the  liumiliatiiig  concessions  above  mentioned,  consenting  to 
address  the  Cantonese  Authorities  as  a  humble  petitioner  and 
to  receive  communications,  which  really  were  orders,  from 
the  subordinates  of  the  Governor  of  Canton  city.  He  sacrificed 
his  personal  and  official  dignity,  because  he  saw  no  other  way 
of  preventing  a  massacre. 

However,  the  Cantonese  Authorities  were  too  well  aware 
of  the  advantages  connected  with  the  continuance  of  the 
foreign  trade  at  Canton,  to  resort  deliberately  to  any  extreme 
measures.  They  had  no  wish  to  stop  trade  altogether,  or  , 
even  to  suppress  the  fair  opium  traffic  at  Canton,  but  they 
were  determined  to  stop  the  forced  traffic  between  Lintin  and, 
Whampoa,  because  it  evaded  the  exactions  of  the  higher  officials. 

The  new  year  (1839)  opened  with  gloomy  forebodings, 
for  on  the  day  when  trade  was  re-opened  (January  1,  1839),. 
a  rumour  spread  in  Canton  that  the  party  at  Peking,  opposed 
to  the  legalisation  of  the  opium  trade,  had  gained  a  decided 
ascendency  in  the  Imperial  councils.  And,  indeed,  while  Elliot 
was  penning  a  dispatch  to  Lord  Palmcrston  (January  2,  1889),. 
imploring  the  Foreign  Office  for  some  support  under  his 
embarrassing  circumstances,  stating  also  that  there  was  no 
time  to  be  lost  in  providing  for  the  defined  and  reasonable 
control  of  Her  Majesty's  subjects  in  China,  the  former 
Viceroy  of  Hukwang,  Lam  Tsak-sii,  better  known  as  Com- 
missioner Lin,  was  already  on  his  way,  armed  with  extraordinary 
powers  as  Special  Lnperial  Commissioner  and  High  Admiral. 
Lin  had  previously  distinguished  himself  as  an  uncompromising 
anti-opium  agitator  and  now,  whilst  travelling  along  the 
wearisome  route  from  Peking  to  Canton,  he  concocted  an 
elaborate  scheme  to  entrap  all  the  opium  dealers  and  to 
extirpate  the  whole  opium  traffic  by  one  fell  blow,  besides 
bringing  the  Cantonese  Authorities  once  for  all  to  book  for 
their  connivance  at,  and  share  in,  the  opium  trade.  The  news 
of  his  approach  caused,  indeed,  all  the  local  officials,  from  the 
Viceroy  down  to  the  Hong  Merchants,  to  quake  in  their 
shoes.     Accordingly    the    opium    traffic    was    actually    stopped 


SS  CHAPTER   VIII. 

for  several  months  before  Lin's  arrival,  and  the  Authorities 
bestirred  themselves  to  make  a  show  of  serious  repressive 
measures.  They  now  (January  10,  1839)  issued  a  notification 
;strictly  prohibiting  the  conveyance  of  opium  from  Lintin  to 
Whampoa,  and  further  (January  16,  1839)  called  upon  all 
foreii^n  merchants  to  pledge  their  word  that  they  wonld  have 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  smuggling  of  opium  or  with 
the  exportation  of  silver.  Again,  acting  upon  advance  oi'ders 
sent  on  ahead  by  Commissioner  Lin,  the  Viceroy  now  ordered 
the  backdoors  of  the  factories  to  be  blocked  up  and  set  a 
watch  in  front.  Having  thus  shut  in  the  foreign  community, 
the  Viceroy  and  the  Governor  issued  (January  30,  1839)  a 
joint  proclamation  addi'essed  directly,  without  the  intervention 
of  the  Bono:  Merchants,  to  all  foreio'u  merchants.  lu  this 
proclamation  foreigners  were  told  that  the  Lnperial  Commissioner 
Lin,  sent  from  Peking  to  extirpate  the  whole  opium  traffic, 
was  hourly  expected  to  arrive  in  Canton.  The  Viceroy  and 
Governor  even  added,  in  their  zeal,  what  was  entirely  against 
Lin's  plan,  that  the  foreign  merchants  must  at  once  send 
all  the  warehousing  vessels,  anchored  in  the  outer  seas, 
away.  These  orders  were  enhanced  by  the  threat  that,  in 
case  of  disobedience,  trade  would  be  brought  to  an  end  for 
ever.  The  real  sting  of  the  proclamation  was,  however, 
when  read  in  the  light  of  the  newly  established  blockade  of 
the  factories,  in  the  words  'thus  are  the  lives  of  all  you 
foreigners  in  our  grasp.' 

This  blockade  of  the  factories  and  the  imprisonment  of 
the  whole  foreign  connnunity  was,  indeed,  the  indispensable 
preliminary  to  the  execution  of  Lin's  deeeply  laid  scheme. 
Having  thus  caught  the  whole  of  the  foreign  merchants  in  his 
net,  Lin,  to  keep  them  busy,  allowed  the  legitimate  trade  to 
continue  unmolested  for  the  present,  and  proceeded  first  of  all 
to  examine  the  high  officials  and  the  gentry  of  Canton  as  to 
the  detailed  history  of  the  opium  traffic,  censuring  some  and 
cashiering  othei*s.  But  he  at  once  ordered  measures  to  be  taken 
to  intimidate  the  foreign  merchants  further  by  the  strangling 


THE  OPIUM  QUESTION.  80 

of  a  Chinese  opium  dealer  (February  20,  1839).  in  front  of 
the  factories  and  in  the  presence  of  a  formidable  array  of  Chinese 
troops.  Further,  to  cut  off  their  eventual  retreat  to  Macao, 
he  ordered  the  Bogue  forts  to  be  guarded  by  a  fleet,  and  a 
blockade  of  Macao  to  be  commenced  by  land  and  sea. 

To  prevent  a  collision,  now  imminent,  Elliot  ordered  (March 
7,  1839)  all  English-owned  passage  boats  to  remain  outside  the 
Bogue.  But,  thinking  English  residents  at  Macao  to  be  at  the 
moment  in  greater  peril  than  those  at  Canton,  Elliot  proceeded, 
with  the  permission  of  the  Chinese  officials  (March  10,  1839) 
to  Macao,  where,  to  his  great  relief  he  found  H.M.  sloop  Lame 
which  had  just  arrived.  On  passing  through  the  Bogue,  Elliot 
had  noticed  that  large  numbers  of  fire-rafts  and  war  junks 
were  being  collected  there,  in  evident  preparation  of  an  attack 
on  the  foreign  merchant  shipping  anchored  at  Lintin,  and  on 
arrival  at  Macao  he  found  active  measures  in  progress  for  an 
■effective  blockade.  After  making  all  necessary  arrangements 
with  Captain  Blake,  the  commander  of  the  Lame,  for  the 
protection  of  British  residents  at  Macao,  and  ordering  all  British 
ships  in  Chinese  waters  immediately  to  rendezvous,  for  mutual 
protection,  in  the  harbour  of  Hongkong,  Elliot  hastened  back 
to  Canton,  and,  although  finding  every  outlet  of  the  Canton 
River  guarded  by  Chinese  cruizers,  he  pushed  resolutely  on. 
Having  heard,  en  route,  of  fresh  perils  of  his  countrymen  at 
Oanton,  and  believing  that  some  desperate  calamity  would  ensue 
unless  he  reached  Canton  at  once,  he  pluckily  forced  his  way, 
unarmed,  in  a  small  but  fast-sail iug  gig  of  the  Lame,  manned 
by  four  blue-jackets,  through  the  successive  cordons  of  Chinese 
soldiery,  until,  he  reached,  at  the  imminent  risk  of  his  life,  the 
British  factories.  Elliot's  arrival  (March  24,  1839)  revived  the 
drooping  spirits  of  the  foreign  community  who  were  at  the 
moment  in  sore  i3erplexity,  and  the  sight  of  the  English  flag 
waving  proudly  and  defiantly  from  the  factory  tower,  where, 
in  place  of  the  demolished  flagstaff,  the  ensign  staff  of  the 
Larne^s  gig  had  been  put  up  by  Elliot's  order,  inspired  every 
heart  with  fresh  courage. 


90  CHAPTER  Till. 

During  Elliot's  absence,  the  Imperial  Commissioner  Lin 
bad  sent  to  the  foreign  merchants  (March  18,  1839)  a  demand 
for  the  surrender  of  all  opium  stored  on  board  sbips  in  Chinese 
waters,  tbreatening  them  with  their  lives  if  the  order  were 
not  obeyed  forthwith.  While  the  merchants  were  deliberating 
what  to  do,  the  Hoppo,  acting  under  Lin's  orders,  prohibited 
foreigners,  some  of  whom  now  sought  to  get  away,  retreating- 
to  Macao  (March  19,  1839)  and  took  measures  to  cut  off 
all  communication  with  Whampoa  and  the  outside  shipping. 
At  the  same  time  the  factories  were  surrounded  by  a  stockade 
and  a  triple  cordon  of  Chinese  troops  on  land,  and  by  a 
semi-circular  bridge  formed  by  war  junks  on  the  river  side. 
When  these  measures  were  complete  (March  21,  1839),  the 
demand  of  the  surrender  of  all  opium  was  repeated.  The  General 
Chamber  of  Commerce  now  sought  to  appease  the  x\uthorities  by 
an  offer  to  surrender  1037  chests  of  opium,  but  the  offer  was^ 
contemptuously  rejected,  and  IMr.  Lancelot  Dent,  being  supposed 
to  have  under  his  orders  six  thousand  chests  of  opium,  was  now 
(March  22,  1839)  summoned  to  appear  in  person  before  the 
Lnperial  Commissioner  and  to  surrender  himself  forthwith  at 
the  city  gate.  Naturally,  all  the  foreign  merchants  made 
common  cause  with  him  and  it  was  unanimously  resolved  that 
he  should  not  go.  Thereupon  all  Chinese  servants  were  ordered 
to  leave  the  factories,  and  all  supplies  of  fresh  water  and 
provisions  were  cut  off.  Moreover,  the  senior  Hong  Merchants 
(How-qua,  senior,  and  Mow-qua),  loaded  with  iron  chains 
fastened  round  their  necks,  were  n^w  (March  3,  1839)  sent  to  the 
factories,  under  the  charge  of  the  Prefect  of  Canton,  with 
orders,  under  pains  of  immediate  decapitation,  to  bring  Mr. 
Dent  with  them  into  the  city.  The  whole  foreign  community, 
however,  declared  that  he  should  not  go,  and  when  the  Hong 
Merchants  affirmed  that  it  would  really  cost  them  their  lives 
if  they  went  away  without  him,  Mr.  Inglis  pluckily  volunteered 
to  go  in  place  of  Mr.  Dent,  if  three  others  would  accompany 
hiu).  This  offer,  readily  accepted  by  the  Prefect  as  a  happy 
compromise,  was  at  once  acted  upon  by  three  other  gentlemen, 


THE  OPIUM  QUESTION.  91 

Thorn,  Slade  and  Fearon.  The  four  heroes  proceeded  accordingly,, 
with  the  Prefect  and  the  Hong  Merchants,  into  the  city  and 
were  examined,  at  the  temple  of  the  Queen  of  Heaven,  by  a 
Committee  of  the  higliest  local  officers,  under  the  Governor's- 
orders,  viz.  the  Chief  Justice,  the  Treasurer,  the  Grain  Intendanfc 
and  the  Commissioner  of  the  Salt  Gabelle.  These  high  officials 
were  so  struck  with  admiration  of  the  bravery  of  the  four 
Englishmen,  that,  after  briefly  examining  them,  they  allowed 
them  to  return  to  the  factories  unmolested.  Next  day,  however, 
the  demand  for  Mr.  Dent's  surrender  was  renewed  aud  the 
foreign  community  were  just  deliberating  what  was  to  be  done 
now,  when  Elliot  arrived  in  their  midst,  took  Mr.  Dent  under 
his  arm  and  carried  him  off  to  his  own  room,  informing  the 
Chinese  officers  that  he  would  rather  surrender  his  own  life- 
than  that  of  any  Englishman  under  his   charge. 

On  the  following  day  (March  25,  1839),  whilst  the  foreign 
merchants  signed  bonds,  pledging  themselves  not  to  deal  in 
opium  nor  to  introduce  it  in  China  in  any  way,  Captain  Elliot 
applied  to  the  Viceroy,  respectfully  claiming  passports  for  all 
English  ships  and  people  at  Canton,  adding  that,  unless  these 
passports  were  granted  within  the  space  of  three  days,  he  would 
be  reluctantly  driven  to  the  conclusion  that  the  men  and  ships 
of  his  country  were  forcibly  detained,  and  act  accordingly.  The 
Chinese  Authorities  took  no  notice  of  this  covert  threat,  well 
knowing  that  H.M.  sloop  Lame  could  not  engage  the  Bogue  forts 
single-handed.  If  anything  were  wanted  to  prove  that,  even 
in  this  opium  contest,  the  real  question  at  issue  was  the  absolute 
supremacy  of  China  over  England,  the  reply,  which  Elliot  now 
received  from  the  Viceroy  Tang  Ching-ch'ing,  would  prove  it. 
Elliot  had,  at  the  close  of  his  letter,  expressed  a  regret  that 
the  peace  'between  the  two  countries'  (meaning  of  course  China 
and  England)  was  placed  in  imminent  jeopardy  by  the  late 
unexplained  and  alarming  proceedings  of  the  Chinese  Authorities. 
The  Viceroy,  in  reply,  stated  that  he  could  not  understand  what 
Elliot  meant  by  'the  two  countries';  that  of  course  he  could 
not  possibly  mean  to  comj^are  England  with  China,  which  would. 


92  CHAPTER  VIII. 

be  absolutely  preposterous,  because  all  regions  under  heaven 
were  in  humble  submission  to  the  Government  of  China,  while 
the  heaven-like  goodness  of  the  Emperor  overshadowed  all ;  and 
that  the  Ensiish  nation  and  the  Americans  had,  bv  their  trade 
in  Canton,  of  all  those  nations  in  subjection,  enjoyed  the  largest 
measure  of  favour.  'Therefore,'  argued  the  sarcastic  Viceroy, 
-*  I  presume,  it  must  be  England  and  America,  that  are  conjointly 
named  "the  two  countries,"  but  the  meaning  of  the  language 
is  greatly  wanting  in  perspicuity.' 

However,  Elliot's  application  for  passports  was  peremptorily 
refused,  as  also  another  application  he  made  on  the  same  day, 
begging  that  servants,  water  and  food  supplies  might  be  restored 
to,  the  foreign  community.  He  was  reminded  in  reply  that  Mr. 
Dent  had  not  yet  been  surrendered  and  that  the  Imperial 
Commissioner  was  determined  to  get  possession  of  all  the  opium 
■now  in   China. 

The  foreign  community,  thus  officially  informed  that  they 
were  prisoners,  calmly  prepared  for  the  worst.  But  they  were 
in  a  sad  plight,  for  they  were  absolutely  without  any  servants, 
without  fresh  water,  without  fresh  provisions,  and  had  to  live, 
at  short  rations,  upon  what  they  had  in  their  cupboards. 
During  the  next  few  days,  sundry  Chinese  officials  overwhelmed 
Elliot  with  complaints  that  he  was  the  cause  of  all  the  troubles, 
that  Mr.  Dent  would  have  surrendered  if  Elliot  had  not 
nppeared  on  the  scene,  and  that  Elliot's  preposterous  notions  of 
international  equality  had  caused  the  present  refractoriness  of 
the  foreign  merchants  and  the  delay  in  the  delivery  of  the 
opium.  When  these  complaints  were  found  to  be  of  no  avail, 
the  officials  used  threats,  informing  Elliot  that  the  Imperial 
Oommissioneu  Lin  had  hitherto  taken  no  action  because  'he 
cannot  bear  to  destroy  ere  he  has  instructed,'  and  that  therefore 
Elliot  had  been  allowed  a  few  days'  grace,  but  he  should  not 
have  servants  or  provisions,  and  the  opium  must  be  delivered 
4it  once. 

These  were  no  idle  threats.  The  factories  were  surrounded 
hj    masses    of    Chinese    soldiery,    all    longing    for    plunder; 


THE  OPIUM  QUESTION.  93- 

combustibles  of  all  sorts  were  brought  to  the  spot,  and  on 
the  evening  of  March  26,  1839,  there  was  not  a  foreigner  in' 
the  factories  but  was  convinced  that  the  Chinese  were  ready 
to  do  the  worst.  After  an  anxious  night,  spent  in  deliberation, 
and  feeling  constrained  by  paramount  motives  affecting  the 
safety  of  the  lives  and  liberty  of  all  the  foreigners  at  Canton, 
Elliot  issued,  at  0  o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  March  27,  1831), 
a  public  notice  to  British  subjects,  requiring  them  to  deliver 
up  to  him  all  British-owned  opium,  either  in  their  possession 
or  under  their  control,  holding  him,  on  behalf  of  Her  Majesty's- 
Government,  responsible,  and  leaving  it  to  Her  Majesty's 
Government  hereafter  to  define  the  principles  on  which  the 
proof  of  British  property  and  the  value  of  British  opium 
should  be  determined.  Two  days  later  (March  28,  1839),. 
Elliot  informed  the  Imperial  Commissioner,  that  he  was 
prepared  to  deliver  up  20,283  chests  of  British-owned  opium- 
In  reply,  Elliot  was  ordered  by  the  Prefect  of  Canton  to 
give  further  detailed  information  as  to  the  places  where  the 
several  amounts  of  opium  were  stored,  and  he  was  supplied 
with  various  instructions  as  to  the  arran^'ements  to  be  made 
for  the  delivery  of  the  opium.  When  Elliot,  however,  once 
more  requested  that  servants  and  food  supplies  be  restored  to 
the  prisonei's,  the  Prefect  informed  him  that  no  such  indulgence 
could  be  allowed  until  the  delivery  of  the  opium  had  commenced,. 
After  several  days  sj^ent  in  discussions  of  the  mode  of  securing 
the  delivery  of  all  the  opium  on  board  the  different  ships,  it 
was  finally  agreed  by  Commissioner  Lin  (April  2,  1889),  thafe 
Mr.  Johnston,  the  Second  Superintendent,  should  proceed  under 
a  guard  of  Chinese  officials  and,  armed  with  written  orders  of 
Captain  Elliot,  bring  all  the  ships  up  to  the  anchorage  of 
.Lankeet,  in  sections  of  two  ships  at  a  time,  to  discharge  the 
opium  there.  Commissioner  'Lin  then  promised,  that  on 
completing  delivery  of  one-fourth  of  the  opium,  the  compradores 
and  servants  should  be  restored  to  the  prisoners;  that  on 
completing  delivery  of  one-half  of  the  opium,  the  passage  boats- 
should  be  allowed   to  resume  communication  with  the  ships;. 


94  CHAPTER  VIII.  " 

that  on  delivery  of  three-fourths  of  the  opium,  trade  should 
be  re-opened ;  and,  he  added  pompously,  on  delivery  of  the  whole 
being  completed,  everything  should  return  to  the  ordinary 
condition  and  a  request  should  be  laid  before  the  Throne  that 
encouragements  and  rewards  might  be  conferred.  But  Lin 
further  added,  that,  if  there  should  be  any  erroneous  delay  for 
three  days,  the  supply  of  fresh  water  should  be  cut  off ;  if  for 
three  days  more  there  should  be  like  delay,  the  supplies  of  food 
should  be  cut  off,  and  if  such  delay  should  continue  still  three 
days  longer,  the  criminal  laws  should  forthwith  be  maintained 
and  enforced. 

Mr.  Johnston  having  left  Canton,  the  imprisonment  of  the 
foreign  community,  numbering  over  two  hundred  persons, 
•continued  as  rigorously  as  before,  until  April  17,  1839,  when 
the  servants  were  tardily  allowed  to  return  to  the  factories  and 
food  supplies  were  again  obtainable.  Meanwhile,  however,  the 
prisoners  were  still  guarded  day  and  night  by  Chinese  soldiers, 
posted  at  their  doors  with  drawn  swords  and  instructed  to  cut 
down  any  one  who  should  make  an  attempt  to  escape.  Both 
the  merchants  and  Captain  Elliot  were  repeatedly  worried  by 
•  demands  to  sign  a  fresh  bond  handing  over  to  capital  punishment 
any  of  their  countrymen  who  should  hereafter  deal  in  opium, 
and  professing  abject  submission  to  China's  claim  of  supremacy. 
No  one  signed  the  bond  and  the  confinement  continued. 

The  above  detailed  promises  of  Lin  were  by  no  means 
faithfully  adhered  to.  The  servants  were  not  restored  as  soon 
as  one-fourth  of  the  opium  was  delivered ;  the  boats  were  not 
permitted  to  run  when  one-half  was  delivered  ;  and  the  promise 
that  things  should  go  on  as  usual  on  completion  of  the  opium 
delivery  was  falsified  by  reducing  the  factories  to  a  prison  with 
one  outlet,  by  the  perpetual  expulsion  of  sixteen  merchants, 
some  of  whom  had  never  dealt  in  opium  at  all  (as  some  clerks 
and  a  lad  were  included),  and  by  the  introduction  of  novel  and 
unbearable  regulations.  Not  until  May  4,  1839,  did  the 
/  imprisonment  of  the  foreign  community  at  Canton  come  to  an 
end.     On  that  day,  trade  was  declared  re-opened  and  two  days 


THE  OPIUM  QUESTION.  95 

later  fifty  foreign  merchants,  known  to  have  had  no  direct 
dealings  in  opium,  were  allo«'ed  to  depart  for  AVhampoa  en  route  ^ 
for  Macao.  Elliot,  however,  and  the  other  merchants  were 
still  detained  in  custody  as  hostages  until  the  delivery  of  the 
opium  was  completed  (May  21,  1839).  Then  Elliot  was 
graciously  allowed  to  leave,  but  the  permission  was  coupled 
with  the  demand  now  made  that  sixteen  of  the  principal  British 
merchants  should  remain  in  custody  as  a  punishment  for  dealing 
in  opium.  Elliot  refused  to  leave  without  them,  and,  after 
protracted  negotiations,  he  at  last  (May  27,  1839)  obtained  their 
discharge  on  their  signing  a  bond,  guaranteeing  that  they  would 
never  return  to  China.  By  the  end  of  May  the  exodus  of  British 
merchants  and  British  shipping  from  Canton  waters  was 
complete.  American  merchants  remained  and  became  a  favoured 
class. 

Lin  had  gained  a  victory.  He  had  succeeded  in  stopping 
for  a  time  the  trade  in  opium.  But  his  seeming  success  had 
been  gained  only  by  driving  British  trade  aw^ay  from  Canton 
in  a  manner  eventually  resulting  in  the  establishment  of  a  British 
Colony  at  Hongkong,  which  in  turn  deprived  Canton  of  all 
its  former  commercial  importance.  He  had  also  succeeded  in 
obtaining  forcible  possession  of  over  twenty-four  million  dollars 
worth  of  British-owned  opium  which  it  took  him  weeks  (until 
June  1,  1839)  to  destroy  with  quick-lime  in  pits  dug  on  the  1/ 
sea  shore  at  Chinkau,  near  the  Bogue,  and  the  full  value  of  which 
China  had  to  repay  a  few  years  later. 

*This  affair  has  been  well  managed,'  wrote  the  Emperor 
to  Lin,  but  the  verdict  of  the  vermilion  pencil  is  not  always 
the  verdict  of  history,  and  six  months  later  Queen  Victoria 
stated,  in  her  Speech  from  the  Throne  (January,  1840),  that 
'  events  had  happened  in  China  which  deeply  affected  the  interests 
of  her  subjects  and  the  dignity  of  her  crown.' 


s 


CHAPTER  IX. 


Exodus  fro3i  Macao  axd  Events  Leading  up  to  the 

Cession  of  Hongkong. 

1839  to  1841. 

fjp'HE  Imperial  Commissioner  Lin  had  been  insfcrncfced  by 
^^  the  Government  of  Peking  to  do  two  things,  both  of  which 
were  equally  impossible,  viz.  to  extirpate  the  opium  traffic,  root 
and  branch,  but  at  the  same  time  to  secure  the  continuance  at 
Canton  of.  the  legitimate  foreign  trade  under  the  old  legime. 
When  Lin  arrived  in  Canton,  he  found  the  opium  trade  stagnant 
and  its  worst  features,  the  forced  trade  between  Lintin  and 
Whampoa,  entirely  cut  off  through  the  vigorous  action,  resorted 
to  at  the  last  moment,  of  the  Cantonese  Authorities.  Had  he 
confined  himself  to  do  the  only  thing  possible,  viz.  to  seek  to 
initiate  measures  tending  to  bring  about,  in  course  of  time,  a 
moral  regeneration  of  the  Chinese  nation,  so  as  to  reduce  the 
demand  for  opium  to  the  lowest  possible  minimum,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  introduce  a  moral  reform  of  the  mode  of 
conducting  the  opium  trade,  so  as  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  its 
glaring  abuses,  he  might  have  done  some  good  and  paved  the 
way  for  an  eventual  peaceful  solution  of  this  complicated  opium 
problem.  But  his  instructions,  based  as  they  were  on  his  own 
original  violent  recommendations  to  the  Throne,  pledged  him  to 
an  extreme  policy,  impossible  to  carry  out  and  necessarily 
resulting  in  giving  the  opium  trade  a  new^  impetus,  besides 
convincing  at  last  even  the  people  in  England  that,  apart  from 
the  opium  question,  the  legitimate  trade  itself  could  not  be 
carried  on,  in  a  manner  compatible  with  England's  dignity, 
mider  the  old  conditions. 


EXODUS  FROM  MACAO  AND  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  97 

For  four  months  before  Lin's  arrival  at  Canton  (February,. 
1889),  the  opium  market  had  been  overstocked  and  hardly  any 
sales  had  taken  place.  The  great  bulk  of  the  supply  of  1838 
had  remained  unsold,  owing  to  the  energetic  measures  taken 
in  the  inland  districts,  all  through  the  southern  provinces,  to 
repress  the  consumption.  The  immense  stock  of  the  year  1839 
was  just  commencing  to  arrive  from  India  where,  on  the  very 
day  Avhen  over  20,000  chests  were  surrendered  in  Canton,  sales 
were  either  impossible  or  ruinous,  because  the  pi'ices  in  China 
had  fallen  to  between  two  or  three  hundred  per  cent,  below  the 
cost  of  production  and  charges.  Under  these  circumstances,  to 
rob  the  holders  of  opium  of  the  stock  which  glutted  the  market, 
and  to  destroy  over  20,000  chests  of  opium  for  which  Elliot 
paid  the  owners  at  the  rate  of  £120  a  chest,  by  twelve  months' 
bills  on  the  Lord-s  Commissioners  of  the  Treasury,  was  not  to 
extinguish  the  trade  but  to  give  it  a  fresh  fillip  by  relieving 
an  overglutted  market  from  the  depressing  weight  of  stocks. 
After  March  24,  1839,  when  20,283  chests  of  opium,  which 
the  holders  could  not  have  sold  without  ruin,  were  surrendered 
to  Lin,  prices  recovered  and  the  opium  traffic  was  carried  on 
with  greater  vigour  and  yielded  larger  profits  than  ever.  By 
binding  sixteen  men,  among  whom  were  some  of  the  foremost 
English  merchants,  gentlemen  of  high  culture  and  refined' 
feelings,  to  abstain  from  all  future  participation  in  the  opium 
trade,  which  promise  they  all  adhered  to  honourably,  Lin  merely 
helped  to  drive  the  opium  trade  into  the  hands  of  a  lower  and 
less  scrupulous  set  of  merchants.  Lin's  opium  policy  "was  an 
utter  failure. 

His  policy  with  regard  to  the  legitimate  foreign  trade  was, 
moreover,  equally  unfortunate,  because  based  on  an  utter  mis- 
conception of  the  character  and  power  of  the  English,  whom 
Lin,  like  Napoleon,  supposed  to  be  nothing  but  a  nation  of 
shopkeepers,  whose  lives  and  fortunes  depended  upon  the  supply 
of  Chinese  tea,  silk  and  rhubarb.  His  utter  disregard  of  the 
sacredness  which  Britain  attributes  to  the  life,  the  liberty  and 
the  property  of  others,  his  reckless  assumption  that  civilised 

7 


98  CHAPTER  IX. 

foreigners,  temporarily  residing  in  China,  mnsfc  submit  themselves 
to  the  barbarous  code  of  Chinese  penal  laws  and  to  the  corrupt 
judicial  process  of  Chinese  tribunals,  his  open  and  undisguised 
determination  to  hold  one  set  of  foreign  merchants  responsible 
with  their  lives  for  the  doings  of  others  not  under  their  control, 
his  absurd  affirmation  of  the  sovereignty  of  China  over  Great 
Britain  and  other  foreign  nations,  and  finally  his  persistent 
refusal  to  give  to  Her  Majesty's  Representative  in  China  a 
dignified  official  status,  all  these  measures  of  Lin,  as  the  typical 
representative  of  Chinese  mandarindom,  served  only  to  force 
upon  the  English  people,  aroused  at  last  from  their  apathy  by 
the  startling  news  of  the  imprisonment  of  the  whole  foreign 
community,  the  conviction  that  some  serious  alterations  in  British 
relations  with  the  Chinese  Empire  were  necessary  and  that 
British  commerce  could  never  be  safely  carried  on,  and  certainly 
could  never  flourish  in  a  country  where  British  property  are 
alike  at  the  mercy  of  a  capricious,  corrupt  and  inordinately 
conceited  Government.  Driven  out  from  Canton,  and  feeling 
that  British  trade  with  China  must  henceforth  be  carried  on 
within  sight  of  British  shipping  and  close  to  the  sea,  on  which 
Great  Britain  can  hold  her  own  against  all  comers,  both  Elliot 
and  the  British  merchants  now  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  Lin's 
proposals  for  a  reopening  of  trade,  even  under  new  regulations, 
at  Canton  or  Whampoa.  Forty-two  British  firms  signed  (May 
23,  1889)  a  Memorial  addressed  to  Lord  Palmerston,  in  which 
they  complained  of  the  insincerity  of  the  Canton  Authorities 
in  their  dealing  with  the  opium  trade  which  these  Authorities  had 
themselves  encouraged  and  supported  for  so  many  years,  and 
of  the  violent  measures  of  Commissioner  Lin  which  made  it  a 
matter  of  pressing  necessity  to  place  the  general  trade  of  British 
subjects  in  China  upon  a  secure  and  permanent  basis.  British 
merchants  had  no  wish  now  to  return  to  Canton  under  any 
circumstances.  Their  eyes  were  turned  in  the  direction  of  Macao. 
Even  before  the  imprisonment  of  the  foreign  community 
at  Canton  had  come  to  an  end,  Elliot  had  managed,  with  great 
difficulty  and  risks,  to  send  a  message  from  Canton  (April  13, 


EXODUS  FR0:M  MACAO  AND  CESSION  OP  HONGKONG.  99 

1839)  to  the  Governor  of  Macao^  throwing  himself  and  all  Her 
Majesty's  subjects  by  anticipation  under  the  protection  of  the 
Portuguese  Government,  and  offering  at  the  same  time,  on 
behalf  of  the  British  Government,  immediate  facilities  on  the 
British  Treasury  for  the  purpose  of  putting  Macao  in  a  state  of 
effectual  defence  and  of  equipping  some  armed  vessels  to  keep 
the  coast  clear.  The  Portuguese  GoA^ernor,  A.  A.  da  Silveira 
Pinto,  in  reply  (April  13,  1839),  declined  this  offer  on  the 
ground  that  his  very  peculiar  position  compelled  him  to  observe 
a  strict  neutrality  as  long  as  possible  or  until  there  should  be 
evidence  of  the  imminent  peril  which,  he  said,  Elliot  seemed  to 
fear.  Governor  Pinto  failed  to  understand  that  the  imprisonment 
of  the  foreign  community  and  of  Her  Majesty's  Ilepresentative 
in  China  was  in  itself  tantamount  to  a  declaration  of  war.  As 
soon  as  the  Canton  imprisonment  came  to  an  end.  Captain  Elliot 
(May  G,  1839)  wrote  to  Lord  Palmerston  stating  that  access  to 
Macao  was  now  a  matter  of  indispensable  necessity  for  British 
trade  in  China,  and  that  the  settlement  of  Macao  could  easily 
be  placed  in  a  state  of  effective  defence.  He  recommended  that 
Lord  Palmerston  should  conclude  an  immediate  arrangement 
with  the  Government  of  Macao,  either  for  the  cession  of  the 
Portuguese  claims  to  the  place,  or  for  its  effectual  defence  and 
its  appropriation  to  British  uses  by  means  of  a  subsidiary 
convention. 

By  the  time  the  Canton  prisoners  Avere  free  to  leave  and 
began  to  take  refuge  at  Macao,  Governor  Pinto  had  reason  to 
observe  that  Commissioner  Lin's  policy  was  as  hostile  to  the 
interests  of  Portuoruese  as  to  those  of  the  British  merchants. 
Governor  Pinto  had  ordered  off  all  opium  stored  at  Macao  and 
sent  it  (3,000  chests)  to  Manila,  where  it  was  safe  from  Lin's 
clutches ;  but  the  revenue  of  Macao,  previously  amounting  to 
$100,000  a  year,  chiefly  levied  on  the  opium  trade,  had  now 
dwindled  down  to  next  to  nothing,  and,  besides,  the  Chinese 
now  began  to  blockade  Macao  on  the  land  side  and  Commis- 
sioner Lin  coolly  proposed  to  take  charge  of  the  Portuguese 
fortifications.      Under    the    influence    of    these    circumstances 


100  CHAPTER  i.IX. 

Governor  Pluto  gave  the  British  refugees  at  first  a  cordial 
welcome.  It  seemed,  indeed,  as  if  the  Government  of  Macao 
Avould  make  common  cause  with  the  British  in  their  hour  of 
distress.  But  Commissioner  Lin  interfered.  As  soon  as  ElHofc 
requested  Lin  to  send  a  special  deputy  to  Macao  to  confer  with 
him  as  to  the  continuance  of  the  trade,  and  asked  for  j)ermission 
to  make  Macao  henceforth  the  headquarters  of  British  commerce 
in  China,  Liu  set  to  work  to  turn  the  mind  of  Governor  Pinto 
against  the  British.  Lin  now  relinquished  his  claim  to  occupy 
the  forts  of  Macao  and  promised  the  Governor  to  leave  him 
in  undisturbed  possession  of  the  settlement,  on  condition  that 
the  Macao  Government  should  aid  him  in  the  suppression  of 
the  opium  traffic  and  in  driving  out  the  English  from  the 
place.  Lin  was  determined  to  force  British  trade  back  ta 
AVhampoa  and  Canton,  because  he  had  pledged  his  word  to 
the  Emperor  that,  after  extirpating  the  opium  trade,  he  would 
soon  be  able  to  report  the  peaceful  resumption  of  the  regular 
British  trade  at  Canton. 

There  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  Governor  Pinto  entered 
into  any  definite  understanding  with  Lin  on  the  subject,  bat 
within  three  months  after  the  arrival  of  the  British  refugees 
at  Macao,  they  all  felt  more  or  less  that  they  had  ceased  to  be 
welcome  guests,  and  that  the  Governor  had  fallen  back  upon 
his  original  position  of  strict  neutrality. 

Lin  was  massing  troops  around  Macao  and  had  also  ordered 
a  camp  to  be  erected  opposite  Hongkong  on  the  point  called 
Tsimshatsui,  which,  as  part  of  the  Kowloon  peninsula,  protrudes- 
into  the  harbour  of  Hongkong.  Lin's  object  was,  whilst  driving 
out  the  British  from  Macao,  to  disturb  at  the  same  time  their 
shipping  in  Hongkong  harbour,  so  as  to  compel  the  British 
merchants  to  come  back  into  his  loving  arms  at  Canton. 

Whilst  these  measures  were  in  course  of  preparation,  an 
event  happened,  which  caused  a  great  deal  of  trouble  to  Elliot. 
Some  American  sailors  and  British  lascars,  belonging  to  the 
merchant  ships  which,  for  mutual  protection  and  defence,  had 
taken  refuge  in    Hongkong  harbour  (since  March  24,    1839)> 


EXODUS  FROM  MACAO  AND  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  101 

weiifc  Oil  shore  one  evening  (Jnly  7,  1839)  at  Tsimslmfcsui,  and 
gob  into  a  drunken  fray  with  the  Chinese,  in  the  course  of  wliich 
a  Chinaman,  named  Lin  Wai-hi,  was  killed.  Elliot  at  once 
hastened  to  Hongkong  and  held  a  strict  inquiry,  terminating  in 
the  criminal  trial  of  some  lascars  by  a  British  jury.  But  there 
was  no  evidence  whatever  bringing  home  the  charge  of 
manslaughter  to  any  one.  The  Chinese  Government  had  been 
invited  by  Elliot  to  send  some  officers  to  witness  the  trial,  but 
Lin  claimed  the  jurisdiction  for  himself,  sent  no  officer  to  watch 
the  case  and  made  a  great  clamour  demanding  of  Elliot,  again 
and  again,  that  he  should  surrender  the  murderer  or  some  British 
subject  in  his  place.  Lin,  moreover,  now  demanded,  in  the 
most  peremptory  terms,  that  Elliot  and  all  British  merchants 
should  at  once  sign  a  bond  declaring  that  hereafter  British 
subjects  charged  with  any  crime  should  at  once  be  handed  over 
to  the  Chinese  Grovernment  to  be  tried  according  to  Chinese 
forms  of  proceeding  (involving  examination  by  torture  both  of 
the  accused  and  his  witnesses)  and  to  be  executed  according  to 
the  methods  in  vogue  in  China. 

Poor  Lin,  he  could  not  understand  that  the  day  for  making 
such  demands  had  entirely  gone  by,  and  that,  by  insisting  upon 
them,  he  effectually  defeated  his  own  scheme  of  bringing  British 
trade  back  to  Canton.  But  he  blindlv  rushed  on  in  his  mad 
career.  He  now  ordered  the  Chinese  sub-Prefect  of  Macao  to 
withdraw  all  Chinese  servants  from  British  residents  at  Macao 
<July  21,  1839).  Later  on,  he  formally  interdicted  (August  15, 
1839)  the  supply  of  provisions  of  any  kind  to  British  persons  or 
ships.  AVhen  British  residents  at  Macao  supplied  the  places  of 
their  Chinese  servants  with  Portuguese,  Lin  forthwith  requested 
Governor  Pinto  to  prohibit  Portuguese  subjects  either  serving 
the  British  as  domestic  servants  or  supplying  them  with  food 
or  drink,  and  issued  edict  after  edict,  ordering  the  departure 
of  British  subjects  on  pain  of  severe  punishment,  and  declaring 
■them  all  to  be  responsible  with  their  lives  for  the  surrender 
of  the  murderer  of  Lin  Wai-hi.  A  provisional  Committee  of 
a  British  Chamber  of  Commerce  had  been  formed  at   Macao 


102  CHAPTER  IX. 

(Aiignsb  3,  1839),  Mr.  James  Matliiesoii  acting  as  Cliairman, 
Mr.  Scott  (the  Secretary  of  the  former  Canton  Chamber)  as 
Secretary,  and  Messrs.  J.  H.  Astell,  G.  Braine,  W.  Bell,  G.  Smith 
and  Dinshaw  Furdonjee  as  provisional  Committee.  Captain 
Elliot  now  consulted  them  and,  acting  in  accord  with  their 
views,  informed  a  public  meeting  of  the  British  community 
at  Macao  (August  21,  1839)  that,  whereas  the  Chinese  Imperial 
Commissioner  had  prohibited  the  Governor  of  Macao  rendering 
any  assistance  to  British  subjects,  he  was  unwilling  to  compromise 
Portuguese  interests  any  further  and  proposed  to  leave  Macao 
and  to  take  refuge  on  board  the  ships  in  Hongkong  harbour 
as  soon  as  possible.  Two  days  afterwards  Captain  Elliot  and 
his  family  removed  from  Macao,  Governor  Pinto  having  made 
no  declaration  of  his  willingness  that  his  English  guests  should 
remain.  The  whole  British  community  meanwhile  hastened  to 
wind  up  their  local  business  affairs  and  prepared  for  another 
exodus.  The  general  excitement  was  increased  by  a  disgraceful 
outrage,  committed  by  the  Chinese  on  the  crew  and  a  passenger 
(all  British)  of  a  small  schooner  {Blade  Johe),  plying  between 
Macao  and  Hongkong  as  a  passage  boat,  when  (with  one 
exception)  the  whole  crew  were  murdered  and  the  passenger 
(Mr.  Moss)  horribly  mutilated  (August  24,  1839).  The 
provisional  Committee  of  the  British  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
in  almost  daily  session  after  Elliot's  departure,  had  frequent 
interviews  with  Governor  Pinto,  who  was  evidently  in  a  great 
state  of  alarm,  though  he  expressed  his  determination  to  afford 
the  British  community  all  the  protection  and  aid  in  his  power. 
However,  on  the  evening  of  August  25,  he  told  the  Committee 
that  he  could  not  answer  for  the  safety  of  British  subjects 
remaining  in  ^Macao  for  more  than  eighteen  hours  longer.  The 
Committee  accordingly  convened  a  public  meeting  the  same  night 
and  it  was  resolved  to  leave  Macao  the  following  day.  The  night 
was  spent  in  watching  for  an  armed  attack  expected  to  be  made 
simultaneously  on  all  British  houses  by  the  Chinese  soldiery. 
Nothing  happened,  however,  and  at  noon  on  Monday,  August  2G, 
1839,  the  second  British  exodus  commenced.     Men,  women  and 


EXODUS  FROM  MACAO  AND  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  103 

children,  witli  bag  and  bao-gage,  were  hurried  through  the  streets 
of  Macao  amidst  a  terrible  excitement  of  the  whole  population, 
expecting  every  moment  a  massacre  by  the  Chinese  soldiery. 
The  refugees  assembled  on  the  Praya  in  the  presence  of  Governor 
Pinto  who  had  the  whole  of  the  Portuguese  troops  (some  400 
Indian  lascars  and  500  Caffre  slaves)  under  arms,  and  embarked 
hurriedly  on  board  British  ships,  lorchas,  schooners  and  boats 
of  all  descriptions,  which  immediately  set  sail  for  Hongkong 
harbour,  a  mournful  procession,  to  seek  refuge  on  board  the 
ships  at   Hongkong. 

One  might  well  suppose  that  now  at  last  the  time  had  come 
for  the  establishment  of  a  British  Colonv  on  the '  island  of 
Hongkong,  but  no  such  thought  was  entertained  yet.  Driven 
out  from  Canton,  bowed  out  of  Macao,  forced  to  retreat  to 
the  ships  anchored  in  the  harbour  of  Hongkong,  the  British 
merchants  looked  back  with  regret  to  the  flesh  pots  of  Macao. 
The  appearance  of  affairs  at  Hongkong  was  indeed  depressing. 
On  one  side  of  the  harbour  there  was  a  well-nigh  barren  rock, 
unable  to  supply  provisions  for  the  two  thousand  British  subjects 
now  crowded  together  on  shipboard  in  a  starving  condition,  and 
on  the  other  side  they  beheld  a  large  Chinese  camp  in  process 
of  construction  on  Kowlooii  peninsula,  with  two  shore  batteries 
on  Tsimsliatsui,  or-e  at  the  present  Craig  Millar  and  the  other 
near  the  site  of  the  present  Military  Barracks,  commanding  the 
best  portions  of  the  anchorage.  These  were  not  encouraging- 
sights.  Provisions  were  obtainable  with  great  difficulty  from 
Chinese  junks  and  bum-boats,  but  prices  were  very  high.  No 
wonder  that  fresh  negotiations  now  commenced  with  Governor 
Pinto.  Captain  Elliot,  established  on  board  the  ship  Fort 
William^  which  subsequently  for  many  years  graced  the  harbour 
of  Hongkong  as  a  receiving  hulk,  wrote  to  Governor  Pinto 
(September  1,  1839),  offering  to  send  all  the  British  subjects 
back  to  Macao,  anl  to  place  at  the  Governor's  disposal  H.M.S. 
Volar/e  which  had  just  arrived,  and  a  force  of  800  to  lOOO 
men  for  the  defence  of  the  Portuguese  settlement.  Elliot 
remarked  at  the  same  time,  with  reference  to  certain  Chinese 


104  CHAPTER  IX. 

official  docnments  in  his  possession,  that  the  action  of  the 
Chinese  Government,  in  praising  and  thankinc,^  tlie  Portoo-nese 
Authorities  for  '  assisting  them  in  driving  forth  the  British 
people,'  was  no  doubt  an  infamous  caUiinny,  which  must  have 
been  a  source  of  deep  chagrin  to  the  Governor.  Here  was 
another  chance  for  the  Portuguese  Government  of  preventing, 
at  the  last  moment,  the  estabhshment  of  a  rival  Colony  at 
Hong:konii-,  and  of  makino^  the  fortune  of  Macao.  But  Adriao 
Accacio  da  Silveira  Pinto,  Governor  of  Macao  and  its  Depen- 
dencies, impelled  no  doubt  by  foolish  instructions  from  Lisbon, 
slammed  the  door  in  the  face  of  the  British  community.  He 
replied  (September  3,  1839),  in  stiff  but  stately  terms,  that  he 
could  not  cease  to  preserve  the  most  strict  neutrality  between 
the  Chinese  and  British  nations,  and  added  that  the  British 
snbjects,  having  retired  of  their  own  accord  from  Macao  with 
a  view  of  not  compromising  the  Portuguese  establishment,  had 
by  this  step  placed  themselves  nnder  the  necessity  of  not 
landing  there  again  so  long  as  all  the  difficulties  now  existing 
between  the  Chinese  and  the  English  should  continue  unsettled. 
When  Governor  Pinto  sealed  this  letter,  he  sealed  the  doom 
of  Macao's  prosperity  as  a  Colony  and  virtually  established 
Hongkong. 

Nevertheless  the  time  for  Hongkong,  though  now'  seemingly 
near  at  hand,  had  not  come  yet.  Elliot  was,  on  the  one  hand, 
•determined  not  to  locate  British  trade  again  within  the  Bogue, 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  was  averse  to  the  idea  of  settling  on 
tlie  island  of  Hongkong,  probably  on  account  of  its  inability 
to  furnish  provisions  and  on  account  of  the  proximity  of  the 
Kowloon  peninsula  then  occupied  by  Chinese  troops.  AVhen 
Elliot,  seeing  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  went  with  Dr.  Giitzlaff 
in  two  small  boats  (September  4,  1839)  to  induce  the  villager 
near  Kowloon  city  to  furnish  the  fleet  with  provisions,  three 
€hinese  war  junks  and  the  battery  at  Kowloon  pier  (still  in 
existence)  opened  fire  npon  them,  which  was  gallantly  returned 
by  Elliot's  boats,  and  the  junks  were  driven  off.  As  to  the 
merchants,  they  likewise  do  not  appear  to  have  entertained  any 


OF  THE  ^ 

UKlVERsiTT 


OF 


EXODUS  FROM  MACAO  AND  CESSION  OFlTOXCfKOIftr'^     105 

desire  yet  to  settle  on  Hongkong.  They  now  (September  7, 
1830)  addressed  a  Memorial  to  Lord  Palmerston,  which  was 
signed  by  twenty-eight  British  firms,  representing  thirty-eight 
sea-going  British  ships  assembled  in  Hongkong  Bay.  But  in 
this  Memorial  there  is  not  a  word  as  to  the  establishment  of 
a  British  Colony.  The  memorialists  complained  of  having  been 
driven  out  from  Canton  and  from  Macao.  They  stated  that 
they  left  Macao  under  a  perfect  conviction  that  such  a  course 
was  imperatively  necessary  for  the  general  safety.  They  also, 
repeated  their  former  declaration  that,  after  the  violent  acts  of 
Commissioner  Lin,  the  return  of  British  subjects  to  Canton 
would  be  ahke  dangerous  to  themselves  and  to  the  property  of 
their  constituents  and  derogatory  to  the  honour  of  their  country, 
*  until  such  time  as  the  power  of  the  British  Crovernment  might 
convince  the  Chinese  Authorities  that  such  outrages  would  not 
be  endured.'  These  last  words  appear  to  indicate  that  the  British 
merchants  expected  speedy  succour  from  home,  the  effective 
punishment  of  the  Cantonese  Authorities,  and  finally  re-estab- 
lishment of  the  whole  British  community,  on  a  new  basis  of 
international  equality,  at  Canton  or  Macao.  Hongkong  had  no 
chance  yet. 

Meanwhile  Commissioner  Lin,  after  arranging  for  a 
re-opening  of  trade  with  Macao,  on  condition  that  the  British 
should  remain  excluded  from  the  port,  and  after  strengthening 
the  defences  of  Tsimshatsui,  sec  to  work  to  cajole  the  American 
and  other  foreign  merchants  to  remain  in  or  return  to  Canton, 
and  did  everything  he  could  to  bring  about  a  division  among 
the  British  merchants  and  to  set  them  against  Elliot.  Lin  now 
looked  upon  Elliot  as  the  only  hindrance  in  his  way,  and 
accordingly  charged  him,  in  public  proclamations,  with  all  sorts 
of  crimes,  in  order  to  arouse  among  the  Chinese  people  a  strong 
feeling  against  Elliot.  Lin  also  directed  the  Magistrates  of 
neighbouring  districts  to  issue  proclamations  prohibiting,  under 
severe  penalties,  the  supply  of  provisions  to  the  British  fleet, 
and  commanding  the  people  to  fire  upon  British  subjects 
whenever  they  went  on   shore. 


106  CHAPTER   IX. 

Ill  consequence  of  these  proceedings  Captain  Smith,  in 
command  of  H.M.S.  Volafje,  gave  notice  of  his  intention  of  estab- 
lishing a  blockade  of  the  port  of  Canton  (September  11,  1839), 
but  when  the  Cantonese  Authorities  thereupon  promised  to 
withdraw  the  offensive  proclamations,  the  blockade  was  suspended 
five  days  later.  Negotiations  now  commenced  afresh  concerning 
Elliot's  desire  to  bring  the  British  community  back  to  Macao. 
Captains  Elliot  and  Smith  had  an  interview  (September  24,  1839) 
with  the  Chinese  Sub-Prefect  of  Macao,  in  the  presence  of 
Governor  Pinto,  endeavouring  to  find  a  basis  of  agreement 
between  Elliot  and  Lin.  Elliot  was  determined  not  to  re-open 
trade  inside  the  Bogue.  Lin  was  equally  determined  not  to 
let  the  British  return  to  Macao.  Accordingly  it  was  proposed, 
on  the  Chinese  side,  as  a  compromise,  that  British  trade  should 
henceforth  be  conducted  at  Chuenpi,  under  the  guns  of  the 
Bogue  forts.  Lin  proposed  also  a  series  of  new  trade  regulations, 
the  leading  ideas  of  which  were  that  the  Hong  Merchants' 
monopoly  of  supervising  and  conducting  the  trade  as  responsible 
mediators  should  continue,  and  that  cargoes  should  be  at  the 
risk  of  the  ship  until  laid  down  at  Canton,  and  at  the  risk  of 
the  Hong  Merchants  until  shipped  on  board.  This  compromise 
would  have  had  a  good  chance  of  success,  had  not  Lin  coupled 
witli  it  the  impossible  stipulation  that  every  merchant,  before 
participating  in  the  trade,  should  sign  a  bond,  agreeing  that 
all  British  subjects  in  China  should  be  subject  to  trial  and 
capital  punishment  by  Chinese  tribunals  according  to  the 
provisions  of  the  Penal  Code  of  China.  Captain  Elliot  having 
asked  a  representative  Committee  of  British  merchants  (Messrs. 
H.  AVright,  G.  T.  Braine,  AY.  Wallace  and  Wilkinson  Dent) 
to  advise  him  on  the  subject  of  the  proposed  trade  regulations, 
the  Committee,  after  consultation  with  the  Hong  Merchants, 
stated  (October  22,  1839)  that  in  their  opinion  a  trade  under 
the  proposed  new  plan  could  not  be  commenced  until  the  British 
community  had  retui'ned  to  Macao.  Individuals  from  among 
the  British  community  indeed  wont  back  to  Macao  whilst  these 
negotiations  proceeded.    A   British   ship   {Thomas   Coutts),   the 


EXODUS  FROM  MACAO  AND  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  107 

master  of  which  (Captain  "Warner),  acting  under  legal  advice 
obtained  in  India,  signed  the  bond  of  submission  to  Chinese- 
criminal  jurisdiction,  entered  the  Bogue  in  defiance  of  Elliot's 
prohibition.  The  ship  was  admitted  to  trade  and  liberally  treated 
by  the  Chinese  who  were  anxious  that  other  British  skippers 
should  follow  the  example  of  Captain  "Warner. 

When  Elliot  informed  Lin  of  his  inability  to  approve  of 
British  trade  being  re-opened  on  the  proposed  basis  at  Chuenpi, 
Lin  sent  to  Elliot  (October  2G,  1839)  a  peremptory  demand 
that  all  British  ships  should  leave  the  coast  of  China  within 
three  days,  unless  the  bond  of  submission  to  Chinese  criminal 
jurisdiction  were  signed  at  once.  Captain  ElHot,  being  aware 
that  Lin  followed  up  this  demand  by  preparing  numbers  of  fire- 
ships  and  assembling  a  large  fleet  of  war-junks,  to  attack  the 
British  ships  in  Hongkong  Bay,  and  considering  the  anchorage 
in  Tuugku  Bay  to  be  less  liable  to  surprise  by  fire-ships,  now 
ordered  all  the  British  ships  anchored  at  Hongkong  to  remove  to 
Tungku.  But  the  commanders  of  thirty-five  ships  at  Hongkong, 
and  the  heads  of  twenty  British  firms,  together  with  the  agents 
for  Lloyds  and  for  eleven  Lisurance  Offices,  protested  repeatedly 
(October  26  and  November  9,  1839)  against  this  order.  They 
were  of  opinion  that  Tungku  anchorage  was  less  safe  and  that, 
if  Hongkong  were  deserted,  the  Chinese  would  occupy  and  fortify 
the  Island.  The  merchant  ships  accordingly  remained,  for  the 
present,  anchored  in  Hongkong  Harbour. 

Captain  Smith  (H.M.S.  Volcirje)  was  under  strict  injunctions 
from  the  Admiralty  to  avoid  by  all  means  possible  any  collision 
with  the  Chinese.  Observing,  however,  the  daily  increase  of 
troops  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  shipping  at  Hontrkong,. 
and  the  erection  of  batteries  approaching  now  the  beach,  be 
resolved  to  make  a  decided  stand  against  further  encroachments. 
Accordingly  he  proposed  (October  2^,  1839)  to  deliver  at  the 
Bogue  forts  a  letter  addressed  to  Commissioner  Lin,  demanding 
that  the  warlike  and  hostile  proclamations  should  be  withdrawn 
and  British  merchants  allowed  to  reside  at  ^lacao.  Captain 
Elliot,  having  agreed  to  this  measure,  w^ent  the  same   day   on. 


108  CHAPTER   IX. 

the   Volage   wbicb,   together    with    H.M.S.    Byadnth  (Captain 
Warren),  proceeded  forthwith  to  the  Bogue  forts,  where  Com- 
missioner  Lin   and  Viceroy  Tang  were  at  the  time  inspecting 
the  forts,  fire-ships,   and  a   fleet  of  twenty-nine  powerfnl  war- 
jnnks  nnder  the  command  of  Admiral  Kwan  (a  direct  descendant 
of  Kwan  Ti,  tlie  god  of  war).     On  arrival  at  the  Bogne  on  the 
morning  of  Xovember  2,  1839,  Captain  Smith  sent  to  Admiral 
Kwan  a  letter  addressed  to  Commissioner  Lin  and  Viceroy  Tang. 
This  letter,  written  in  Chinese,  contained  a  demand  that,  within 
three  days,   a   proclamation   should   be    published    withdrawing 
the  official   orders  for  the  destruction  of  English  cargo  ships, 
and  permitting   English   merchants   and  families   to   reside   on 
shore  and  to  be  furnished  with  servants  and  supplies  until  the 
commands    of    the    Queen    of    England  could   be   received  for 
the  adjustment  of  all  difficulties.     Li  forwarding  this  letter  by 
an   Literpreter   (Mr.   Morrison),   Captain    Smith   informed    the 
Admiral  that  he  would  wait  for  the  reply  of  Lin  and  Tang  and 
that  the   boat   conveying  the  reply  should  carry  a  white  flag. 
Admiral   Kwan  civilly  promised  to   submit   the  letter  to  their 
Excellencies,  but  expressed  a  wish  that  the  two  frigates  should 
meanwhile   move  down  a   little   further.      Captain    Sjnith .  im- 
mediately  complied   with   this   request   to    show    his    sincerity. 
Instead  of  forwarding   a   reply,   however.  Admiral  Kwan  twice 
sent  for  Mr.  ^[orrison  to  visit  him,  which  requests  were  refused, 
on  the  ground  that  Captain  Smith's  letter  stated  all  that  Avas 
needful.    Next  morning,  in  the  course  of  the  forenoon  (Xovember 
3,    1839),   the   Chinese   squadron,  under  Admiral  Kwan,  broke 
ground  and  stood  out  towards  Her  Majesty's  ships,  which  were 
immediately  got   under  weigh  and  directed  towards  the  appro- 
aching force.     As  soon  as  the  Chinese  observed  this  proceeding, 
their  squadron   anchored    in    good    order    to    tlie    number    of 
twenty-nine  sail,  and  Her  Majesty's  ships  were  hove  to,  whilst 
a  message  was  sent  by  Captain  Smith  to  the  war-junks,  requesting 
them  instantly  to  return  to  the  anchorage  north  of  Chuenpi. 
In  reply  Adnn'ral  Kwan  stated   that,   if   the   murderer  of   Lin 
AVai-hi  were  at  once  surrendered  to  him,  he  would  draw  back 


EXODUS  FROM  MACAO  AND  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  10^ 

his  force  to  the  Bogue,  but  not  otherwise.  The  Admiral,  at 
the  same  time,  returned  Captain  Smith's  original  letter,  addressed 
to  Lin  and  Tang,  without  an  answer.  This  was  plain  enough 
and  forthwith  ensued  the  Battle  of  Chuenpi.  As  it  is  the 
first  naval  engagement  between  Chinese  and  English  ships  of 
war  that  history  knows  of,  a  detailed  account  of  it,  both  from 
Chinese  and  English  sources,  will  be  of  interest. 

According  to  Chinese  history  the  Battle  of  Chuenpi  arose 
out  of  Elliot's  sending  two  men-of-war  to  the  Bogne  with  a 
petition  that  the  Chinese  should  have  mercy  on  the  British 
ships  at  Tsimshatsui  and  not  destroy  them,  so  that  he  might 
wait  for  dispatches  from  England.  Admiral  Kwan  returned 
the  petition  unanswered  because  the  English  refused  to  surrender 
the  murderer  of  Lin  Wai-hi.  '  Just  then  five  Chinese  war-ships- 
started  to  preserve  peace  on  the  seaboard,  carrying  red  flags 
at  their  mast-heads.  The  English  mistook  these  flags  for  a 
declaration  of  war,  because  in  England  a  red  flag  means  war 
and  a  white  one  peace,  and  opened  fire.  Admiral  Kwan  advanced 
foremost,  leading  on  the  forces  in  his  own  person,  standing 
by  the  mast  of  his  junk,  and  returning  shot  for  shot.  The 
figure-head  of  one  English  ship  was  knocked  off  by  shots  from 
Kwan's  guns,  causing  the  death  by  drowning  of  many  European 
soldiers.  When  the  Emperor  read  the  'account  of  this 
engagement,  he  wrote  on  the  margin,  '  Admiral  Kwan  ought 
to  have  known  better  than  standing  by  the  mast,  whereby  he 
compromised  the  dignity  of  his  office  in  the  eyes  of  his  men.' 
At  the  time  the  Emperor  bestowed  on  him,  for  his  bravery, 
the  title  of  Batulu,  and  ordered  a  statement  of  officers  deserving 
honours  and  a  list  of  the  persons  killed  and  wounded  in  the 
action  to  be  prepared  that  they  might  receive  the  rewards  enacted 
by  law. 

The  English  account  of  the  Battle  of  Chuenpi  is  somewhat 
different.  The  following  is  Captain  Elliot's  version.  'Captain 
Smith  did  not  feel  himself  warranted  in  leaving  this  formidable 
Chinese  flotilla  at  liberty  to  pass  inside  of  him  at  night  and  to 
carry  into  effect  the  menaces    against    the    merchant    vessels. 


XIO  CHAPTER  IX, 

'Thinking  fchat  the  retirement  of  the  two  ships  of  Her  Majesty 
.{Volcifje  and  Hyacinth),  before  a  force  moved  out  with  the 
palpable  intention  to  intimidate,  was  not  compatible  with  the 
;honour  of  the  flag,  he  determined  forthwith  to  constrain  their 
return  to  their  former  anchorage.  Therefore,  about  noon 
^(November  3,  1839),  the  signal  was  made  to  engage,  and  the 
ships,  then  lying  hove  to,  on  the  extreme  right  of  the  Chinese 
.force,  bore  away  in  a  line  ahead  and  close  order,  having  the 
wind  on  the  starboard  beam.  In  this  way,  and  under  sail,  they 
ran  down  the  Chinese  line,  pouring  in  a  destructive  fire.  The 
lateral  direction  of  the  wind  enabled  the  ships  to  perform  the 
same  evolution  from  the  opposite  extreme  of  the  line,  running 
-iip  it  again  with  the  larboard  broadsides  bearing.  The  Chinese 
answered  with  their  accustomed  spirit;  but  the  terrible  effect 
of  our  own  fire  was  soon  manifest.  One  war-junk  blew  up 
.at  about  pistol  shot  distance  from  the  Volage,  a  shot  probably 
having  passed  through  the  magazine ;  three  were  sunk  and 
several  others  were  obviously  water-logged.  It  is  an  act  of 
justice  to  a  brave  man  to  say,  that  the  Chinese  Admiral's  conduct 
was  worthy  of  his  station.  His  junk  was  evidently  better  armed 
and  manned  than  the  other  vessels  ;  and,  after  he  had  weighed 
or,  more  probably,  cut  or  slipped,  he  bore  up  and  engaged 
Her  Majesty's  ships  in  handsome  style,  manifesting  a  resolution 
of  behaviour,  honourably  enhanced  by  the  hopelessness  of  his 
efforts.  In  less  than  three-quarters  of  an  hour,  however,  he 
and  the  remainder  of  the  squadron  were  retiring  in  great  distress 
to  their  former  anchorage ;  and  as  it  was  not  Captain  Smith's 
disposition  to  protract  destructive  hostilities,  or  indeed  to  do 
more  than  repel  onward  movements,  he  offered  no  obstruction 
to  their  retreat,  but  discontinued  the  fire  and  made  sail  for 
Macao  with  the  purpose  to  cover  the  embarkation  of  such  of 
Her  Majesty's  subjects  as  might  see  fit  to  retire  from  that  place.' 
We  may  add  to  this  account  that  the  Volage  got  some  shot 
through  her  sails  and  the  Hyacinth  was  a  good  deal  cut  up 
in  her  rigging  and  spars ;  a  twelve-pound  shot  lodged  in  her 
mizenmast  and  one  went  through  her  main  yard,  requii'ing  it 


EXODUS  FROM  MACAO  AND  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  HI 

to  be  secured.  The  wretched  gunnery  of  the  Chinese  hurt  no 
one.  Their  guns  and  powder  must  have  been  good,  from  the 
distance  they  carried,  but  not  being  fitted  for  elevation  and 
depression,  all  their  shots  were  too  high  to  have  any  effect 
except  on  the  spars  and   rigging 

As  soon  as  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Chuenpi  reached  the 
Chinese  army  encamped  at  Tsimshatsui,  the  shore  batteries 
opened  fire  (November  6,  1839)  upon  the  merchant  ships 
anchored  in  Hongkong  harbour,  keeping  up  a  rambling  can- 
nonade for  several  days.  There  is  a  statement  in  the  Chinese 
Annals  that,  in  November,  1839,  the  English  unsuccessfully 
attacked  the  fort  north  of  Tsimshatsui,  but  that,  as  the  wells 
had  been  poisoned,  and  they  feared  a  night  attack,  they  made 
off  to  their  ships  again.  There  is  no  evidence  for  the  correctness 
of  this  statement.  Owing,  however,  to  the  above-mentioned 
cannonade,  the  commanders  of  the  merchant  ships  resolved  to 
yield  to  Elliot's  previous  demands  and  removed  the  ships  to 
Tungku.     Hongkong  was  once  more  deserted. 

Ever  since  British  merchants  were  excluded  bv  Commissioner 
Lin  from  any  direct  share  in  the  trade  conducted  at  Macao  and 
especially  since  his  failure  to  induce  them  to  resort  to  Chuenpi, 
and  whilst  Elliot  prohibited  their  returning  to  Canton  or 
AYhampoa,  a  great  deal  of  freighting  business  had  been  going 
on  by  means  of  trans-shipment  of  British  cargoes  to  and  from 
American  and  other  foreign  vessels.  The  anxiety  of  British 
shipowners  and  consignees  to  clear  their  vessels  caused  them  to 
chafe  under  the  restraints  imposed  upon  them  by  the  deadlock 
of  understanding  between  Lin  and  Elliot.  Only  one  English 
ship,  the  Royal  Saxon  (Captain  Town),  followed  the  bad  example 
set  by  Captain  AVarner.  But  as  the  animosity  of  Lin  extended 
only  to  loyal  British  merchants  and  ships,  whilst  the  ships  of 
other  foreign  nationalities  were  treated  by  Lin  as  neutrals  and 
rather  favoured  because  they  signed  the  bond  which  Elliot  so 
abhorred,  a  great  demand  arose  for  neutral  ships,  under  the 
benefit  of  the  bond,  to  carry  cargo  to  and  fro  between  the 
port  of  Whampoa  and  British  ships  at  Hongkong  or  Tungku. 


112  CHAPTER   IX. 

Freights  for  this  short  route  rose  to  §6  per  bale  of  cotton  to 
be  carried  to  Whampoa,  and  $10  per  ton  for  Chinese  produce 
from  Whampoa  to  the  British  ships.  This  depreciation  of  the 
British  flag  and  the  enhancement  of  the  vahie  of  other  flags 
went  to  such  lengths  that  one  British  ship  afcer  the  other  was- 
sold  for  nominal  considerations,  the  American  Consul  especially 
giving  his  sanction  to  such  transfers,  offensive  as  they  were  to 
Captain  Elliot.  The  total  exclusion  of  British  merchants  from 
direct  trade  with  China,  which  had  been  an  accomplished  fact 
for  some  time,  was  formally  declared  by  an  Imperial  Edict 
published  in  Canton  (November  2G,  1839),  to  the  effect  that, 
whereas  the  English  had  been  vacillating  in  their  treatment  of 
the  opium  question,  it  was  no  longer  compatible  with  dignity 
to  continue  to  permit  their  trade,  and  the  English  trade  must 
therefore  be  entirely  stopped  from  after  December  6,  1839,  and 
for  ever.  This  state  of  things,  continuing  for  twelve  months 
longer  to  the  great  detriment  of  British  commercial  interests, 
formed  eventually  the  most  powerful  cause  resulting  in  a  demand 
for  the  cession  of  Hongkong. 

For  the  present,  however,  Elliot  strained  every  nerve  to 
induce  Lin  to  accede  to  his  wish  that  British  trade  should  be 
re-established,  in  some  form  or  other,  at  Macao,  but  Lin,  though 
once  more  earnestly  entreated  by  Elliot  (December  16,  1839)  to 
consent  to  some  compromise  in  this  direction,  proved  inexorable* 
Even  the  Portuguese  Governor  of  Macao  joined  Lin  in  his 
obstructive  policy,  and  when  Captain  Elliot  (January  1,  1840) 
asked  Governor  Pinto,  in  the  name  of  Her  Britannic  Majesty, 
to  permit  at  least  the  storing  of  the  remainder  of  British  cargoes 
in  the  warehouses  of  Macao  upon  the  payment  of  the  duties 
fixed  by  the  regulations  of  the  place,  he  met  with  an  equally 
decided  rebuff.  In  this  unfriendly  line  of  conduct,  the 
Portuguese  Governor  went  even  farther.  At  the  beginning  of 
Februaiy,  1840,  it  happened  that  atrocious  proclamations  against 
the  English  were  again  posted  on  the  walls  of  Macao.  Captain 
Smith,  seeing  the  lives  of  British  subjects  residing  at  Macao 
endangered  by  those  placards,  ordered  H.M.S.  Hyacinth  to  enter 


EXODUS   FROM   MACAO  AND  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  H^ 

tbe  inner  harbour  of  Macao  (February  4,  1840),  with  a  view  to 
enable  British  subjects  to  take  refuge  on  board.  Thereupon 
both  Governor  Pinto  and  the  Senate  of  Macao  waxed  wroth, 
declared  their  dignity  offended,  their  neutrality  violated  and 
sternly  ordered  the  ship  to  leave  immediately.  Captain  Smith 
yielded  and  withdrew  the  Hyacinth  on  the  following  day. 
However  the  very  lowest  ebb  of  the  honour  and  fortunes  of 
British  trade  in  China  had  now  been  reached,  and  a  chancre 
was  at  hand. 

In  England  public  opinion  was  now  at  last  fairly  aroused, 
thanks  to  the  keynote  struck  by  the  Queen's  Speech  from  the 
Throne  (January,  1840)  in  which  Her  Majesty  identified  her 
interests  and  the  dignity  of  the  Crown  with  the  fate  of  Elliot 
and  the  British  merchants  in  China.  Whilst  reo^rettin"-  or 
condemning  the  opium  trade  as  a  whole,  the  British  public  clearly 
perceived  that  British  trade  with  China  must  be  re-organized 
on  an  entirely  new  basis.  Arrangements  were  quietly  made 
by  the  Government  to  fit  out  an  expedition  to  China.  Lord 
Palmerston  explained  in  the  House  of  Commons  (March  12, 
1840)  that  the  object  of  this  expedition  was  not  to  commence 
hostilities  but  to  open  up  communication  with  the  Emperor 
of  China.  The  good  people  of  Great  Britain  did  not  want  war 
with  China  and  especially  not  for  the  sake  of  the  opium  trade, 
but  they  were  quite  satisfied  that,  as  an  Order  in  Council 
(April  4,  1840)  expressed  it,  satisfaction  and  reparation  should 
be  demanded  from  the  Chinese  Government  on  account  of  the 
late  injurious  proceedings  of  certain  officers  of  the  Emperor 
of  China. 

The  Chinese  Government  was  meanwhile  kept  tolerably 
well  informed  of  Avhat  transpired  in  England.  Commissioner 
Lin  had  a  great  passion  for  keeping  spies  among  the  employes 
of  British  merchants  and  officers,  and  his  intelligence  department 
kept  him  supplied  with  translations  of  newspaper  cuttings.  Lin 
accordingly  v/as  able  to  inform  the  Emperor,  long  before  the 
expedition  arrived,  'that  Elliot  had  applied  for  troops  to  be 
sent  to   China;    that  the    Queen  had  directed  Parliament    to 

8 


114  CHAPTER  IX. 

deliberate  upon  the  matter;  that  the  official  body,  civil  and 
military,  were  in  favour  of  war,  whilst  the  mercantile  interest 
was  for  peace ;  that  discussion  went  on  for  several  days 
without  anv  definite  result:  but  that  at  last  lots  were  drawn 
in  the  Lo  Chan-sze  Temple  and  three  tickets  were  found  in 
favour  of  war  which  was  therefore  resolved  on ;  that  Pak-mak 
(Bremer),  the  Queen's  relative  by  marriage,  was  ordered  to 
take  a  dozen  or  so  of  war-ships  under  his  command,  to 
which  were  added  twenty  or  thirty  guardships  from  India.' 
The  Emperor  replied,  after  reading  this  report,  '  What  can 
they  do,  if  we  quietly  wait  on  the  defensive  and  watch  their 
movememts  .^ '  Soon  after,  when  Lin  was  asked  (June  1,  1840) 
by  some  American  merchants  in  Canton  to  allow  their  ships 
to  clear  with  their  cargoes  as  quickly  as  possible  because  the 
British  expedition  would  soon  arrive  and  blockade  the  port, 
Lin  sneered  at  the  idea  of  the  English  being  daring  enough 
or  able  to  effectively  blockade  the  Canton  River. 

T-.in,  however,  was  too  hot-tempered  a  man  to  wait  quietly. 
Early  in  the  year  (January  16,  1840)  he  strengthened  the 
defences  of  Tsimshatsui  by  building  a  new  fort  on  the  site  of 
the  present  Water-police  Station,  and  supplied  the  Bogue  forts 
with  some  200  new  cannons  of  foreio;n  construction,  which  he 
had  no  difficulty  in  buying  in  Canton  from  friendly  foreign 
merchants.  He  was  anxious  to  set  foreigners  to  fight  the  English 
but  could  not  manage  it.  He  then  purchased  several  foreign 
ships  and  had  junks  built  in  foreign  style,  fitted  them  up  like 
men-of-war,  and  ordered  their  crews  to  be  drilled  in  foreign 
fashion.  But  he  was  quick-witted  enough  to  see,  on  witnessing 
some  trial  manoeuvres,  that  this  plan  would  not  work,  and 
gave  it  up.  So  he  turned  all  his  attention  to  the  plan  he 
had  commenced  long  before,  in  August,  1839,  by  starting  a 
volunteer  fleet,  formed  by  engaging  fishermen  and  pirates 
at  ^G  a  month  each,  with  ^6  extra  for  each  of  their  families, 
the  funds  being  provided  in  the  way  common  in  China,  viz. 
by  compelling  well-to-do  people  to  give  'voluntary'  subscriptions 
for    public    purposes.    But    this    volunteer    fleet,   let    loose  to 


EXODUS  FROM  MACAO  AND  CESSION  0^  HONGKONG.  115 

prey  upon  British  shipping  (since  August,  1839)  with  war- 
juiiks  and  fire-ships,  and  to  prevent  disloyal  Chinese  traders 
from  supplying  the  British  ships  with  provisions,  afcomplished 
next  to  nothing.  They  burned,  by  mistake,  the  Spanish  brig 
Bilhaino  (September,  1839),  captured  here  and  there  Chinese 
junks  which  supplied  British  ships  with  provisions,  made 
sundry  night  attacks  on  British  vessels  by  sending  down 
upon  them,  with  the  tide,  fire-ships  chained  together  in 
couples,  but  they  did  not  capture  a  single  British  ship  or 
boat.  Commissioner  Lin  then  resorted  to  the  usual  Chinese 
appeal  to  sordid  avarice  and  ordered  the  Magistrates  of  the 
neighbouring  districts  to  issue  proclamations  offering  rewards, 
not  merely  for  the  destruction  of  British  men-of-war  or 
merchant  vessels,  for  which  large  sums  of  money  were  promised, 
but  for  the  capture  or  assassination  of  individuals.  Accordingly 
a  price  of  ^5,000  was  put  on  Elliot's  head,  sums  ranging  from 
$5,000  to  $500  were  offered  for  any  English  officer,  according 
to  gradation  of  rank,  made  prisoner,  and  one  third  of  the 
monev  in  each  case  for  anv  British  officer  killed,  also  a 
reward  of  $100  was  offered  for  any  British  merchant  made 
prisoner  and  $20  for  any  such  merchant  killed.  But  Lin's 
bounty  and  assassination  schemes  were  nearly  as  fruitless  as 
his  volunteer  scheme.  Xo  British  officer  was  captured  or 
murdered,  and  but  few  British  civilians  were  made  prisoners 
or  assassinated,  though  secret  ambushes  were  laid  frequently 
and  the  poisoning  of  wells  was  a  common  practice. 

In  June  18-10,  the  ships  forming  the  expedition  began 
to  assemble  in  Hongkong  harbour,  and  every  day  now  brought 
some  man-of-war  or  troopship  or  other  from  England  or  India. 
By  the  end  of  June  there  had  arrived  seventeen  men-of-war 
among  them  three  line-of-battle  ships  (the  Melville^  Wellesle?/ 
and  Blenheim),  with  four  of  the  East  India  Company's  armed 
steamers  (the  Queen,  Atalant.a,  Madagascar  and  Enterjorise,  to 
which  subsequently  the  Nemesis  was  added).  There  were  also 
twenty-seven  troopships,  which  brought  three  regiments  (18th 
Royal   Irish,  2Gth  Cameronians   and   49th   Bengal  Volunteers), 


116  CHAPTER   IX. 

a  corps  of  Bengal  Eugiueers,  and  a  corps  of  Madras  sappers 
and  miners,  about  4,000  fighting  men  in  all.  The  expedition 
was  under  the  command  of  Sir  J.  J.  Gordon  Bremer,  subject 
to  the  orders  of  two  Plenipotentiaries,  viz.  Rear  x\dmir^l,  the 
Hon.  George  Elliot,  and  Captain  Ch.  Elliot,  R.N.,  the  former 
Chief  Superintendent  of  Trade  at  Canton. 

The  instructions  which  the  Cabinet  had  given  to  the  two 
Plenipotentiaries  were,  (1)  to  obtain  reparation  for  the  insults 
and  injuries  offered  to  Her  Majesty's  Superintendent  and  to 
Her  Majesty's  subjects  by  the  Chinese  Government,  (2)  to 
obtain  for  British  merchants  trading  with  China  an  indemni- 
fication for  the  loss  of  their  property  incurred  by  the  threats 
of  violence  offered  by  persons  under  the  direction  of  the 
Government,  and  (3)  to  obtain  a  certain  security  that  i^ersons 
in  future  trading  with  China  shall  be  protected  from  insult 
or  injury,  and  that  their  trade  and  commerce  be  maintained 
upon  a  proper  footing. 

It  will  be  observed  from  the  tenor  of  these  general 
instructions,  that  the  object  of  the  expedition  was  not  to  make 
war  against  China,  but  to  communicate  with  the  Chinese 
Government  (at  Peking),  in  order  to  obtain  official  redress  and 
indemnity  for  the  past  and  commercial  immunities  and  securities 
for  the  future.  The  means  and  mode  of  procedure  now  prescribed 
were  exactly  what  so  many  former  Canton  residents  and  notably 
Mr.  James  Matheson  had  recommended  in  183G.  An  appeal, 
against  the  doings  of  the  Cantonese  Authorities,  was  to  be  made 
to  a  misinformed  and  misguided  Emperor  and  negotiations  were 
to  be  instituted  with  the  moral  support  of  the  presence  of  an 
expeditionary  force  ready  for  war  in  case  pacific  measures  should 
prove  fruitless.  Apart  from  the  indemnity  for  the  opium 
extorted  by  Lin,  the  opium  question  was  not  included  in  the 
programme,  and  very  justly  so,  for  in  the  reckoning  which 
England  had  now  risen  up  to  make  with  China,  virtually  for 
two  centuries  of  ill-treatment  accorded  to  her  merchants,  the 
opium  question  was  a  mere  accidental  extra.  Finally,  it  will 
also  be  observed  that,  among  the  objects  of  the  exjxjdition,  the 


EXODUS  FR0:M   MACAO  AND  CESSION  OP  HONGKONG.  117 

-cession  of  any  portion  of  Chinese  territory,  or  the  formation 
of  a  British  Colony  in  the  East,  was  not  inchided.  This  was 
no  doubt  agreeable  to  Captain  Elliot  who,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
avei-se  to  the  notion  of  appropriating  Hongkong  or  any  other 
island  for  the  purposes  of  a  Colony  and  merely  looked  for  a 
safe  trade  station  on  the  coast  and  preferably  at  Macao. 

The  Indian  Government  suggested  to  the  Plenipotentiaries 
that,  immediately  upon  the  arrival  of  the  expedition  in  China, 
the  Bogue  forts  should  be  razed  to  the  ground,  and  the  Island 
of  Lantao  (W.  of  Hongkong)  occupied  as  a  commissariat  depot, 
with  might  at  some  future  time  answer  as  a  trade  station.  But, 
as  the  first  object  of  the  expedition  was  peaceful  communication 
with  Peking  rather  than  war  at  Canton,  the  two  Plenipotentiaries 
iioreed  to  abstain  from  anv  demonstration  involvincr  bloodshed 
as  long  as  possible.  However,  to  prevent  any  misunderstanding 
<it  Canton,  Commodore  Bremer  was  directed  to  give  notice  (June 
21,  1840)  that  a  blockade  of  the  port  of  Canton,  by  all  its 
entrances,  would  commence  on  June  28,  and  further,  in  order 
to  have  a  point  iVappiu  for  the  expected  negotiations  in  the  North, 
•Commodore  Bremer  proceeded  at  once  with  an  advanced  force 
to  take  possession  of  the  Island  of  Chusan,  which  Avas  accordingly 
done  (July  5,  1840)   by  the  occupation  of  Tinghai. 

Admiral  Elliot  and  Captain  Elliot,  following  (June  oO, 
1840)  in  the  wake  of  Commodore  Bremer  Avith  the  remainder 
of  the  expedition,  endeavoured  first  to  induce  the  Authorities  of 
€hehkiang  (the  province  to  Avhich  Chusan  belongs)  to  forward 
to  Peking  a  dispatch  signed  by  Lord  Palmerston  and  addressed 
to  the  Imperial  Authorities  at  Peking,  but  eventually  they 
proceeded  to  Tientsin  Avhere  the  dispatch  was  delivered  to  the 
Viceroy  of  Chihh',  called  Kisheu.  According  to  Chinese  history. 
Lord  Palmerston's  dispatch,  after  making  certain  statements 
intended  to  enlighten  the  Emperor  as  to  the  doings  of  the 
■Cantonese  Authorities,  made  the  following  demands,  viz.  (1) 
payment  of  an  indemnity  for  the  value  of  the  opium  extorted 
by  Lin,  (2)  the  opening  of  five  treaty  ports  (Canton,  Amoy. 
FoochoAV,    Tinghai    and    Shanghai),   (3)   terms  of  official   com- 


118  CHAPTER  IX. 

miinicatioii  on  the  basis  of  international  eqnality,  (4)  payment 
of  the  costs  of  the  expedition,  (5)  a  guarantee  that  one  set 
of  merchants,  should  not  be  held  responsible  for  the  doings  of 
another,  and  (G)  the  abolition  of  the  Hong  Merchants'  monopoly. 

It  will  be  observed  that  here  also  neither  the.  cession  of 
Hongkong,  nor  the  establishment  of  a  Colony  anywhere  else, 
Avas  included  in  the  programme.  But  as  the  Governor  General 
of  India  had  referred  to  Lantao,  and  as  the  Plenipotentiaries,, 
immediately  after  the  capture  of  Tinghai,  organized  a  complete 
civil,  judicial  and  fiscal  administration  for  the  whole  Island 
of  Chusan,  as  if  it  was  to  be  a  British  Colony,  the  chances  of 
Hongkong  now  seemed  even  farther  removed  than  ever. 

The  Emperor's  eyes  w^ere  opened  at  last  when  he  perused 
Lord  Palmerston's  dispatch,  and  seeing  that  he  had  either  to 
concede  the  British  demands  or  go  to  war,  he  is  said  to  have 
observed,  as  he  laid  down  the  dispatch,  that  'Lin  caused  the 
war  by  his  excessive  zeal  and  killed  people  in  order  to  close 
their  mouths.'  Lin's  enemies  at  Court  now  poured  into  the 
Imperial  ear  all  sorts  of  whispers,  in  consequence  of  which  both 
Lin  and  Tang  (the  former  Viceroy  of  Canton,  now  Viceroy 
of  Fohkien)  were  degraded.  Kishen  was  appointed  Imperial 
Commissioner  to  arrange  the  Canton  affairs,  but  he  was  hampered 
by  the  direction  to  consult  Lin  and  Tang  as  to  the  measures  to 
be  taken.  Eleepoo,  the  Viceroy  of  Nanking,  was  also  appointed 
Imperial  Commissioner  and  directed  to  proceed  to  Ningpo 
(opposite  Chusan)  to  settle  the  Chusan  affairs.  After  various 
negotiations  with  Eleepoo,  Her  Majesty's  Plenipotentiaries 
concluded  at  Chusan  a  truce  (November  6,  1840)  on  an  undefined 
general  understanding  that  the  peaceful  negotiations,  which  liad 
commenced,  should  be  continued  and  concluded  at  Canton  by 
Kishen,  and  that  meanwhile  the  English  would  hold  Chusan. 
as  a  guarantee. 

AVhilst  the  Plenipotentiaries  were  occupied  in  the  North. 
Commissioner  Lin,  though  chafing  under  the  blockade  of  the 
Canton  River,  continued  at  first  his  former  course  of  egging' 
on  the  scum  of  the  people  to  acts  of  violence  against  the  English 


EXODUS  FROM  MACAO  AND  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  119 

and  placarded  the  walls  of  Macao  again  with  inflammatory 
denunciations  directed  against  the  English  residents  at  that 
place.  The  Rev.  V.  Stanton,  officiating  as  British  Chaplain 
at  Macao,  was  kidnapped  on  the  shore  (August  5,  IS-tO)  and 
kept  under  close  confinement  in  a  common  prison  in  Canton, 
until  he  was  released  by  Kishen  (December  12,  18J:0).  Owing 
to  Lin's  interference  with  the  supply  of  provisions  at  Macao, 
four  British  gunboats  shelled  and  captured  the  Chinese  barrier 
fort  near  Macao  (xiugust  19,  1840) ;  otherwise  no  serious 
movement  of  any  importance  took  place  near  Canton  until  the 
conclusion  of   the  truce. 

When  the  news  of  the  Chusan  truce  reached  Macao* 
disappointment,  doubt  and  anxiety  prevailed  among  the  British 
community.  As  soon  as  the  two  Plenipotentiaries  arrived,  five 
British  firms  (Dent,  Bell,  Mcvicar.  Gribble  Hughes  and  Dirom) 
sent  a  joint  address  to  Captain  Elliot,  inquiring,  whether  the 
truce  of  Chusan  implied  a  suspension  of  the  Canton  blockade, 
whether  it  had  been  determined  that  British  trade  should  in 
future  be  carried  on  outside  the  Bogue,  or  whether  it  be 
contemplated  that  English  ships  should  enter  the  Bogue  and 
trade  be  carried  on,  temporarily,  at  Macao.  To  this  inquiry 
Captain  Elliot  replied  from  Tungku  (November  27,  1840), 
declining  to  answer  tliese  questions  on  the  ground  that  he  was 
ignor-nit  of  the  intentions  of  the  Chinese  Government.  But,  as 
x\drairal  Elliot,  suffering  under  a  severe  illness,  had  to  resign 
his  post  and  to  return  to  England  (December  1,  184o),  leaving 
to  Captain  Elliot  tlie  conduct  of  the  netjotiations  as  sole 
Plenipotentiary,  it  was  generally  assumed  that  Elliot  would 
press  for  British  trade  to  be  conducted  thenceforth  outside  the 
Bogue,  business  being  conducted  exclusively  at  Macao.  Sir 
H.  S.  Fleming  Senhouse  partially  succeeded  Admiral  Elliot  in 
the  command  of  the  fleet,  the  command  of  the  whole  expedition 
remaining  in  the  hands  of  Sir  J.  J.  Gordon  Bremer. 

At  Canton,  the  Chinese  officials  and  people  were  in  a  similar 
state  of  uncertainty  and  misgiving,  until  Kishen's  arrival 
(November  20,   1840).     When   Elliot   sent   the  steamer   Queen^ 


120  CHAPTER   IX. 

Tinder  u  flao^  of  truce,  to  the  Boo-iie   (November  20,  1840),  to 
aniioiiiice    bis    arrival    and    to    deliver  a   dispatcb    by    Eleepoo 
addressed  to   Kishen,   she  was  fired   upon  by  the   Bogne   forts, 
and  the  solid  shot   which  the  Queen  dropped  into  the  forts  in 
I'eturu  for  the  discourtesy  were  presented  to  Lin  in  great  triumph, 
but   an   apology    was    tendered    subsequently.     In   sending   tliis 
apology  the  Chinese  officials,  for  the  first  time,  addressed  Elliot 
in   terms   of   proper   respect.     As    soon   as    Kishen    arrived    in 
Oanton,  he  Avas  entreated  by  the   officials,   literati    and  gentry 
of   Canton,   not  to  give  up  a  stone  of  their  fortresses   nor   an 
inch  of  their  territory,  but  to  resume  hostile  operations  at  ou(!e. 
Kishen,  however,   had  formed  a  better   estimate   of   the   power 
of    foreign    arms,    strategy    and    discipline,    and    was   honestly 
determined  to  make  peace,  yielding,  however,  as  little  as  possible. 
But  as  he  by  this  policy  ran    counter  to   popular  feeling   and 
lost   the   confidence    and   hearty   co-operation    of    all    his   local 
subordinates,  his  position  Avas  extremely  difficult.     Negotiations 
were  accordingly  protracted  from  day  to  day  and  from  week  to 
week  without  any  ground  being  gained.       Elliot  having  asked 
for  a  port  outside  the   Bogue,   where  British  ships  might  load 
and  unload  their  cargoes,  Kishen  thought  of  offering  to  Elliot 
<iither  Amoy  or  Hongkong.     But  having  been  directed  to  consult 
Lin  and  Tang,  the  latter,  a  man  of  keen  statesman-like  foresight, 
urged  'that  Amoy  was  the  key  of  Fohkien,  and  that  Hongkong, 
occupying   a   central  position  in  Cantonese   waters,  would   be  a 
perpetual  menace  to  the   Cantonese  Authorities  if  the  English 
were  to  fortify  the  Island  of  Kwantailou   (Hongkong)  and  the 
peninsula  of  Kowloon.'     Thus   Kishen   found    himself   hemmed 
in  at  every  step.     Lin  and  Tang  secretly  counteracted  his  policy 
by  their  influence  upon   Kishen's  local  subordinates  and  Kishen 
noticed  a  mutinous  spirit  all  around  himself.     Lin's  intelligence 
department  also  would  not  serve  Kishen  with  a  good  will  and 
the   latter   was   driven   to   confide   all   interpretation   work  to  a 
man,  Pao  Pang,  who  was  looked  upon  by  the  Chinese  as  a  traitor 
and  by  Elliot  as  a  menial,  having  been  formerly    Mr.   Dent's 
favourite  butler  in  the  old   factory  days. 


EXODUS  FROM   MACAO  AND  CESSION  OF   HONGKONG.  121 

At  the  beginning  of  January,  1841,  Elliot  found  himself, 
-after  six  weeivs  of  negotiations,  no  nearer  a  settlement  than 
he  had  been  before.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  bring  matters 
to  a  crisis  and  sent  to  Kishen  an  ultimatum  (January  6,  1841) 
to  the  effect  that,  unless  some  definite  basis  for  an  a^'reement 
was  proposed  by  Kishen  by  8  a.m.  on  the  following  day,  the 
Bogue  forts  would  be  taken  possession  of  forthwith.  Xo  answer 
having  been  received  next  morning,  the  action,  thenceforth  to 
be  known  as  the  Second  Battle  of  Chuenpi,  commenced,  at 
D.30  A.M.  on  January  7,  1841,  when  the  fleet  attacked  the  two 
Bogue  forts,  Chuenpi  (also  called  Shakok)  on  the  East  and 
Taikok  on  the  AVest  of  the  Bogue,  whilst  the  troops  (1,4(51  men 
all  told)  were  landed  in  the  rear  of  the  forts  and  took  them 
by  assault.  AVithin  an  hour  and  a  half,  eighteen  Chinese  war- 
junks  were  destroyed,  some  500  Chinese  soldiers  were  killed, 
some  300  more  wounded,  while  the  loss  on  the  English  side 
was  o8  men  wounded  (mostly  by  explosions  in  blowing  up 
Chinese  powder  magazines),  and  none  killed.  At  11  o'clock 
the  action  was  over  and  the  British  flag  fluttered  lustily  in  the 
breeze  over  the  smouldering  ruins  of  the  Bogue  forts. 

The  Chinese  historian  2:ives  the  followino*  account  of  the 
Second  Battle  of  Chuenpi.  'Whilst  the  guns  of  the  English 
fleet  bombarded  the  tw(»  forts  in  front,  a  force  of  about  2,000 
Chhuiie  traitors  scaled  the  hills  and  attacked  them  in  the  rear. 
A  hundred  or  more  of  these  were  blown  up  by  exploded  mines, 
but  the  rest,  far  out-numbering  the  garrison  of  600  men,  came 
swarming  up  notwithstanding.  Two  or  three  hundred  more 
were  killed  by  our  gingalls,  but  at  last  our  powder  was  exhausted, 
and  the  steam-boats  got  round  the  forts  and  burned  our  fleet. 
The  other  three  forts,  farther  up  the  river,  commanded  by 
Admiral  Kwan,  Rear-Admiral  Li  and  Captain  Ma  resi^ectively, 
had  only  a  few  hundred  men  in  them,  who  could  do  nothing 
but  regard  each  other  with  weeping  eyes.  Admiral  Kwan  sent 
Li  to  Canton  to  apply  for  more  troops,  but  Kishen  was  obdurate 
and  simply  spent  the  night  in  writing  out  further  peace 
proposals   which   he   sent  by    Pao   Pang   to   Elliot.     Hongkong 


\92  CHAPTER  IX. 

was  now  offered,  by  Kisben,  in  addition  to  tbe  opium  indemnity 
and  tbe  Chebkiang  prisoners  were  excbanged  for  Tingbai.' 

Tbe  last  sentence  of  tbis  Cbinese  account  of  tbe  Second 
Battle  of  Cbuenpi  is  of  special  importance,  as  it  fixes  tbe  source 
from  wbicb  tbe  proposal  to  cede  tbe  Island  of  Hongkong  to  tbe 
Britisb  Crown  emanated.  It  was  Kisben  and  not  Elliot  wbo 
proposed  tbe  cession.  As  to  tbe  'Cbebkiang  prisoners'  bere 
referred  to,  tbere  is  some  mistake  bere.  Kisben's  proposal  was 
to  cede  Hongkong  as  a  trade  station  (like  AVbarapoa)  and 
in  excbange  for  tbe  Bogne  forts  and  Cbusan  (Tingbai).  Sub- 
sequently, 'tbe  Cbebkiang  prisoners,'  tbat  is  to  say,  tbe  crew 
and  passengers  of  tbe  troopship  Kite,  wbicb  stranded  (February 
15,  1841)  by  accident  on  a  sboal  near  Tingbai  and  fell  into 
Cbinese  bands,  were  naturally  surrendered  by  tbe  Cbinese  wben 
Tingbai  was  evacuated. 

After  tbe  capture  of  tbe  Bogue  forts.  Admiral  Kwan  came 
witb  a  flag  of  truce,  begging  for  an  armistice,  in  order  to  give 
tbe  Higb  Commissioner  time  to  consider  cei'tain  propositions 
be  intended  offering  for  Elliot's  acceptance.  Tbe  armistice  was 
[/  granted  and  sbuffling  negotiations  recommenced.  At  last,  on 
January  20,  1841,  was  concluded  tbe  Treaty  of  Cbuenpi. 
"^  By  tbis  Treaty,  four  preliminary  propositions  Avere  agreed 
to  by  tbe  Cbinese  and  Britisb  Plenipotentiaries,  to  tbe  effect,  (1) 
tbat  tbe  island  and  barbour  of  Hongkon^:  (not  including 
Kowloon  peninsula)  sbould  be  ceded  for  ever  to  tbe  Britisb 
Crown,  and  tbe  Cbinese  batteries  on  Tsimsbatui  dismantled  in 
return  for  tbe  demolisbed  Bogue  forts,  (i')  tbat  an  indemnity 
of  six  million  dollars  sbould  be  paid  to  tbe  Britisb  Government 
in  six  annual  instalments,  tbe  first  being  paid  at  once,  (3)  tbat 
direct  official  intercourse  between  tbe  two  countries  sbould  be 
conducted  on  a  footing  of  international  equality,  and  (4)  tbat 
tbe  trade  of  tbe  port  of  Canton  sbould  be  opened  witbin  ten 
days  after  tbe  Cbinese  new  year  (tberefore  on  February  1,  1841) 
and  be  carried  on  at  Wbarapoa,  until  furtber  arrangements  sbould 
be  practicable  at  Hongkong.  All  otber  details  were  to  stand 
over  for  furtber  negotiation.     It  must  be  added,  bowever,  tliat 


EXODUS   FROM  MACAO  AND  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  123- 

the  first  of  the  foregoing  preliminaries  of  jxiace  was  conplecl  with 
a  proviso,  subsequently  disapproved  by  the  British  Government, 
to  the  effect  that  '  all  just  charges  and  duties  to  the  Empire  of 
China,  upon  the  commerce  carried  on  at  Hongkong,  should  be 
paid  as  if  the  trade  were  conducted  at  Whampoa.'  These  words 
indicate  that  the  understanding  which  Kishen  and  Elliot,  by 
a  mutual  compromise,  attached  to  the  cession  of  Hongkong  at 
that  time  was,  that  Hongkong  should  be  a  hybrid  cross  between 
a  treaty  port  of  China  and  a  British  Colony,  the  soil  being  owned 
by  Great  Britain  but  trade  charges  levied  by  Chinese  officials. 
Such  a  mixed  constitution  would  have  proved  a  source  of  endless 
friction  between  the  two  Governments,  besides  beinc:  a  nesration 
of  the  free  traders '  desire  of  a  free  port. 

In  notifying  Her  Majesty's  subjects  of  the  successful 
conclusion  of  the  Chuenpi  Treaty  (January  20,  1890),  Captain 
Elliot  informed  them  that,  pending  Her  Majesty's  further 
pleasure,  there  would  be  no  port  or  other  charges  to  the  British 
Government  at  Hongkong.  Elliot,  at  the  same  time,  offered 
the  protection  of  the  British  flag  to  the  subjects,  citizens  and 
ships  of  foreign  Powers,  that  might  resort  to  Her  Majesty's 
possessions  at  Hongkong.  He  also  exhorted  British  merchants 
to  adopt  a  conciliatory  treatment  of  the  Chinese  people  and  to 
show  becoming  deference  for  the  country  upon  the  threshold  of 
which  they  were  about  to  be  established,  and  finally  he  expressed 
his  gratitude  to  the  officers  and  men  of  the  expeditionary  force, 
to  whose  bravery  the  result  now  accomplished  was  largely  due. 

Immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  tlie  Treaty  of  Chuenpi, 
the  British  squadron  withdrew  from  the  Bogue  and  moved  down 
to  the  S.  W.  Bay  of  Lantao,  leaving  behind  H.M.S.  Samaramj, 
whose  "coImnanJer  (Captain  Scott),  thenceforth  known  as 
Governor  of  Chuenpi,  was  instructed  to  hand  over  to  the  Chinese 
Authorities  the  demolished  forts  of  Chuenpi  and  Taikok.  At 
the  same  time,  H.M.S.  Cohnnhlne  was  dispatched  to  Chusan, 
to  recall  thence  the  remainder  of  the  expedition. 

On  January  24,  1841,  Commodore  Bremer,  having  arrived 
at  Lantao  from  Macao,  directed  Captain  Belcher,   in  command 


124  CHAPTER   IX. 

of  H.M.S.  Sulphur  (which  has  given  her  name  to  the  Sulphur 
Channel)  to  proceed  forthAvith  to  Hongkong-  and  commence 
its  survey.  Sir  E.  Belcher,  accordingly,  landed  on  Monday, 
January  25,  1841,  at  fifteen  minutes  past  8  a.m.,  at  the  foot  of 
Taipingshan,  and  on  the  hill,  now  occupied  by  the  Chinese 
recreation  ground.  Captain  Belcher  and  his  officers,  considering 
themselves  the  hona  fide  first  British  possessors,  drank  Her 
Majesty's  health  with  three  cheers,  the  spot  being  thenceforth 
known  as  Possession  Point.  This  was  done  unofficially  and 
as  an  arbitrary  preliminary  to  the  survey  of  the  Island.  But 
the  next  day  (January  26,  1841),  Avhen  the  whole  squadron 
had  arrived  in  Hongkong  harbour,  possession  was  taken  of 
Hongkong  more  formally  and  officially  by  Commodore  Bremer. 
On  Tuesday,  January  2G,  1841,  the  marines  from  all  the  ships 
were  landed  at  the  same  place  as  the  day  before  and  official 
possession  was  taken  of  the  Island  by  Sir  J.  J.  Gordon  Bremer 
in  the  name  of  Her  Majesty  Queen  Victoria.  Commodore 
Bremer  was  accompanied  by  his  officers,  and  at  the  moment 
when  the  British  flag  was  hoisted  on  Possession  Point,  the 
marines  on  the  spot  fired  o,  feM-de-joie,  whilst  all  the  ships-of-war 
in  the  harbour  made  the  hills  re-echo  with  the  thunders  of 
the  first  Royal  Salute  ever  fired  in  Hongkong.  Sir  E.  Belcher 
took  tlie  true  position  of  Hongkong  on  a  hillock,  within  a 
stone's  throw  of  the  houses  on  Morrison  Hill,  as  being  in  '12° 
10'  30"  N.  Lat.  and  114°  08'  30"  E.  Long.  He  also  determined 
the  names  and  height  of  the  principal  peaks  as  follow,  Victoria 
Peak  (1,825  feet).  High  West  (1,774  feet),  Mount  Gough  1,575 
feet).  Mount  Kellett  (1,131  feet),  Mount  Parker  (1,711  feet)  and 
subsequently  Pottinger  Peak  (1,01G  feet). 

It  is  obvious  from  the  foregoing  account  of  the  acquisition 
of  Hongkong,  that  the  actual  cession  was  a  surprise  to  all 
■concerned.  Kishen  had,  at  the  last  moment,  reluctantly  offered 
to  cede  Hongkong,  and  Elliot,  though  accepting  it,  because  at 
the  moment  he  could  hardly  do  otherwise,  took  it  unwillingly. 
To  the  British  merchants,  the  leaders  of  whom  in  later  yeai*s 
stated  in  a  joint  memorial  to  Lord  Stanley   (August  13,  1845) 


EXODUS  FROM  MACAO  AND  CESSION  OF  HOXGKONCJ.  125 

that  'such  a  settlemenfc  as  Hongkong-  was  never  actually  required 
by  the  British  merchants,'  this  sudden  establishment  of  a  Colony 
was  as  unexpected  as  the  birth  of  a  child  into  a  family  generally 
is  to  the  rest  of  the  children.  They  could  only  wonder  how 
it  had  all  come  about,  but  they  could  not  undo  the  fact.  They 
had  not  been  consulted  about  it.  There  it  was :  the  newborn 
Colony  of  Hongkong.  And  as  to  the  people  of  England — '  What 
will  they  say  about  it  at  home  ? '  was  the  anxious  thought  of 
both  Elliot  and  the  merchants,  and  none  could  foretell  with 
certainty  whether  the  new-fledged  Colony  would  ever  live  to 
celebrate  its  jubilee  or  indeed  outlast  the  year  of  its  birth. 

On  February  3,  1841,  ignorant  as  yet  of  the  cession  as  a 
fait  accompli,  the  Foreign  Office  dispatched  instructions  to 
Captain  Elliot  which  seemed  to  him  to  furnish  good  cause  for 
the  expectation  that  the  establishment  of  a  trade  station  at 
Hongkong  might  eventually  meet  with  the  approval  of  Her 
Majesty's  Government.  This  dispatch  contained  the  following- 
prophetic  cantion  :  '  You  are  authorized  to  propose  a  condition 
that,  if  there  be  ceded  to  the  British  Crown  an  island  off  the 
Eastern  Coast  of  China  to  serve  as  a  commercial  station  for 
British  subjects,  the  Chinese  merchants  and  inhabitants  of  all 
the  towns  and  cities  on  the  Coast  of  China  shall  be  permitted 
by  the  Chinese  Government  to  come  freely  and  without  the 
least  hindrance  and  molestation  to  that  Island  for  the  purpose 
of  trading  with  the  British  subjects  there  established.'  Un- 
fortunately for  Hongkong,  the  injunction  here  wisely  coupled 
with  its  probable  cession  was  entirely  neglected  for  years  after 
the  cession  had  been  accomplished.  Kishen  offered  Hongkong 
as  a  residence  for  foreigners  but  he  did  not  intend  it  to  become 
the  Alsatia  of  China. 

Difficult  as  it  may  be  to  say,  with  prefect  accuracy  and  in 
a  few  words,  bow  Hongkong  came  to  be  ceded  to  the  British 
Crown,  this  much  will  be  clearly  established  by  the  above  nar- 
rative, viz.  that  the  ordinarily  current  accounts  of  the  cession 
of  Hongkong  are  inaccurate.  It  is  evidently  unjust  to  say, 
what  is  commonly  found  stated  in  Continental  and  American 


126  CHAPTER  IX. 

histories  of  British  intercourse  with  the  Far  East,  that  'the 
Eng-Hsh  wanted  Hongkong  and  they  took  it  by  force  of 
^rms.'  But  that  is  also  an  unwarranted  inference  which  the 
-compiler  of  the  Colonial  Year  Book  (1890)  has  drawn  from 
his  view  of  the  cession,  by  the  allegation  that  '  the  annexation 
of  Hongkong  affords  a  remarkable  example  of  the  aptitude 
of  the  English  for  grasping  the  requirements  of  any  given 
condition  of  circumstances  and  meeting  them  accordingly.' 
It  is  to  be  feared,  with  all  respect  for  British  quickness  o1[ 
perception  generally,  that  in  the  present  case  the  lesson  of 
the  above  chapter  points  rather  in  the  opposite  direction. 


(2 «) 


CHAPTER  X. 


Pre-British  History  of  the  Island  of  Hoxgkong. 

j^gEOLOGICAL  upheavals  had  felicitously  formed  Hongkong- 

~   ^^^     of  the  toughest   material   and  placed   it   just   where   the 

••;  'Continent   of   Asia — large   enough   for  the   destinies   of    China, 

Russia  and  Britain — juts  out  into  the  Pacific,  as  if  beckoning 

to  the  rest  of  the  world  to  come   on.     Small  as  a  dot  in  the 

ocean,  Hongkong    was   yet   formed   large   enough   for  its   own 

destiny  :  to  act  as  the  thin  end  of  the  wedge  which  shall  yet 

open   up   China  to  the  the   civilization  of  the  West ;  to  form 

•  Britain's  Key  to  the  East,  as  the  combined  Malta  and  Gibraltar 

■of  the  Pacific  ;  to  be  China's  guarantee  of  British  support  along 

the  strategic  line  formed  by  India,  the  Straits  Settlements  and 

the  China  Sea. 

Previous  to  its  cession  to  the  British  Crown,  the  Island  of 
Hongkong  was  too  little  known  to  be  accorded  special  notice 
either  in  the  Annals  or  in  the  Topographies  of  the  Chinese 
Emj^ire,  to  which  it  belonged. 

Hongkong,  and  the  opposite  portion  of  the  mainland  of 
China,  known  as  the  Peninsula  of  Kowloon,  together  with 
the  few  tiny  islets  situated  close  inshore  (Kellett  Island,  Stone- 
cutter's Island,  Green  Island,  Tree  Island,  Aberdeen  Island, 
Middle  Island,  and  Round  Island),  all  of  which  are  at  the 
present  day  comprised  within  the  boundaries  of  the  Colony, 
formed,  since  time  immemorial,  a  portion  of  the  Kwangtung 
(Canton)  Province.  The  Island  of  Hongkong  (covering  an  ^ 
area  of  about  29  square  miles)  is  situated,  7G  miles  S.E.  of 
Canton,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Pearl  River,  the  eastern  banks 
of  which  are  lined  by  the  Tungkoon  District  (2-4  miles  S.E.  of 
Canton  city)  and  the  Sanon  District  (52  miles  S.E.  of  Canton 
•city),    of    which    the    Kowloon    Peninsula   and   Kowloon  City 


128  CHAPTER   X. 

Promontory  from  the  south-eastern  extremities,  whilst  Hongkong^ 
is  separated  from  Kowloon  Peninsula  by  a  channel  of  one 
nautical  mile  in  width. 

For  many  centuries  Hongkong  formed  a  part  of  the 
Tungkoon  District,  but  when  the  eastern  half  of  the  latter  was 
constituted  a  separate  District,  called  Sanon,  the  territory  now 
included  in  the  British  Colony  of  Hongkong  came  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Sanon  Magistrate  who  resides  in  a  walled 
town  on  the  Canton  River  called  Namtau  (or  Sanon),  and  who 
has  under  his  direction  a  Sub-Magistrate  residing  at  Kowloon 
city,  a  small  fortified  town,  situated  close  to  the  British  frontier, 
in  the  north-eastern  corner  of  Kowloon  Peninsula.  The  land- 
register,  however,  which  forms  the  Domesday  Book  for  the  few 
arable  and  vegetable  fields  possessed  by  the  Colony  remained  all 
along  at  Tungkoon.  Thence  used  to  issue  from  time  to  time 
the  tax-gatherers  to  dun  the  villagers  for  the  payment  of  the 
irrain  tax  and  to  worrv  them  into  takins;  out  licences  for  oround 
newly  brought  under  cultivation. 

The  fishing  grounds  also,  all  along  the  coast  of  Hongkong 
and  Kowloon,  were  parcelled  out,  under  special  licences  for 
which  the  Sanon  Magistrate's  underlings  used  to  collect  annual 
fees.  The  waters  of  Hongkong,  with  the  beautiful,  roomy  and 
almost  land-locked  harbour,  enclosed  on  the  N'orth  by  the 
Peninsula  of  Kowloon  and  its  eastern  Promontory,  and  in 
the  South  by  the  Island  of  Hongkong  with  its  several  bays,, 
were  under  the  special  supervision  of  the  Marine  Constabulary 
Station  of  Taipang,  a  walled  town  in  the  north-eastern  portion 
of  Mirs  Bay,  some  30  miles  to  the  North-east  of  Kowloon  city. 
But  when  the  Colony  became  British,  the  head-quarters  of  the 
Colonel  in  command  of  the  Marine  Constabulary  stations  of 
Taipang  and  Kowloon  were  removed  to  the  citadel  of  Kowlooiu 
city. 

The  above-mentioned  administrative  and  executive  arrange- 
ments date  back,  in  their  present  form,  no  farther  than  the 
commencement  of  the  present  Tatsing  (Manchu)  Dynasty  and 
notably  to  the  reign  of  the  enlightened  Emperor  Kanghi  (A.D. 


PRE-BRITISH   HISTORY  OF  HONGKONG.  129 

1662  to  1722),  who  took  quite  an  exceptional  position  in  that 
he  positively  encouraged  foreigners  to  come  to  his  Coui't  and 
systematicallj  favoured  foreign  trade.  During  his  reign  the' 
water-Avays  of  Hongkong  which,  with  the  Kap-shui-moon  and 
Sulphur  channels  in  the  West,  and  the  Ly-ee-moon  pass  in  the 
East,  formed  all  along  the  natural  highway  of  commerce,  con- 
necting Canton  and  the  South-west  coast  with  the  ports  of 
Swatow,  Amoy,  Foochow  and  Shanghai  on  the  East  coast 
of  China,  rose  into  commercial  importance. 

As  to  the  history  of  Hongkong  previous  to  the  rise  of  the 
Tatsiug  Dynasty  (A.D.  1644)  very  little  is  known. 

There  is,  however,  on  the  Kowloon  peninsula,  and  within 
British  territory,  an  ancient  rock  inscription,  on  a  large  loose- 
lying  granite  boulder,  which  crowns  the  summit  of  a  circular 
hill,  jutting  out  into  the  sea,  close  to  the  village  of  Matauchung, 
directly  West  of  Kowloon  city.  This  inscription,  consisting  of 
three  Chinese  characters  (Sung  Wong  T'ong,  lit.  Hall  of  a 
King  of  the  Sung)  arranged  horizontally,  A^as  originally  cut 
about  half  an  inch  deep  in  the  northern  face  of  the  boulder.  The 
Chinese  Government  believe  it  to  be  a  genuine  inscription,  about 
600  years  old.  The  original  characters,  having  become  nearly 
effaced  in  course  of  time,  were  renewed  at  the  beginning  of  the 
present  century  (1807)  by  order  of  the  Viceroy  of  Canton,  the 
date  of  this  restoration  being  recorded  by  a  separate  inscription 
the  characters  of  which  are  arranged  perpendicularly.  The  memo- 
ries attaching  to  this  inscription  and  to  the  whole  hill,  which  still 
shows  the  outlines  of  the  original  entrenchments,  are  so  sacred 
in  the  eyes  of  Chinese  officials  and  literati,  that  excavations 
and  quarrying  were  prohibited  in  that  locality  under  the  severest 
penalties.  When  the  Peninsula  was  leased  and  subsequently 
ceded  to  the  British  Crown,  the  Chinese  Government  specially 
stipulated  that  the  rock  inscription  and  the  whole  hill  should 
remain  untouched.  Nevertheless,  quarrying  has  occasionally  been 
attempted  there  since  the  locality  came  into  British  possession. 

Chinese  history  states  that,  when  the  Sung  Dynasty  was 
overturned  by  the  invasion  of  the  Mongols  under  Kublai  Khan, 

9 


13.0  CHAPTER   X. 

who  subsequently  seated  himself  on  the  throne  of  China 
(A.D.  1280),  the  last  Emperor  of  the  Sung  Dynasty,  then  a 
young  child,  was  driven  with  the  Imperial  Court  to  the  South 
of  China  and  finally  compelled  to  take  refuge  on  board  ship, 
when  he  continued  his  flis^ht,  accompanied  by  a  small  fleet. 
Ooasting  along  from  Foochow,  past  Amoy  and  Swatow,  he  passed 
(about  1278  A.D.)  through  the  Ly-ee-moon  into  the  waters  of 
Hongkong.  After  a  short  stay  on  Kowloon  Peninsula,  he  sailed 
westwards  until  he  reached  Ngaishan,  at  the  mouth  of  the  West 
River  (South-west  of  Macao).  But  meanwhile  the  Mongols 
had  taken  possession  of  Canton  and  hastily  organized  a  fleet 
with  which  they  hemmed  in  the  Imperial  flotilla  on  all  sides. 
The  Prime  Minister  (Luk  Sau-fu),  seeing  all  was  lost,  took  the 
youthful  Emperor  on  his  back,  jumped  into  the  sea  (A.D.  1279) 
and  perished  together  with  him. 

Within  a  few  months  previous  to  this  event,  the  Imperial 
Court  had  rested  for  a  while  in  the  little  bay  of  Kowloon,  called 
Matauchung.  Tradition  says  that  Kowloon  city  and  the  present 
hamlets  of  Matauchung  and  Matauwai  were  not  in  existence  at 
the  time,  and  that  the  Imperial  troops  were  encamped  for  a  time 
on  the  hill  now  marked  by  the  inscription,  whilst  the  Court  were 
lodged  in  a  roughly  constructed  wooden  palace  erected  at  a  short 
distance  from  the  beach,  on  the  other  side  of  Matauchung  creek, 
at  a  place  now  marked  by  a  temple.  There,  it  is  said,  the  last 
Emperor  of  the  Sung  resided  for  a  while,  on  ground  now  British 
and  in  si^'ht  of  Honokono;,  waitino:  for  news  from  Canton 
concerning  the  movements  of  the  Mongols,  and  hoping  in  vain 
to  receive  succour  from  that  treacherous  city. 

Tradition  further  states  that,  ever  since  the  downfall  of  the 
Sung  (A.D.  1279)  and  all  through  the  reign  of  the  Mongol  Yuen 
Dynasty  (A.D.  1280  to  1333),  Hongkong  was  a  haunt  of  pirates. 
The  bay  of  Shaukiwan  (close  to  the  Ly-ee-moon  pass)  and  the 
bay  of  Aberdeen  (close  to  the  Lamma  channel)  were  specially 
dreaded  by  peaceful  traders,  because  piratical  craft  used  to  issue 
thence  plundering  or  levying  black-mail  on  passing  junks.  These 
pirates,  it  is  said,  were  generally  engaged  in  fishing  whilst  men 


PRE-BRITISH   HISTORY  OF  HONGKONG.  131 

•stationed  on  the  hill  tops  kept  a  look-out  for  merchant  vessels. 
The  descendants  of  these  piratical  fishermen  gave,  in  subsequent 
years,  an  endless  deal  of  trouble  to  the  British  Government.  It 
•was  this  piratical  predisposition  of  the  fishermen  residing  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Hongkong  that  had  caused  the  early  Portuguese 
navigators  to  give  these  Islands  the  general  name  Ladrones. 

During  the  reign  of  the  native  Ming  Dynasty  (A.D.  I4G8 
to  1028),  a  period  of  comparative  peace  and  order  ensued  whilst 
the  fishino-  vessels  of  Shaukiwan  and  Aberdeen  confined  their 
depredations  to  the  regular  levy  of  a  small  fee,  willingly  paid 
'by  junks  benefitting  by  the  short  cut  afforded  by  the  Ly-ee- 
moon  and  Lamma  channels  or  by  the  safe  anchorage  which 
some  of  the  bays  of  Hongkong  provided  in  case  of  an  approaching 
:typhoon.  Both  the  Peninsula  of  Kowloon  and  the  Island  of 
Hongkong  now  began  to  be  peopled  by  peaceful  and  industrious 
settlers  from  the  neio-hbouring  Tungkoon  District.  The  town 
of  Kowloon  was  formed  about  this  time  by  settlers  speaking  the 
Cantonese  dialect,  called  Puntis  (///.  aborigines).  These  Puntis, 
after  denuding  the  hill  sides  of  all  available  timber  or  firewood, 
took  possession  of  all  arable  ground  to  be  found  on  the  territory 
now  British,  and  took  out  licenses  for  such  fields  from  the 
'Tnngkoon  Magistracy.  Thus  the  hamlets  of  Matauwai  (near 
Kowloon  city)  with  Kwantailou  (Eastpoint)  and  Wongnaichung 
(on  the  Island  of  Hongkong)  were  among  the  first  to  be  formed, 
-and  to  them  were  added  later  on  the  hamlets  of  Sookonpou 
(Powring-town),  Tanglungchau  and  Pokfulam.  Some  of  the 
fishing  villages,  Chikchii  (Stanley),  Shekou  (between  Cape 
Collinson  and  Cape  D'Agailar),  and  Yaumati  (on  Kowloon 
Peninsula)  now  rose  also  into  importance.  Among  the  people 
then  residinof  on  Honj^konsr  a  number  of  families  of  tlie  Tong 
clan  held  all  the  best  pieces  of  ground  and  the  members  of  this 
Tong  clan  looked  upon  themselves  as  the  owners  of  Hongkong. 

Some  time,  however,  after  the  Puntis  had  occupied  the  best 

portions  of  Kowloon  and  Hongkong,  settlers  from  the  North-east 

-of    the    Canton    Province,   speaking   a  different   dialect,   called 

llakkas  Qit.  strangers),  began  to  push  their  way  in  between  Punti 


132  CHAPTER  X. 

settle meijts.  These  Hakkas  cut  the  grass  from  the  hill  sides  for 
fuel,  made  charcoal  as  long  as  there  was  any  timber  left,  formed 
vegetable  fields  on  hilly  or  swampy  ground  neglected  by  the 
Puntis,  started  granite  quarries,  or  worked  in  the  Punti  villages 
as  blacksmiths  or  barbers.  Thus  the  Hakka  villages  of  Mongkok, 
Tsopaitsai,  Tsimshatsui  and  Matauchung  were  formed  on  Kowloon 
Peninsula,  and  on  Hongkong  Island  the  hamlets  of  Hungheunglou, 
Tunglowan,  Taitamtuk,  Shaiwan,  Hoktsui,  Wongmakok,  and 
Little  Hongkong.  Similar  hamlets  were  formed  by  the  Hakkas 
at  the  quarries  of  Taikoktsui,  Hokiin,  and  Tokwawan  on  Kowloon, 
and  at  the  quarries  of  Tsattsimui,  Shuitsingwan,  "Wongkoktsui, 
and  Akungngam  on  the  Island  of  Hongkong. 

Thus  it  happened  that,  ever  since  the  Ming  Dynasty,  two 
distinct  tribes  of  Chinese,  differing  from  each  other  in  language, 
customs  and  manners,  formed  the  native  population  of  Hongkong 
and  Kowloon.  As  a  rule,  the  Puntis  were  more  intelligent,  active 
and  cunning,  and  became  the  dominant  race,  whilst  the 
Hakkas,  good-natured,  industrious  and  honest,  served  as  hewers 
of  wood  and  stone  and  drawers  of  water.  But  from  the  first 
advent  of  the  British  and  all  throuo-h  the  wars  with  China, 
the  Puntis  as  a  rule  were  the  enemies  and  the  Hakkas  the 
friends,  purveyors,  commissariat  and  transport  coolies  of  the 
foreigners,  whilst  the  fishing  population  provided  boatmen 
and  pilots  for  the  foreign  trade. 

Later  on,  a  third  class  of  natives,  speaking  another  dialect 
(Tiehchiu,  or  Swatow  dialect),  settled  at  Shaukiwan,  Tokwawan, 
Hunghom  and  Yaumati.     These  people,  generally  called  Hoklos, 
were  all  seafaring  men,  bolder  in  character  than  either  HakkasM^ 
^^  or   Puntis,   and   specially  addicted    to    smuggling    and    piracy,   r 
Among   all  the   pirates   on  the  coast,  these  Hoklos  were  most    V 
J    dreaded  on  account  of  their  ferocious  and  daring  deeds.     In 
)  later  years,  these  Hoklos  supplied  the  crews  of  nearly  all  the 
1  salt  smuggling  and  opium  smuggling  boats,  the  terror  of  the 
(Chinese  revenue  cruizers. 

After  the  downfall  of  the  Ming  Dynasty  (A.D.  1628),  the 
scattered  remnants  of  the  Ming  army,  still  hoping  to  retrieve  the 


PRE-BRITISH  HISTORY    OF   HONGKONG.  133 

fortunes  of  the  Ming-  and  to  expel  the  Tsing  (Munclnis),  took 
I'efuge  on  the  Island  of  Hongkong  (about  A.D.  1050).  Thereupon 
the  Emperor  Kanghi  issued  an  Edict,  canceUing  all  leases  issued 
for  Hongkong  and  calling  upon  all  loyal  subjects  of  the  Tatsing 
Dynasty  to  withdraw  themselves  and  all  supplies  of  provisions 
from  the  Island,  until  all  the  rebels  who  had  taken  refuge 
there  were  starved  out  and  exterminated.  All  the  agricultural 
settlers,  Puntis  and  Hakkas  left  Hongkong  forthwith — an  exodus 
which,  in  the  history  of  British  Hongkong,  was  repeated  several 
times — until  the  rebels  had  been  dislodged  and  order  restored, 
when  they  returned  and  had  their  licenses  renewed. 

Chinese  tradition  has  nothing  further  to  say  of  Hongkong, 
except  that,  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  (A.D.  1806 
to  1810),  the  present  Victoria  Peak  (1,774  feet  high)  formed 
the  look-out  and  the  fortified  head-quarters  of  a  pirate,  named 
Chang  Pao,  famous  in  popular  local  history  for  his  daring 
exploits  until,  having  conquered  several  districts  bordering 
on  the  Canton  River,  he  was  bought  over  by  the  Viceroy  of 
Canton  and  entered  his  service. 

As  to  the  name  of  Hongkong,  the  Chinese  are  not  in 
the  habit  of  naming  an  island,  as  a  whole,  apart  from  any 
prominent  place  or  feature  of  it.  Previous  to  the  cession  of 
Hongkong,  there  was  no  term  in  existence  designating  the  Island 
of  Hongkong  as  a  whole.  The  principal  port  on  the  South 
of  the  Island,  now  known  as  the  port  of  Aberdeen,  was  always 
known  among  Puntis,  and  fishermen  especially,  a^sHeuri»;;jvQng) 
(^.  port  of  fragrance)  and  is  so  known  among  the  natives 
generally  to  the  present  day  when  referring  to  the  anchorage 
as  distinct  from  the  village  of  Shekpaiwau  (Aberdeen  village) 
and  the  village  of  Aplichau  (Aberdeen  Island).  The  Hakka 
village  of  Heung-kongtsai  (Little  Hongkong)  is  situated  two 
miles  farther  inland.  The  stream  which,  by  a  pretty  little 
waterfall,  falls  into  the  sea  at  Aberdeen  village  (at  the  present 
paper  mill),  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  native  term  Hongkong, 
but  it  attracted  European  vessels  which  used  to  replenish  their, 
empty  water-casks  there.     These  Euro])ean  mariners,   mistaking 


/ 


134  CHAPTER  X. 

the  name  of  the  anchorage  for  that  of  the  whole  Island,  marked 
the  Island  of  Hongkong  on  their  charts  accordingly,  and  in 
subseqnent  years,  on  the  occasion  of  the  Treaties  of  Chuenpi 
(A.D.  1841)  andlS'anking  (A.D.  1843),  the  term  'Hong  Kong'^ 
was  adopted  as  a  designation  of  the  whole  Island  and  thus 
passed  into  general  use,  both  among  foreigners  and  natives, 
and  finally  the  term  '  Hongkong '  was  used  as  a  designation  of  the 
whole  Colony  (including  KoAvloon). 

Along  the  northern  shore  of  Island  there  used  to  be, 
previous  to  the  British  occupation,  a  narrow  bridlepath  leading,, 
high  above  the  beach,  across  rocks  and  boulders,  all  the  Avay 
from  Westpoint  to  a  hamlet  near  Eastpoint  called  Kwantailou, 
described  in  the  first  census  (May  15,  1841)  as  a  fishing  village- 
with  50  inhabitants.  This  path  was  used  by  the  crews  of  trading- 
junks,  in  cases  of  wind  and  tide  being  unfavourable,  to  track 
the  junks  along  by  a  towing  line  attached  to  the  peak  of  the 
foremast.  Now  this  hard-trodden  path  standing,  to  an  observer 
from  the  opposite  shore,  clear  out  from  the  grass-grown  hillside, 
like  a  fringe  or  border  along  the  skirts  of  the  hill,  was  by  the 
natives  called  Kwantailou  (Jit.  petticoat  string  road),  and  the 
hamlet  at  which  this  path  ended  was  naturally  called  by  this 
same  name.  But  among  the  Hakkas,  the  Island  of  Hongkong,, 
or  rather  this  northern  portion  of  it,  is  to  the  present  day  called 
by  the  same  name  Kiuntailou. 

The  name  of  the  Kowloon  peninsula,  which  covers  an  area 
of  four  square  miles,  is  derived  from  a  series  of  nine  peaks  or 
ridges  (Kau-lung,  lit.  nine  dragons)  which  form  the  northern 
background  ,of  the  panorama  spread  out  before  an  observer 
standing  on  the  northern  slope  of  the  Island  of  Hongkong. 
After  these  nine  dragons,  both  the  city  of  Kowloon  (which  is 
in  Chinese  territory)  and  the  Peninsula  of  Kowloon  (ceded  to- 
Great  Britain  in  1861)  are  named. 

Previous  to  the  British  occupation  of  Hongkong,  the 
population  of  it  probably  never  exceeded,  at  any  one  time,  a 
total  of  2,000  people,  including  Puntis,  Hakkas  and  Hoklos? 
whether  ashore  or  afloat. 


CHAPTER  XL 


C0XFIR]MATI0N   OF   THE   CeSSIOX   OF    HONGKOXG, 

1841   to  1843. 

]^)EFORE  entering  now  npon  the  modern  Iiistoiy  of  Hongkong, 
t^^^  it  is  necessary  briefly  to  sketch  first  of  all  the  history  of 
those  political  events  which,  directly  connected  with  the  Treaty 
of  Chnenpi,  and  of  the  cession  of  Hongkong,  brought  about 
eventually  the  confirmation  of  the  cession  by  the  Treaty  of 
Nanking  (August  29,  1843).  For  the  latter,  though  not 
alluding  to  any  previous  cession,  was  virtually  but  a  ratification 
of  the  action  taken  by  the  representatives  of  the  British 
Government  in  taking  possession  of  Hongkong  (January  2C^ 
1841)   under  the  Treaty  of  Chnenpi. 

Up  to  the  day  when  the  Island  of  Hongkong  was  taken 
possession  of,  the  Imperial  Commissioner  Kishen  appears  to  have 
acted  in  perfect  good  faith,  honestly  determined  to  make  peace 
and  to  abide  by  the  promises  he  had  made  at  Tientsin,  and  by 
the  purport  of  the  truce  concluded  by  Eleepoo  at  Chusan  and 
confirmed  by  his  own  Treaty  of  Chnenpi.  But  on  the  day 
when  Sir  J.  J.  Gordon  Bremer  took  possession  of  Hongkong 
(January  2G,  1841),  believing,  with  Elliot,  that  an  era  of  peace 
was  now  being  inaugurated,  Kishen  received  an  Imperial  Edict 
which  virtually  nullified  the  Tientsin  promises,  the  Chusan  truce 
and  the  Chuenpi  Treaty,  and  indicated  a  complete  reversal  of 
that  policy  which  had  been  initiated  by  the  Emperor  whilst 
the  British  fleet  threatened  Tientsin  and  Peking,  The  force  of 
Lord  Palmerston's  arguments,  as  set  forth  in  his  dispatch,  was 
in  the  fleet  which  presented  the  dispatch  and  not  in  the  text 
of  the  latter.     The  order  which  Kishen  now  (January  26,  1841) 


136  CHAPTER   XI. 

received  was,  *  Let  a  large  body  of  troops  be  assembled  and 
let  an  awful  display  of  celestial  vengeance  be  made.' 

With  these  orders  in  his  pocket,  Kishen  went  down  next 
day  (January  27,  1841)  to  the  Second  Bar  Pagoda  where,  with 
beaming  countenance  and  a  pleasant  smile  on  his  lips,  he  held 
a  levee  and  entertained  Elliot  and  a  select  company  of  British 
officers  at  lunch,  pretending  the  utmost  cordiality  and  the 
frankest  determination  to  carry  out  the  stipulations  of  the  Treaty 
of  Ohuenpi.  ElHot  and  the  British  officers  were  all  completely 
deceived.  Whilst  Kishen  were  pleasantly  chatting  with  his  guests 
near  the  Bogue,  another  Edict  issued  at  Peking,  in  which  the 
Emperor,  referring  to  the  proposed  cession  of  a  port,  stated  that 
a  glance  at  these  memorials  filled  him  with  indignation  and  grief, 
that  Kislien  had  deceived  him  by  soliciting  as  an  Imperial  favour 
what  the  barbarians  demanded  bv  force.  One  more  chance  was, 
however,  given  to  Kishen,  to  amend  his  craven  conduct,  by 
drivino;  off  and  destroying  those  foreigners :  '  Let  him  proceed 
immediately  to  take  command  of  all  the  officers  and  subalterns 
and  lead  them  on  to  the  extermination  of  these  barbarians, 
thus  honing  to  atone  for  and  save  himself.'     Other  Edicts  were 

A.  O 

issued  within  the  next  few  days  ordering  the  immediate  recapture 
of  Chusan,  and  the  dispatch  of  picked  veteran  soldiers  from 
Hupeh,  Sszechuen  and  Kweichou  to  Canton.  Three  special 
Oommissioncrs  (Yikshan,  Lung  Wan  and  Yang  Fang)  were 
ordered  to  proceed  to  Canton  to  organize  and  superintend  a  war 
of  unconditional  extermination.  No  question  of  opium  was  now 
raised.  The  'hateful  brood  of  barbarians' were  to  be  destroved, 
one  and  all,  by  any  means,  foul  or  fair. 

On  the  day  when  one  of  these  Edicts  was  issued  at  Peking 
(January  30,  1841)  and  dispatched  so  as  to  reach  Kishen  in 
12  days,  Elliot  issued  a  circular  to  Her  Majesty's  subjects  in 
China  stating  that  '  negotiations  with  the  Imperial  Commission 
proceed  satisfactorily.'  However,  when  Elliot  had  his  next 
interview  with  Kishen  (February  13,  1841),  he  had  heard  a 
whisper  of  the  contents  of  the  Edict  which  had  reached  Kishen 
two  days  before  (February  11,   1841)  and  put  a  few  searching 


CONFIRMATION  OF  THE  CESSION  OF   HONGKONG.  137 

qnesfcioiis  to  him.  Meeting  with  evasive  answers,  EUiob  found 
his  worst  suspicions  confirmed,  and  prepared  once  more  for  war. 
Five  days  later  (February  18,  1841)  the  Chinese  themselves 
■commenced  hostilities  by  firing-  on  a  boat  of  the  armed  steamer 
Nemesis  from  a  fort  on  Wangtong  islajid.  Next  day  the  British 
squadron  began  to  assemble  at  the  Bogue.  Kishen  having 
formally  declined  to  carry  out  the  stipulations  of  the  Chuenpi 
Treaty,  war  was  declared,  and  the  Cantonese  Authorities  com- 
menced it  by  the  issue  of  proclamations  offering  J50,000  for 
Elliot  or  auy  other  'rebellious  ringleader'  (February  25,  1841). 

A  landing   having   been   effected   by   the   English,   beyond 

the  reach  of  the  Chinese  guns,  on  South -Wangtong  (February  25, 

1841),  a   battery  was   erected   there   during   the   night,  and  at 

-daybreak  (February  2Q»,  1841)  commenced  the  Third  Battle  of 

the  Bogue,  by  an  attack  on  the  batteries  of  North- Wangtong  and 

Aneunghoi.     In  the  space  of  a  few  hours  the  Chinese  positions 

were  carried,  300  guns  spiked,  1,000  prisoners  made  in  the  forts, 

and  about  250  Chinese  killed  and  102  wounded.     Admiral  Kwan, 

the  descendant  of  the  god  of  war,  was  among  the  killed.     After 

compelling  the  prisoners  to  bury  the  dead,  the  victors  allowed 

them  all  to  depart  in  peace.     Next  day  (February  27,  1841)  the 

fleet  proceeded  to  attack  an  entrenched  camp,  situated  on  the  left 

bank  of  the  river,  just  below  Whampoa.     It  was  defended  by  100 

pieces  of  artillery  and  garrisoned  by  2,000  men  of  the  elite  of 

the  Hunan  troops,  who  offered  a  brave  and  determined  resistance 

in   a   hand   to   hand   fight.     But   British   discipline   and   pluck 

scattered  them  and  the  camp  was  carried.     An  old  British  ship 

{Cambndfje)  which  the  Chinese  had  purchased  under  the  name 

Chesajjeahe,  and  fitted  out  as  a  frigate,  was  also  captured  and 

blown  up,  after  great  slaughter. 

As  the  troops  advanced  beyond  Whampoa,  destroying 
battery  after  battery,  the  European  merchant  ships  came  up  to 
Whampoa  apace  and  resumed  trade  on  the  day  (March  1,  1841) 
when  the  fleet,  by  carrying  the  enemy's  works  at  Liptak  and 
Eshamei,  approached  Canton  city.  Major-General  Sir  Hugh 
^Gough,  having  arrived  (March  2,  1841),  took  command  of  the 

tTNIVERSITT 


138  CHAPTER  XL 

land  forces,  whilst  Captain  the  Hon.  Le  Fleming  Senhonse 
commanded  the  fleet  as  Senior  Xaval  Officer,  in  the  absence  of 
Commodore  Bremer.  A  masked  battery  on  the  N.E.  end  of 
Whampoa  Island  was  carried  (March  2,  1841)  and  when 
Liptak  (Howqua's  Folly)  was  occnpied  (March  8,  1841)  by 
the  advanced  squadron,  the  Acting  Prefect  of  Canton  city  (Yue 
Pao-shnn)  came  with  a  flag-  of  truce,  begging  for  a  suspension 
of  hostilities  for  three  days.  Negotiations  commenced  but 
came  to  nothino^.  The  armistice  having  expired  at  11  a.m.  on 
March  0,  1841,  the  works  in  advance  of  Howqua's  Folly  were 
captured  at  once.  Elliot,  seeing  the  city  in  the  power  of  the 
fleet  anchored  close  to  its  southern  frontage,  assumed  that  all 
opposition  was  now  subdued,  and  issued  forthwith  a  proclamation 
to  the  people  (March  6,  1841)  stating  that  the  Emperor's  bad 
advisers  were  responsible  for  the  proceedings,  that  the  war  was 
with  the  Chinese  Government,  and  that  the  people  and  the  city 
would  be  spared,  if  trade  were  quietly  resumed  without  further 
opposition. 

Trade  indeed  did  flourish  all  through  this  month  in  spite 
of  the  hostilities  between  the  troops,  the  war  being  so  far  only 
a  contest  between  the  naval  and  military  forces  of  the  two 
countries.  But  the  Chinese  officials  secretly  continued  their 
policy  of  extermination  without  flinching.  Kishen  was  arrested 
by  Imperial  orders,  loaded  with  chains  and  thus  carried  off  from 
Canton  (March  12,  1841)  to  be  tried  in  Peking.  On  the  same 
day,  the  first  merchant  ship,  since  tlie  raising  of  the  blockade, 
left  Whampoa  with  a  full  cargo.  Business  continued  to  increase 
there  steadily. 

Observing,  however,  active  preparations  for  a  resumption  of 
hostilities  in  the  S.W.  of  Canton  city,  the  British  commanders 
resumed  hostilities  (March  13,  1841),  when  seven  batteries,  ob- 
structing the  inner  passage  (Taiwong-kau)  from  Macao  to  Canton, 
being  armed  with  105  cannons,  were  captured  by  the  armed 
steamer  Nemesis  (Captain  Hall),  and  the  fort  in  the  Macao 
passage,  near  Canton,  was  captured  by  H.M.S.  CalHape  (Captain 
Herbert).     A  lull  of  quiet  now  ensued  and  lasted  for  a  few  days. 


CONFIRMATION  OF  THE   CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  139' 

Bnfc  on  March  16,  1841,  a  flag-  of  trnce  having  been  fired 
upon  by  the  Chinese,  the  enemy's  works  on  Fatee  and  Dutch 
Folly  were  attacked  and  captured  and  a  large  flotilla  of  war 
junks  was  destroyed.  By  this  action  the  western  as  well  as 
the  southern  portions  of  Canton  city  were  brought  under  the 
guns  of  the  squadron.  The  factories  also  were  occupied  by 
British  troops  (March  18,  1841)  and  the  whole  city  was  now 
at  the  mercy  of  Captain  Elliot.  But  for  the  second  time  the 
city  was  spared,  without  a  ransom,  on  condition  that  the  hostile 
preparations  should  be  discontinued  and  trade  resumed.  One  of 
the  newly  apjDointed  Special  Imperial  Commissioners,  Yang  Fang, 
Avho,  to  the  chagrin  of  the  Emperor,  had  boldly  recommended 
that  '  a  haven  for  stowage  should  be  allowed  to  the  foreigners,' 
had  already  arrived  in  Canton.  He  now  concluded  with  Elliot 
a  formal  Convention  (March  30,  1841).  The  terms  of  this 
Convention  were,  (1)  that  the  British  shi[3S  of  war  remain 
near  the  factories,  (2)  that  the  Chinese  discontinue  further 
preparations  for  war,  (3)  that  foreign  merchants  may  at  once 
return  to  the  factories  and  that  foreign  ships  may  continue  the 
legitimate  trade  at  Whampao,  paying  the  usual  port  charges 
and  other  duties  to  the  Chinese  Government.  Yang  Fang  and 
the  Viceroy  (Eliang)  issued  forthwith  a  joint  proclamation 
stating  that  Elliot  had  assured  them  that  'all  he  wanted  was 
trade  and  nothing  else.'  According-ly  they  exhorted  the  people, 
by  all  means  to  continue  trading  with  foreigners  without  fear. 
At  the  same  time  the  two  officials  reported  to  the  Emperor, 
that  Elliot,  in  saying  all  he  wanted  was  trade  and  nothing  else, 
had  renounced  his  claim  to  Hongkong  as  well  as  his  former 
demand  of  an  indemnity  for  the  opium  surrendered  to  Lin, 
and  that  the  British  fleet  would  retire  from  Canton  as  soon 
as  an  Imperial  Decree  authorizing  resumption  of  trade  with 
the  barbarians  was  received. 

Things  now  appeared  to  go  on  quietly.  The  Chinese  officials, 
however,  continued  their  warlike  preparations,  and  secretly  stirred 
up  the  people  to  join  in  the  war  of  extermination.  The 
continuance  of  the  trade  kept  them  in  funds.     So  the  foundries 


140  •  CHAPTER  XI. 

iit  Fatshaii  were  working  day  and  night,  casting  new  cannons 
and  tnrning  ont,  under  foreign  superintendence,  a  number  of 
five-ton  guns,  which  were  forthwith  placed  in  position  for  an 
attack  on  the  British  fleet,  but,  in  the  absence  of  proper  gun 
carriages,  in  a  manner  which  left  the  guns  unworkable.  Masked 
batteries  were  also  erected  on  the  sly  along  the  river  front, 
and  new  fleets  of  war-junks  and  fire-ships  were  collected  in  the 
creeks  connecting  Fatshan  with  Canton. 

Meanwhile,  however,  trade  continued  briskly  as  if  all  were 
peace,  although  a  Mr.  Field  and  two  young  officers  of  H.M.S. 
Blenheim  were  assassinated  (March  20,  1841)  on  their  way  to 
Macao.  Elliot  himself  took  ap  once  more  his  residence  in  the 
factories  (April  5,  1841)  where  he  had  been  a  prisoner  but  a 
year  before.  He  did  so  partly  to  disarm  suspicion  as  to  the 
good  intentions  of  the  English  and  partly  to  keep  himself 
informed  of  what  was  going  on  in  Canton  city,  where  Lin  was 
still  residing  as  adviser  of  the  Commissioners  who  were  daily 
expected.  As  soon  as  Yikshan,  the  Chief  of  the  Commission, 
arrived  in  Canton  (April  14,  1841),  together  with  Lung  Wan, 
the  second  Commissioner,  and  the  new  Viceroy,  Kikung,  a 
secret  conclave  was  held  between  them  and  Yang  Fang,  the 
third  Commissioner,  and  Lin.  They  all  agreed  that  Canton 
was  defenceless,  that  there  were  not  sufficient  troops  to  dislodge 
the  Britisli  from  their  present  position,  and  that  therefore  they 
should  all  make  a  show  of  friendly  relations  until  the  British 
forces  had  left  Canton,  as  they  intended  doing,  to  prosecute  the 
war  in  the  North,  but  that,  as  soon  as  the  expedition  had  left, 
they  would  block  up  with  piles  and  stone  junks  every  single 
outlet  of  the  Canton  River  and  re-build  every  fort,  ready  to 
assume  the  offensive  once  more. 

This  scheme  they  confidentially  reported  forthwith  to  the 
Emperor.  But  Elliot,  who  generally  had  good  information, 
heard  something  of  this  plan  (May  14,  1841)  and  at  once 
ordered  the  expedition,  which  was  to  have  started  for  Amoy 
and  Ningpo  the  next  day  (May  15,  1841),  to  be  postponed 
indefinitely.     H.M.S.  Coliimline  also  had  brought  news  (May  10, 


COXFIRMATION  OF  THE   CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  141 

1841)  that  Eleepoo  had,  like  Kisben,  fallen  iuto  disgrace,  and 
that  Yiiekien,  one  of  the  most  violent  enemies  of  the  English^ 
had  replaced  him  as  Imperial  Commissioner  at  Ningpo. 

Elliot  was  waiting  for  the  Chinese  to  strike  the  first  blow.. 
Bnt  when  he  fonnd  that  the  Shameen  battery,  which  had  been 
carried  and  dismantled  in  March,  was  abont  to  be  re-armed, 
he  called  npon  the  Cantonese  Anthorities  to  stop  this  and  every 
other  warlike  movement  at  once.  Finding  that  they  evaded* 
his  demands,  Captain  Elliot  forthwith  (May  17,  1841)  sent 
for  troops  from  Hongkong.  Next  day  (SSSm  18,  1841),  the 
British  forces  (consisting  of  2,G00  combatants)  started  from 
Hongkong  for  Canton,  leaving  but  a  small  portion  of  the  37th 
Madras  Xative  Infantry  to  protect  the  settlement  at  Hongkong. 
The  Cantonese  Anthorities  meanwhile  continued  to  pretend 
friendly  feelings,  whilst  heavy  masses  of  picked  troops  from 
other  provinces  were  daily  pouring  into  the  city.  To  mislead 
Elliot  and  the  foreign  merchants,  the  Acting  Prefect  issued- 
(May  20,  1841)  a  proclamation  urging  the  people,  who  were- 
leaving  the  city  in  large  numbers  in  dread  of  the  approaching 
conflict,  to  remain  quiet  in  their  lawful  pursuits  and  to  continue 
trade  with  foreigners  without  alarm  or  suspicion.  Unbeknown 
to  Yang  Fang,  who  as  an  experienced  soldier  knew  the  strength 
of  the  British  forces  and  accordingly  counselled  patience,  Yikshan 
made  secret  arrangements  for  a  simultaneous  night-attack  on  the 
British  fleet,  by  means  of  fire-ships.  Elliot  received  information 
of  the  proposed  movement  and  immediately  issued  a  circular 
(Jkiwek  21,  1841)  warning  Her  Majesty's  subjects  and  all  other 
foreign  merchants  in  the  factories  to  retire  from  Canton  before 
sunset.  At  11  p.m.  the  attack  commenced  from  the  western 
fort  (Saipaotoi)  near  Shameen,  where  a  new  five-ton  gun  had 
been  mounted.  A  series  of  fire-boats  came  suddenly,  with  the 
tide,  down  upon  the  British  ships.  The  crews  of  these  fire-ships 
carried  stink-pots  and  fire-balls  and  were  armed  with  long 
boarding  pikes.  The  moment  the  first  of  these  fire-ships  were 
hailed  and  fired  into  by  the  British  sentries,  the  Chinese  forts 
and  masked  batteries  along  the  river  front  opened  fire  on  the- 


142  CHAPTER  XL 

British  ships  anchored  in  the  river  and  the  Hunan  and.  Szechuen 
troops  attacked  the   untenanted  factories  and   pkmdered  them. 
Yang  Fang  only  heard  of  the  attack  when  it  had  commenced. 
He  stamped  and  swore,  but  it  was  too  late.     The  attack  entirely 
miscarried,  because  the  British  ships  were  all  on  the  alert  and 
prepared  for  it.     They  immediately  poured  shot  and  shell  into 
the  fire-ships,  the  moment  they  came  within   easy  range,   and 
then  turned  their  guns   on   the   batteries   which  were  speedily 
silenced.     Next  morning  all  the  Chinese  batteries  within  range 
of  the  ships  were  carried  by  assault  and  a  flotilla  of  over  100 
war-junks  and   fire-ships   was   captured   and  burned   (May  22, 
1841).     The  next  two  days  the  British  forces  prepared  for  a 
•concerted  attack  on  Canton  city.     On  May  24,  1841,  after  firing 
a  royal  salute  in  honour  of  Her  Majesty's  birthday,  the  afternoon 
was  spent  in  collecting  large  numbers  of  barges  for  the  transport 
of  the  troops  in  shallow  water,  in  replying  to  occasional  shots 
fired  from  masked  batteries  in  the  suburbs,  and  in  moving  troops 
to  their  appointed  stations.     In  the  evening,  nearly  2,000  men 
were   conveyed   in   large   covered    barges,  collected  by   Captain 
Belcher,   up  the  northern   branch   of  the   river  from   Shameen 
towards  the  North-west  gate  of  the  city.     After  landing,  near 
the  village  of  Tsinghoi,  the  guns  and  artillery  during  the  night, 
and  reconnoitring  the  neighbourhood  at  daybreak,  a  start  was 
made,  under  the  command  of  Major-General  Burrell,  at  9  a.m. 
(May    25,    1841).       The   troops    marched   across    the   swampy 
paddy-fields  in  the  direction   of   the   North-west   gate,  driving 
the  village  volunteers  before  them,  attacked  and  carried  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet  the  four  outlying  forts  outside  that  and  the 
North  gate,  and  took  by  assault,  though  not  without  considerable 
loss  of  men  and  officer?,  a  strongly  entrenched  camp  which  was 
protected  by  the  guns  on  the  city  walls.     At  the  same  time  an 
attack  was  made  on  the  southern  suburbs.     Major  Pratt,  with 
the  Cameronians,   took   possession   of  the  factories,   whilst   the 
ships  in  the  river  bombarded  the  Tartar  General's  head-quarters. 
Yikshan  and  Yang  Fang  were  entirely  disconcerted  by  these 
^movements.     They  had  not  expected  the  city  to  be  attacked  in 


CONFIRMATION  OF  THE  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  143 

the  North-west,  where  its  fortifications  were  strongest,  but  had 
prepared  for  an  assanlt  in  the  South  and  especially  in  the  East. 
The  bombardment  also  caused  a  great  panic  in  the  city,  while 
the  Chinese  five-ton  guns  could  not  be  brought  to  bear  upon 
the  British  ships  so  as  to  reply  to  their  fire. 

The  following  day  (May  26,  1841)  the  rain  poured  down 
in  torrents  and  put  almost  a  stop  to  the  movements  of  both 
sides.  The  British  troops  were  waiting  for  fresh  supplies  of 
guns  and  ammunition,  but  before  nightfall  all  preparations  for 
the  assault  of  the  city  walls  were  completed  and  fifteen  pieces 
of  artillery  in  position  before  the  northern  gates.  Next  morning 
(May  27,  1841),  at  the  very  moment  wheu  the  attack  was 
going  to  be  sounded,  a  sudden  stop  was  put  to  the  movement 
of  the  troops,  to  their  intense  disappointment.  The  news  came 
that  Elliot  had  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace.  This  Treaty  of 
Canton,  arranged  between  Elliot,  Yikshan  and  Kikung  (May 
27,  1841)  was  based  on  the  following  stipulations,  viz.  (1)  that 
the  Tartar  troops  and  the  braves  from  the  other  provinces 
(between  whom  and  the  volunteers  there  was  a  deadly  feud), 
amounting  to  about  35,000  men,  should  immediately  evacuate 
the  city  without  display  of  banners  ;  (2)  that  the  Imperial 
Commissioners  should  leave  the  city  within  six  days  and  proceed 
to  a  distance  of  at  least  GO  miles  ;  (3)  that  the  British  forces 
would  not  leave  Canton  nor  retire  beyond  the  Bogue,  until  the 
following  payments  had  been  made,  viz.  ^6,000,000  as  a  ransom 
of  the  city  to  be  paid  within  one  week,  ^300,000  compensation 
for  the  pillage  of  the  factories,  J^l 0,000  for  Mr.  Moss  and  the 
other  sufferers  by  the  attack  on  the  British  schooner  Black 
Joke,  and  g25,000  for  the  owners  of  the  Spanish  brig  Bilhalno  ; 
(4)  that  a  promise  be  given,  not  to  re-arm  any  of  the  fortified 
places  at  the  Bogue  or  inside  the  river,  and  to  stop  all  further 
warlike  preparations  until  affairs  should  be  settled  between  the 
two  nations  ;  (5)  that  trade  should  at  once  be  resumed  at  Canton 
and  Whampoa. 

It   will   be   noticed   that   Elliot  did   not   expressly  include 
among  the  stipulations  of   this  Treaty  either  the  confirmation 


144  CHAPTER  XI. 

of  the  cession  of  Hoiigkonf^  (which,  he  no  doubt  supposed,, 
required  no  further  confirmation),  or  compensation  for  the  opium 
surrendered  to  Lin  (which  he  considered  settled  by  his  drafts 
on  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  the  Treasury).  As  to  a  war 
indemnity,  he  no  doubt  reserved  that  for  the  reckoning  yet  to 
be  made  with  the  Imperial  Government,  the  real  instigator  of 
the  war.  The  ^lanchu  Annals  incorrectly  state  that  Elliot 
demanded  and  obtained  '  the  oi)ium  money '  in  addition  to  a 
*war  indemnity,'  and  make  the  further  doubtful  assertion  that 
Elliot  first  proposed  to  Yikshan  to  exchange  Tsimshatsui  and 
Kowloon  for  the  Island  of  Hongkong,  but  that,  when  Yikshan 
pointed  out  that  the  Emperor  had  not  yet  been  invited  to  agree 
to  the  cession  of  Hongkong,  Elliot  consented  to  let  the  question 
of  Hongkong  stand  over  for  discussion  (with  the  Imperial 
Government).  The  Annalist  accordingly  blames  the  Commis- 
sioners for  omitting,  in  their  reports  to  the  Throne,  all  reference 
to  the  payment  of  the  opium  indemnity  and  to  the  cession  of 
Hongkong. 

The  advantages  gained  by  this  ten  days'  campaign  and  the- 
consequent  Treaty  of  Canton  were  very  great.  The  removal 
from  the  scene  of  those  troops  which  alone  had  stood  the  British 
fire,  and  which  had  drawn  upon  themselves  the  ill-feeling  of 
the  Cantonese  so  as  to  cause  danger  of  civil  war  in  the  city, 
was  a  decided  advantage.  The  expulsion  of  the  Imperial 
Commissioners,  who  had  been  the  prime  movers  in  all  hostilities, 
was  calculated  to  make  them  comparatively  harmless,  while  the 
temporary  crippling  of  the  provincial  exchequer  deprived  them, 
at  least  for  a  time,  of  the  sinews  of  war.  But  the  greatest 
advantage  gained  by  the  Canton  Treaty  was  the  speedy 
termination  of  the  campaign  which,  within  a  few  weeks  after 
the  first  blow  was  struck,  set  the  British  troops  free,  just  when 
the  summer  was  coming  on,  to  operate  in  the  Xorth. 

On  the  day  after  the  conclusion  of  peace  (May  28,  1841), 
it  happened  that  the  third  company  of  the  37th  Madras 
Native  Infantry,  under  Lieutenant  Hadfield  and  two  subalterns, 
Devereux  and  Berkeley,  having  lost  their  way,  were  surrounded. 


CONFIRMATION  OP  THE  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  145 

lake  in  the  evening  and  far  from  the  main  body,  by  masses 
of  Chinese  vohmteers.  Seeing  that  the  mnskets  of  the  company 
(none  of  which  had  percussion  locks),  being  soaked  with  the 
rain,  persistently  missed  fire,  these  volunteers  attacked  our  men 
with  long  spears  and  pruning  hooks,  against  which  the  bayonets 
were  at  a  fearful  disadvantage.  But  there  this  little  company 
of  sepoys,  between  fifty  and  sixty  strong,  stood  undaunted  for 
several  hours,  formed  in  square,  unable  to  fire  their  muskets, 
but  bravely  repelling  the  continued  attacks  of  some  two  thousand 
Chinese  until  at  last  two  companies  of  Royal  Marines  came  to 
the  rescue  and  scattered  the  volunteers.  Yet  the  rescued  company 
lost  only  one  man  killed  (hacked  to  pieces  in  their  sight)  and 
fifteen  (including  Ensign  Berkeley)  wounded.  This  rencontre, 
between  that  one  company  of  Madras  Native  Infantry  and  a 
few  thousand  volunteers  near  the  village  of  Samyuenli,  was 
vastly  exaggerated  by  the  Chinese  officials  and  reported  to  the 
Emperor  in  glowing  colours  as  *  the  Battle  of  Samyuen  Village,' 
whereupon  Uie  Emperor  sarcastically  remarked  that  the  Canton 
yokels  appeared  to  have  accomplished  more  than  the  whole  of 
the  regular  armies  of  China.  These  remarks  of  the  Emperor 
gave  subsequently  an  immense  impetus  to  the  Fatshan-Canton 
volunteer  movement. 

Five  months  later  (October  30,  1841),  Her  Majesty  the 
Queen  expressed  her  entire  approbation  of  the  operations  against 
Canton,  but  Captain  Elliot,  to  whom  the  credit  of  the  conclusion 
of  the  Treaty  is  due,  appears  to  have  received  neither  approbation 
nor  thanks  at  the  hands  of  his  country.  His  Treaty  of  Chuenpi, 
by  which  he  gained  the  territory  of  Hongkong  for  Her  Majesty's 
possession,  remained  ignored  by  both  Governments.  The  six 
million  dollars  which  he  recovered  by  his  Canton  Treaty  *in 
diminution  of  the  just  claims  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,' 
and  which  covered  the  amount  of  the  bills  drawn  by  him  on 
Her  Majesty's  Treasury  in  payment  of  the  opium  surrendered 
to  Lin,  was  not  applied  to  that  purpose,  but  his  bills  were  left 
dishonoured  and  the  opium  compensation  question  allowed  to- 
stand  over  for  some  years  longer,  while  Her  Majesty  immediately 

lO 


146  CHAPTER  XL 

allowed  twelve  months'  full  batta  to  the  naval  and  military 
forces  in  Cliina  out  of  those  six  million  dollars. 

Elliot  may  have  been  to  blame  for  the  trust  he  reposed  in 
Kishen's  willingness  or  ability  to  carry  out  the  stipulations  of 
the  Chuenpi  Treaty,  for  the  haste  with  which  he  withdrew  the 
British  troops  from  Chusan  (though  the  frightful  mortality  rate 
which  reigned  there  may  be  his  excuse),  and  for  his  omission 
to  secure  the  approval  of  the  Emperor  before  thus  carrying  out 
his  part  of  the  stipulations.  But  such  errors  of  judgment  ought 
to  have  been  balanced  by  the  consideration  of  the  mauy  years' 
faithful  and  approved  service  which  he  had  rendered  to  his 
country  under  the  most  harassing  and  painful  circumstances, 
and  by  the  heroism  he  displayed  in  hurrying  to  the  rescue  of 
his  imprisoned  countrymen  at  the  risk  of  his  life  in  1839.  All 
honour  is  due  to  the  memory  of  brave  Captain  Elliot. 

Strange  to  say,  Commodore  Bremer  returned  (June  18,  1841) 
from  Calcutta  with  the  news  that  he  had  been  appointed  Joint 
Plenipotentiary,  though,  if  telegraphic  communication  had  then 
existed,  Elliot  would  have  been  informed  long  before  (May  14, 
1841)  that  both  he  and  Bremer  had  already  been  superseded. 
A  few  weeks  after  Commodore  Bremer's  return,  he  was,  together 
with  Captain  Elliot,  shipwrecked  in  the  great  typhoon  (July  21, 
1841)  and  they  escaped  but  by  a  hair's  breadth  capture  and 
probable  assassination  by  Chinese  pirates  or  soldiers.  Captain 
Elliot  left  China  for  Europe  (August  24,  1841)  disappointed  and 
unjustly  dishonoured,  together  with  Commodore  Bremer.  There 
is  a  singular  coincidence  in  the  fact  that  the  fate  of  Sir  George 
Robinson,  who  first  recommended  the  annexation  of  Hongkong 
officially,  and  who  was  curtly  recalled  for  it,  befell  also  the  man 
who,  against  his  own  will  perhaps,  had  procured  the  formal 
cession  of  Hongkong. 

Sir  Henry  Pottinger,  Baronet,  a  Major-General  in  the  East 
India  Company's  service,  had  been  selected  (May  15,  1841)  to  be 
Her  Majesty's  Sole  Plenipotentiary  and  Minister  Extraordinary, 
to  proceed  to  China  on  a  special  mission  to  the  Chinese 
Oovernment.     He  had,   at  the  same  time,   been  commissioned 


CONFIRMATION  OP  THE  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  147 

to  act  as  Chief  Superintendent  of  the  trade  of  Her  Majesty's 
subjects  with  that  country  and  invested  with  full  power  to 
negotiate  and  conclude  a  Treaty  for  the  arrangement  of  the 
differences  subsisting  between  Great  Britain  and  China.  For 
the  latter  purpose,  Major-General  Sir  Hugh  Gough  and  Admiral 
Sir  William  Parker  were  associated  with  him  as  respective 
Commanders-in-chief  of  the  military  and  naval  forces  in  China. 
Sir  H.  Pottiiiger  having  arrived  at  Macao  (August  10,  1841) 
together  with  Sir  W.  Parker,  by  the  steam-frigate  Sesostris, 
and  called  on  Governor  Pinto,  held  forthwith  several  conferences 
with  Captain  Elliot,  Sir  Hugh  Gough  and  Mr.  A.  R.  Johnston. 
He  next  dispatched  (August  13,  1841)  his  Secretary,  Major 
Malcolm,  to  Canton,  to  deliver  to  the  Imperial  Commissioners 
and  to  the  Viceroy  dispatches  announcing  his  arrival  as  Sole 
Plenipotentiary,  and  warning  the  Chinese  Authorities  that  the 
slightest  infringement  of  the  terms  of  the  truce,  concluded  by 
the  Treaty  of  Canton,  would  lead  to  an  instant  renewal  of 
hostilities  in  the  Canton  Province. 

The  arrival  of  these  dispatches,  and  the  plain  warning 
thus  given  to  the  Chinese  Authorities,  caused  great  excitement 
at  Canton.  The  literati  and  gentry  viewed  the  attitude  of 
superiority  and  the  tone  of  undisguised  severity,  which  Sir 
H.  Pottiuger  had  adopted  in  these  dispatches,  so  utterly  at 
variance  with  the  polite  and  humbly  respectful  style  of  Elliot's 
communications,  as  a  studied  insult  and  unbearable  disgrace. 
The  popular  feeling,  thus  aroused,  vented  itself  at  the  next 
public  examination  of  graduates  (September  IG,  1841),  when 
the  Acting  Prefect  (Yii  Pao-shun)  was  hooted  by  the  students 
and  driven  out  of  the  examination  hall  as  a  jiublic  traitor.  The 
people  now  made  common  cause  with  their  officials,  though 
they  hated  them,  and  the  officials,  egged  on  by  the  literati  to 
defy  Sir  H.  Pottinger's  warning,  waited  only  for  a  diminution 
of  the  forces  at  Hongkong  when  they  re-built  most  of  the  forts 
inside  the  Bogue.  Bat  when  they  attempted  (September,  1841) 
to  re-arm  the  AVangtong  forts,  close  to  the  Bogue,  H.M.S. 
Royalist,  forming  part  of  the  small  scjuadron  under  the  command 


;[48  CHAPTER  XI. 

of  Captain  Xias  (of  H.M.S.  Herald),  immediately  destroyed  the 
works  without   ado. 

On  the  day  of  his  arrival  at  Macao  (August  10,  1841), 
y'  Sir  H.  Pottinger  issued  a  Gazette  Extraordinary  to  inform  Her 
Majesty's  subjects  at  Macao  and  Hongkong  of  his  appointment 
and  the  nature  of  his  commission.  Two  days  later  he  intimated 
(August  12,  1841)  that  the  primary  object  of  his  mission  was- 
te secure  a  speedy  and  satisfactory  close  of  the  war,  and  that 
no  consideration  of  mercantile  interests  would  be  allowed  to 
interfere  with  that  object.  In  the  same  notification  he  referred 
to  '  the  well-understood  perfidy  and  bad  faith '  of  the  Cantonese 
Authorities,  and  warned  British  subjects  of  a  probable  interrup- 
tion of  the  present  truce,  cautioning  them  against  putting 
themselves  or  their  property  in  the  power  of  the  Chinese  officials. 
As  to  the  occupation  of  Hongkong,  Sir  H.  Pottinger  stated, 
at  the  close  of  this  notification,  that  the  arrangements  made 
by  his  predecessor  with  reference  to  Hongkong  should  remain, 
in  force  '  until  the  pleasure  of  Her  Majesty  regarding  that  Island 
and  those  arrangements  should  be  received.'  These  words  plainly 
intimated  that  the  Chuenpi  Treaty  and  the  cession  of  Hongkong,- 
and  especially  the  act  of  formally  taking  possession  of  the  Island 
in  the  name  of  Her  Majesty,  had  so  far  been  neither  disapproved 
nor  formally  approved  by  Her  Majesty's  Government.  Things 
were  left  in  statu  quo  and  that  meant,  to  all  practical  intents 
and  purposes,  tacit  provisional  confirmation  of  the  cession  of 
Hongkong. 

On  August  21,  1841,  the. expedition  started  from  Hongkong, 
the  ships  being  all  cleared  for  action.  A  descent  was  made 
first  upon  Araoy.  The  forts,  town  and  citadel  of  Amoy,  together 
^  with  the  fortified  island  of  Kulangsoo,  were  cajDtured  (August 
2C,  1841).  Leaving  a  small  garrison  at  Amoy,  the  expedition 
proceeded  to  Chusan,  where  Tinghai  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
English  after  a  noble  resistance  (October  1,  1841).  In  taking 
possession  again  of  the  whole  island  of  Chusan,  Sir  H.  Pottinger 
notified  (October  2,  1841),  by  a  public  circular,  that  under  no 
circumstances  would  Chusan  be  restored  aeain  to  the    Chinese 


•J 


CONFIRMATION  OF  THE  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  142^ 

Government,  until  the  whole  of  the  demands  of  England  (as 
previously  made  at  Tientsin)  were  not  only  complied  with  bub 
carried  into  full  effect.  The  fortified  towns  of  Chinhai  (October 
10,  1841)  and  Ningpo  (October  13,  1841)  were  next  occupied. 
At  Chinhai  a  most  obstinate  resistance  was  offered  by  the  Chinese 
troops.  When  the  Imperial  Commissioner  Yue-kien,  Avho  had 
previously  tortured  and  murdered  an  English  prisoner  (Captain 
Stead),  saw  that  all  was  lost,  he  committed  suicide  ratlier 
than  surrender  himself  into  the  bauds  of  the  English.  The 
transport  Nerhudda  having  been  wrecked  on  the  Formosau  coast 
(September  2G,  1841),  nearly  the  whole  of  the  crew  and 
passengers  were  murdered  by  Chinese  officials  in  prison.  The 
same  scenes  occurred  after  the  wreck  of  the  British  brii>-  Anne. 
These  dastardly  deeds,  for  which  a  Manchu  Brigadier  called 
Tahunga  was  chiefly  responsible,  were  reported  to  the  Emperor, 
and  gloated  over  all  through  the  Empire  as  great  victories 
gained  in  battle,  and  Tahuuga  was  promoted  in  consequence. 
On  receiving  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Tinghai,  Chinhai  and 
Xingpo,  the  Emjxiror  immediately  ordered  the  defences  of 
Tientsin  and  Taku  to  be  strengthened  (Xoveraber  1,  1841)  and 
-a])pealed  to  the  whole  nation  to  rise  against  the  English  and 
continue  unsparingly  the  war  of  extermination  (November  15, 
1841).  Kishen  was  now  pardoned  and  called  into  service  again  as 
assistant  to  Yikking,  who  was  dispatched  (December  1,  1841) 
as  Imperial  Commissioner  to  recover  Chinhai  at  any  cost. 

A  lull  now  ensued  in  the  proceedings.  The  Chinese  felt 
that  the  supremacy  of  China  over  the  rest  of  the  world  was 
:at  stake  and  carefully  prepared  for  the  struggle  which  was  to 
decide  the  question  for  ever.  The  British  expedition  also  was 
waiting  for  reinforcements,  as  sickness  had  made  great  havoc 
among  the  troops.  Sir  H.  Pottinger  meanwhile  returned  to 
Hongkoni»:  and  Macao  where  he  learned  that  the  Cantonese  had, 
for  months  past,  been  straining  every  nerve  to  prepare  for  an 
•early  renewal  of  hostilities.  The  Imperial  Commissioner  Yikshan 
had  enrolled  (October  8,  1841)  large  bodies  of  piid  village 
volunteers  for  the  defence  of  Canton  city,  to  the  great  annoyance 


150  CHAPTER  XI. 

of  the  citizens.  Stoiieboats  had  been  scuttled  at  Howqua's  Folly 
and  in  Blenheim  Reach,  to  obstruct  access  to  Canton.  The 
Chinese  gunpowder  factories — one  of  which,  near  Canton  city,, 
blew  up  by  accident  (January  12,  1842) — were  working  extra 
time.  The  cannon  foundries  at  Fatshan  were  turning  out 
superior  kinds  of  brass  guns  of  a  foreign  pattern.  Six  new  forts 
had  been  constructed  under  foreign  advice,  and  an  army  of 
30,000  men  was  under  instruction  in  the  use  of  musket  and 
bayonet.  Sir  H.  Pottinger  stopped  the  seizure  of  Chinese  vessels 
which  had  been  ordered  by  the  officer  (Captain  Xias)  who,  after 
the  death  at  Hongkong  of  Sir  Humphrey  Le  Fleming  Senhouse 
(June  13,  1841),  had  succeeded  to  the  post  of  Senior  Xaval 
Officer.  But  Sir  H.  Pottinger  at  the  same  time  warned  the 
Cantonese  Authorities  repeatedly  that  the  least  attempt  to  rebuild 
the  Bogue  Forts  would  bring  upon  Canton  a  most  severe 
chastisement. 

During  the  month  of  J\Iarch,  1842,  the  struggle  was  to  be 
renewed.  For  months  previous  to  that  date  the  Provincial 
Authorities  up  and  down  the  coast  made  extensive  preparations 
■with  a  view  to  resume  the  combat,  in  March,  by  simultaneous- 
attacks  upon  the  British  positions  at  Hongkong,  Chinhai  and 
Ningpo. 

As  to  Hongkong,  it  appears  from  Chinese  records  that 
Yikshan  had  secretly  reported  to  the  Emperor,  that  Hongkong 
had  but  a  feeble  garrison  of  Indian  troops,  and  that  among  the 
large  Chinese  population  that  had  flocked  to  that  Colony,  he 
had  secured  the  services  of  3,000  Chinese  residents  of  Hongkons: 
who  had  promised  to  rise  against  the  foreigners  at  the  proper 
time,  whilst  the  remainder  of  Chinese  residing  in  the  Colony 
were  all  desirous  to  return  to  their  Chinese  allegiance.  To 
provide  a  popular  leader  for  this  movement,  the  Emperor  selected 
Kiying  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  a  sudden  massacre  of  all 
foreigners  at  Hongkong.  At  the  same  time,  a  Censor,  Soo 
Ting-kwai,  reported  to  the  Throne,  that  the  moment  was 
propitious  for  a  general  attack  on  the  British  positions  in  China, 
because  the  Nepaulese   had  commenced   war  against  them  in 


CONFIRMATION  OF  THE   CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.     -  151 

India  and  the  British  commanders  in  China  had  thereby  beeu 
compelled  to  send  many  of  their  ships  to  India  to  rescue  their 
countrymen  there.  Kiyini^  was  accordingly  ordered  by  the 
Emperor  to  proceed  immediately  to  Canton,  with  a  view  to  direct 
the  attack  to  be  made  on  Hongkong,  but  soon  after  he  had 
started  he  was  recalled  again,  because  the  Emperor  had  learned 
that  Nanking  was  threatened  by  the  British  forces.  The 
preconcerted  attack  on  the  British  positions  at  Ningpo  and 
Chinhai  was  now  made  at  once  (March  10,  1842)  but  failed. 
Xot  only  were  the  assaults  immediately  repelled,  but  the  British 
forces  now  resumed  the  offensive,  capturing  the  district  cities  of 
Tszeki  (March  15,  1842)  and  Chapu  (May  18,  1842)  and  moving 
northward  in  the  direction  of  Nanking.  Through  the  recall  of 
Kiying  and  the  advance  of  the  British  forces,  the  intended  rising 
in  Hongkong  came  to  nothing.  Rumours  of  a  proposed  attack 
on  Hongkong  were  repeatedly  referred  to  in  the  local  papers 
(April  21  and  July  28,  1842)  but  found  no  credence  among 
the  European  community.  Nevertheless  Admiral  Cochrane  and 
General  Burrell  deemed  it  prudent  (about  the  middle  of  July) 
to  make  a  counter-demonstration  by  proceeding  with  a  small 
squadron  up  the  Canton  River  as  far  as  Whampoa.  This 
measure  had  the  desired  effect.  But  the  British  residents  of 
Hongkong  never  knew  what  a  serious  danger  they  had  escaped. 
Yikshan  and  the  Viceroy  of  Canton  commenced  (since 
February,  18i2)  negotiations  with  the  French,  or,  if  the  Mancbu 
Annals  (partly  translated  by  Mr.  E.  H.  Parker)  are  to  be  trusted, 
had  offers  to  build  war-ships  for  use  against  the  English  thrust 
upon  them.  Yikshan  and  Kikung  had  several  interviews  with 
M.  de  Challaye,  the  French  Consul  at  Canton,  and  Colonel  de 
Jancigny  (the  latter  having  just  arrived  on  a  commercial 
mission  to  China).  Possibly,  the  aim  of  M.  de  Challaye  was 
merely  to  tender  the  mediation  of  the  French  Government  with 
a  view  to  arrange  teniis  of  peace,  whilst  M.  de  Jancigny  was 
looking  for  orders  for  French  manufacturers  of  warlike  stores. 
Yikshan  reported  to  the  Emperor  the  offers  of  assistance  he 
had  received  from  the  French,  but  added,  '  the  enemy's  designs 


152  CHAPTER   XI. 

are  unfathomable  and  possibly  they  are  really  assisting  the 
English  in  an  underhand  way  and  acting  as  spies  on  us  for 
them.'  The  Manchu  Annalist  further  states  that  *  the  French 
hung  on  from  February  to  June  (1842)  awaiting  our  commands 
a,nd  at  last,  in  June,  proceeded  to  "VVusung,  but  the  English 
were  already  far  up  the  Yangtsze.'  But,  whilst  the  Cantonese 
officials  distrusted  this  first  syndicate  represented  by  Colonel  de 
Jancigny,  a  wealthy  private  citizen  of  Canton,  Poon  Sze-shing, 
received  permission  from  the  Emperor  to  employ  Colonel  de 
Jancigny  to  order  out  from  France  a  number  of  war  vessels, 
guns,  and  torpedoes  (then  quite  a  novelty),  for  use  against 
the  English,  and  to  re-organize,  with  de  Jancigny's  advice, 
the  whole  Cantonese  navy. 

These  intrigues  were,  however,  too  late  in  the  field.  AYhilst 
the  Cantonese  were  wasting  public  and  private  funds  in 
purchasing  new  and  expensive  munitions  of  war,  the  English 
expedition  in  Central  China  made  a  S}3eedy  end  of  the  war. 
After  the  fall  of  Wusung  (June  16,  1842)  and  Shanghai  (June 
19,  1842)  the  Chinese  Commissioners  offered  terms  of  peace. 
Sir  H.  Pottinger,  w^ho  had  rejoined  the  expedition  (June  22, 
1842),  informed  them  what  the  demands  of  England  w^ere,  but 
declined  entering  upon  any  negotiations  with  the  Commissioners 
until  they  had  received  the  authority  of  the  Emperor  to 
concede  those  demands.  Sir  H.  Pottinger  also  issued  a  public 
proclamation  (July  5,  1842)  in  which  he  informed  the  Chinese 
people  of  the  real  points  at  issue  between  England  and  China. 
This  proclamation  brought  forward  four  complaints  and  three 
demands.  The  complaints  were,  (1)  that,  whilst  English 
merchants  had  for  two  centuries  patiently  suffered  continuous 
ill-treatment  at  the  hands  of  Cantonese  officials,  this  systematic 
ill-usage  exceeded  all  bounds  when  Commissioner  Lin,  in  1839, 
instead  of  seizing  the  actual  offenders,  Chinese  and  foreign, 
implicated  in  the  opium  traffic,  forcibly  confined  an  English 
officer  and  English  merchants  and  threatened  them  with  death, 
so  as  to  extort  from  them  what  opium  there  might  be  in  China 
at  that  time,  in  order  to  gain  favour  with  the  Emperor;  (2)  that 


CONFIRMATION  OF  THE  CESSION  OP  HONGKONG.  153 

the  Ministers  at  Peking,  *men  without  truth  or  good  faith,' 
after  conchiding  a  truce  and  sending  Kishen  to  Canton  to  arrange 
terms  of  peace,  suddenly  changed  their  minds,  replaced  Kishen 
by  Yikshan  and  commenced  a  Avar  of  extermination,  thus 
compelling  the  English  to  take  the  Bogue  Forts,  to  bring  Canton 
itself  to  submission,  and  to  take  from  it  a  ransom  for  the 
punishment  of  such  ill  faith ;  (3)  that  the  High  Commissioner 
Yuekien  and  other  high  officers,  like  Tahunga,  had  tortured  and 
killed  shipwrecked  Englishmen,  reporting  such  brutal  outrages 
committed  on  defenceless  individuals  to  the  Emperor  as  victories 
gained  in  battle  ;  and  finally  (4)  that  the  Cantonese  Authorities, 
seeking  to  confine  to  themselves  the  profits  of  the  foreign  trade 
and  extorting,  through  the  Hong  Merchants,  illegal  payments 
from  the  foreign  merchants,  disguised  everything  under  false 
statements  to  the  Emperor.  The  demands  which  the  English 
nation  was  thus  in  justice  entitled  to  make  were  (1)  compensation 
for  losses  and  expenses,  (2)  a  friendly  and  becoming  intercourse 
on  terms  of  equality  between  officers  of  the  two  countries,  and  (3) 
the  cession  of  insular  territory  for  commerce  and  for  the  residence 
of  merchants  and  as  a  security  and  guarantee  against  future 
n;newal  of  offensive   acts. 

This  appeal  to  the  conscience  of  the  nation,  and  this 
impeachment  of  the  Manchu  Government  at  the  bar  of  public 
opinion  in  China,  had  a  very  great  effect.  It  was,  as  many 
Chinese  themselves  acknowledged,  a  truthful  exposition  of  the 
real  issue  of  the  conflict  between  China  and  England,  caused 
by  the  treatment  accorded  to  foreigners  at  the  hands  of  Chinese 
officials,  who  acted  on  the  supposition  of  China's  absolute 
supremacy  and  in  defiance  of  international  equality.  Moreover, 
this  proclamation,  whilst  justifying  the  cession  of  Hongkong 
and  the  occupation  of  Chusan,  gave  to  the  opium  question  that 
accidental  and  extraneous  position  which  it  really  occupied  in 
the  history  of  this  first  Anglo-Chinese  war. 

Whilst  the  British  forces  were  steadily  advancing  towards 
Chinkiang  and  Nanking,  the  minds  of  the  Chinese  officials  and 
people  in   the  North   were  filled  with  dread.     The  superiority 


154  CHAPTER  XI. 

of  British  strategy,  arms  and  discipline,  over  the  best  (Chinese 
military  resources  and  efforts,  were  painfully  obvious  to  the  whole 
nation.  All  through  the  maritime  provinces,  public  opinion 
now  began  to  turn  in  favour  of  making  peace  with  the  English, 
the  people  having  to  their  surprise  noticed  that  the  English 
confined  their  warlike  operations  to  retributive  dealings  with  the 
Government  troops  and  spared  the  people  themselves  as  much  as 
possible.  Yiksban  now  wrote  to  the  Emperor  that  the  Cantonese 
were  all  in  league  with  the  foreigners.  A  feeling  of  despair 
began  to  take  possession  of  the  statesmen,  officials  and  military 
leaders  of  China,  and  a  positive  panic  fell  on  them  when  a  total 
eclipse  of  the  sun,  the  usual  presage,  according  to  Chinese 
superstition,  of  national  disaster,  occurred  (July  8,  1842)  during 
the  advance  of  the  English  fleet  on  Nanking.  With  the  capture 
of  Chinkiang  (July  21,  1842)  the  key  to  the  Grand  Canal,  the 
principal  channel  of  the  food  supply  of  North-China,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  English.  Kiying,  Eleepoo  and  Niu  Kien  now 
(July  22,  1842)  offered  terms  of  peace  again,  but  were  once 
more  told  to  go  and  get  first  of  all  the  Emperor's  approval  of 
the  British  demands  as  a  whole,  and  then  they  might  come  and 
discuss  details.  The  expedition  steadily  continued  its  onward 
move  towards  Nanking.  On  August  9,  1842,  the  troops  were 
landed  a  few  miles  from  Nanking,  a  reconnaissance  was  made, 
and  two  days  later  everything  was  in  readiness  for  an  assault  on 
Nanking  city  (August  11,  1842),  when  an  armistice  was  applied 
for  and  granted  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  Emperor's 
sanction  of  the  formulated  British  demands,  in  order  to  conclude 
on  that  basis  a  formal  treaty  of  peace.  The  stipulations  were 
forwarded  (August  13,  1842)  to  Peking  by  special  messenger, 
and,  on  his  return  with  the  Emperor's  approval,  the  Treaty 
of  Nanking,  between  Her  Majesty  the  Queen  of  England  by 
Sir  H.  Pottinger  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Emperor  of  China 
by  the  Commissioners  Kiying,  Eleepoo  and  Niu  Kien  on  the 
other  side,  was  solemnly  concluded  (August  29,  1842).  Major 
Malcolm  started  next  day  for  London,  with  one  copy  of  the 
Treaty,  to  lose  no  time  in  obtaining  Her  Majesty's  signature^ 


CONFIRMATION  OF  THE  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  155 

whilst  another  copy  was  immediately  forwarded  to  Pekinof  and 
returned  thence  with  the  Emperor's  signature  a  fortnight  later 
(September  15,  1842). 

The  demands  agreed  to  by  the  Treaty  of  Nanking  were: 
(1)  peace  and  friendship  between  China  and  England;  (2)  the 
opening  of  five  ports,  Canton,  Amoy,  Foochow,  Ningpo,  and 
Shanghai,  for  the  residence  of  British  merchants,  and  their 
families,  under  the  extra-territorial  jurisdiction  of  British 
Consular  officers ;  (3)  the  cession  of  Hongkong ;  (4)  payment 
of  an  opium  indemnity  of  six  million  dollars ;  (5)  payment  of 
the  Hong  Merchants'  debts,  amounting  to  three  million  dollars ; 
(G)  payment  of  twelve  million  dollars  war  expenses ;  (7)  all 
payments  to  be  made,  with  interest  at  5  per  cent.,  within  fixed 
periods ;  (8)  release  of  all  prisoners  of  war ;  (9)  a  general  amnesty^ 
in  favour  of  all  Chinese  who  had  served  the  Eno^lish  durino: 
the  war ;  (10)  a  fair  and  regular  tariff  of  export  and  import 
duties  and  transit  charges;  (11)  fixed  terms  of  equality  to  be 
used  in  official  correspondence ;  (12)  withdrawal  of  British  troops 
from  jNanking,  Chinkiang,  Chinhai,  Chusan,  and  Kulangsoo 
on  certain  conditions;  (13)  ratifications  of  the  Treaty  to  be 
exchanged  as  soon  as  possible.  This  Treaty  is  more  noteworthy 
for  the  stipulations  omitted  than  for  those  included  in  it.  The 
prohibition  or  legalisation  of  the  opium  trade  was  not  referred 
to.  The  war  had  not  been  undertaken  for  the  sake  of  opium. 
China  was  therefore  justly  left  free  to  settle  the  opium  question 
at  her  own  sweet  will.  ^lore  remarkable  is  the  omission  ta 
secure  for  Chinese  settlers  on  Hongkong  freedom  of  commercial 
intercourse  with  the  mainland  of  China,  in  the  sense  of  the 
Foreign  Office  instructions  of  February  3,  1841.  Mandarindom 
was  left  unaccountably  free  to  make  or  mar  the  fortunes  of 
Hongkong  as  a  settlement  for  Chinese. 

AVhilst  negotiating  the  provisions  contained  in  the  third 
article  of  the  foregoing  Treaty,  Sir  H.  Pottinger  was  informed 
by  the  Commissioners,  that  the  cession  of  Hongkong  had  some 
time  ago  been  approved  by  the  Emperor,  and  needed  no  further 
confirmation.     Sir    H.   Pottinger,   however,   wished   the   cession 


156  CHAPTER  XL 

of  Hongkong  to  be  discussed  de  novo,  and  informed  the 
Commissioners,  as  he  himself  subsequently  (January  21,  1843) 
stated  in  writing  to  a  Committee  of  Ih'itish  merchants,  that, 
*the  British  Government  holding  Hongkong  could  not  in  any 
way  disadvantageously  affect  the  external  commerce  of  China, 
because  the  English  Government  had  no  ,  intention  of  levying 
any  kind  of  duties  there,'  and  that  *  Hongkong  was  merely 
to  be  looked  upon  as  a  sort  of  bonded  warehouse  in  which 
merchants  could  deposit  their  goods  in  safety  until  it  should 
■suit  their  purposes  to  sell  them  to  native  Chinese  dealers  or  to 
send  them  to  a  port  or  place  in  China  for  sale.' 

This  is  a  point  of  considerable  importance,  as  it  indicates 
that  the  free-port  character  of  Hongkong  was  the  preliminary 
understanding  on  which  the  third  article  of  the  Nankino;  Treaty 
and  the  cession  of  Hongkong  to  the  British  Crown  was  now 
based.  The  future  discontinuance  or  continuance  of  the  freedom 
of  the  port  of  Hongkong  is  therefore  by  no  means  an  open 
question  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  Colonial  or  Imperial  British 
Governments,  but  the  latter  is  absolutely  bound  by  the  Nanking 
Treaty,  as  negotiated  by  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  to  maintain  the 
freedom  of  the  port  from  all  export  or  import  duties  of  any  sort. 

It  was  on  this  understanding  that  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment issued,  with  Sir  H.  Pottinger's  express  approval,  an  edict 
allowing  free  and  unrestricted  intercourse  to  all  vessels  from 
treaty  ports  in  China  to  Hongkong,  and  vice  versa,  on  payment 
of  the  export  or  import  duties,  as  well  as  anchorage  or  harbour 
charges,  legally  due  at  the  ports  to  which  goods  may  be  carried 
or  from  which  they  may  be  shipped  within  the  Chinese  Empire. 
The  Chinese  Government  having  thus  acted  on  the  promise  of 
"Sir  H.  Pottinger  that  Hongkong  should  remain  a  free  port, 
the  British  Government  would  seem  to  be  bound  in  good  faith 
to  maintain  the  freedom  of  the  port  inviolate. 

The  Article  referring  to  the  cession  of  Hongkong  runs 
thus :  *  It  being  obviously  necessary,  and  desirable,  that  British 
subjects  should  have  some  port  whereat  they  may  careen  and 
refit  their  ships  when  required  and  keep  stores  for  that  purpose, 


CONFIRMATION  OF  THE  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  157 

His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  China  cedes  to  Her  Majesty  the 
Queeu  of  Great  Britain,  &c.,  the  Island  of  Hongkong,  to  be 
possessed  in  perpetuity  by  Her  Britannic  Majesty,  her  Heirs  and 
Successors,  and  to  be  governed  by  such  laws  and  regulations  as 
Her  Majesty  the  Queen  of  Great  Britain,  &c.,  shall  see  fit  to 
direct.'  The  reason  here  given  why  Hongkong  should  be  ceded 
is  rather  curious.  It  appears  to  be  rather  Elliot's  than  Pot- 
tinger's  view  of  the  raison  cVeire  of  a  British  possession  called 
Hongkong.  We  should  not  be  surprised  to  find  that  the  English 
rendering  of  this  third  Article  of  the  Nanking  Treaty  is  a 
literal  translation  of  the  Chinese  text  of  the  corresponding 
Article  of  the  Chuenpi  Treaty.  If  it  was  '  obviously '  necessary 
in  1843,  that  English  merchants  should  have  dockyards  and 
dockyard  stores  in  a  separate  locality  on  the  Chinese  coast,  ifc 
is  very  strange  that  Lord  Palmerston  and  the  Cabinet,  that 
Parliament  and  the  nation,  could  not  be  brought  to  see  it, 
though  the  Mathesons,  and  Stauntons,  and  Eobinsons  and  others 
did  everything  to  demonstrate  that  necessity  and  desirability 
from  1833  to  1836.  Moreover,  it  was  obviously  a  sort,  of 
bonded  warehouse,  with  dwelling  houses,  out  of  the  reach  of 
the  avarice,  corruption  and  oppression  of  Chinese  officials  that 
was  needed,  far  more  than  dockyards  and  dockyard  stores.  And 
it  was  a  Colony  rather  than  a  mere  trade  station  or  dockyard 
that  Hongkong  had  become  by  the  time,  when  this  curious 
third  Article  of  the  Nanking  Treaty  was  drafted. 

Chastised  and  humbled  as  China  was  by  the  terms  of  the 
Treaty  of  Nanking,  one  might  suppose  that  now  at  last  the 
Chinese  had  been  taught  to  surrender,  once  for  all,  their  claim 
of  supremacy  over  all  foreign  nations.  But  the  popular  Chinese 
theory,  that  *as  there  is  but  one  sun  in  the  heavens,  so  there 
can  be  but  one  supreme  ruler  over  all  under  heaven,'  which 
proposition  all  mankind  ought  indeed  to  be  ready  to  assent 
to  in  a  rehgious  sense,  was  so  ingrained  in  the  diplomatic  mind 
and  language  of  China,  in  the  sense  of  China's  political 
supremacy,  that,  within  four  months  after  the  conclusion  of 
the  Nanking  Treaty,  the  Emperor  issued  an  Edict  (December  24, 


158  CHAPTER  XI. 

1842),  ordering  Eleepoo  'to  meet  Pottiiiger  and  immediately 
explain  to  him  that  the  Celestial  Dynasty  has  for  its  principle, 
in  (joverning  all  foreigners  without  its  pale,  to  look  upon  them 
with  the  same  feeling  of  universal  benevolence  with  which  she 
looks  upon  her  own  children.'  To  this  noti  plus  ultra  of 
diplomatic  cant — for  cant  it  seemed  to  be  in  view  of  the 
Emperor's  rejoicing  over  the  destruction  of  life  caused  in 
Hongkong  by  the  typhoon,  and  in  view  of  the  w^holesale  murders 
committed  by  Tahunga  and  approved  by  the  Emperor — Sir 
H.  Pottinger  replied  in  good  earnest.  He  at  once  informed 
the  Emperor,  that  his  Koyal  Mistress,  the  Queen  of  England, 
*  acknowledges  no  superior  or  governor  but  God,  and  that  the 
dignity,  the  power,  and  the  universal  benevolence  of  Her  Majesty 
are  known  to  be  second  to  none  on  earth  and  are  only  equalled 
by  Her  Majesty's  good  faith  and  studious  anxiety  to  fulfil  her 
Royal  promises  and  engagements.'  After  this  castigation,  thus 
quietly  administered  by  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  the  Chinese  officials 
were  not  only  careful  to  exclude  from  diplomatic  correspondence 
their  usual  stock  phrases  of  Chinese  political  supremacy,  but 
the  Viceroy  Kikung  actually  employed  the  phrase  'the  two 
countries'  which,  in  Elliot's  time  had  provoked  the  ire  and 
sarcasm  of  Viceroy  Tang,  and  wrote  to  Pottinger  (April  16, 
1843)  frankly  admitting  that  '  the  two  countries  are  now  united 
in  friendship.' 

The  news  of  the  conclusion  of  the  Nanking  Treaty  was 
received  throughout  China  with  a  sigh  of  intense  relief. 
Everywhere  the  preparations  for  war  were  immediately  dis- 
continued. In  fact  the  official  measures  taken  everywhere  along 
the  coast  indicated  plainly  that  the  Provincial  Authorities  were 
sincerely  determined  to  abide  by  and  carry  out  the  provisions 
of  the  Treaty  in  good  faith.  In  Canton,  the  militia  was 
disbanded  (October  13,  1842)  and  all  temporary  forts  were 
dismantled.  There  was  indeed  a  brief  popular  outburst  of 
excitement  in  Canton  (November,  1842),  when  it  was  rumoured 
that  building  lots  in  the  Honan  suburbs  would  be  appropriated 
for  dwelling  houses  for  foreign  merchants  and  their  families, 


CONFIRMATION  OF  THE  CESSION  OF  HONGKONG.  159 

and  a  mob  made  an  attack  upon  the  factories  and  partially 
burned  them  (December  7,  1842).  But  the  excitement  was 
all  over  the  very  next  day,  when  Sir  Hugh  Gough  Avent  up 
to  Canton  to  investigate  the  state  of  things.  Within  a  fortnight 
after  this  ebullition  of  popular  temper,  it  was  so  evident  that 
China  meant  to  abide  by  the  Nanking  Treaty,  that  the  military 
and  naval  forces  were  sent  back  to  England,  and  over  50 
transports  and  ships  of  war  left  Hongkong  harbour  (December 
20,  1842)  homeward  bound.  The  war  was  over.  The  piping 
times  of  peace  had  come,  and  now  it  was  the  mission  of 
Hongkong  to  smooth  down  the  animosities  of  the  past  and  to 
cement  friendship  between  the  two  countries  in  the  future. 

Sir  H.  Pottinger  at  once  set  to  work  (January,  1843)  to 
complete  the  remainder  of  his  successful  diplomatic  mission,  by 
settling  the  details  of  tariif  duties  and  trade  regulations.  For 
this  purpose  he  had  frequent  consultations  with  a  representative 
•Committee  of  British  merchants  consisting  of  Messrs.  A. 
Matheson,  G.  T.  Braine,  W.  Thomson,  D.  L.  Burn,  and  W.  P. 
Livingston.  After  the  death  of  Eleepoo  (March  4,  1843), 
Kiying  w^as  appointed  Chief  of  the  Imperial  Commission,  and  it 
was  at  once  foreseen  that  he  would  heartily  work  together  with 
Pottinger  in  settling  all  details.  The  Viceroy  of  Canton  (Kikung) 
also  kept  up  friendly  relations  and  cordially  accepted  Pottinger's 
•offer  (April  10,  1843)  to  co-operate  with  him  in  putting  down  the 
wholesale  smuggling  (partly  in  English  craft)  then  going  on, 
with  the  connivance  of  the  Hoppo's  underlings  (as  the  Viceroy 
himself  admitted),  on  the  Canton  River.  Previous  to  Kiying's 
arrival,  the  two  other  members  of  the  Imperial  Commission, 
Wang  An-tung  and  Hienling,  visited  Hongkong  (May  11,  1843) 
were  freely  introduced  to  Hongkong  society,  dined  twice  with 
Sir  H.  Pottinger,  drove  out  in  a  carriage  (the  first  that  passed 
the  gap)  to  the  Happy  Valley,  sj^ent  an  evening  at  the  Morrison 
Education  Society's  Institution  (on  Morrison  Hill),  attended  a 
parade  of  artillery  under  Major  Knowles,  witnessed  the  investiture 
of  Sir  W.  Parker,  by  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  as  Knight  Grand  Cross 
of  the  Bath,  and  returned  to  Canton  thoroughly  charmed  with 


160  CHAPTER  XI. 

English  civilization.  Immediately  after  Kiying's  arrival  (June 
4,  1843),  Lieutenant-Colonel  Malcolm,  who  had  meanwhile 
returned  from  London  with  Her  Majesty's  signature  and  the 
Great  Seal  of  England  affixed  to  the  Nanking  Treaty,  proceeded 
to  Canton  (June  G,  1843)  and  invited  Kiying  to  exchange  the 
ratifications  of  the  Treaty  at  Hongkong.  Kiying  acceded  to  the 
request,  repaired  to  Hongkong  (June  23,  1843),  with  Hienling 
and  AVang  An-tung,  and  the  exchange  of  ratifications  was 
solemnly  performed  (June  2G,  1843)  at  Government  House 
(then  situated  on  the  spur  above  the  Gaol).  A  guard  of  honour 
was  in  attendance,  a  large  number  of  residents  was  present,  and 
at  the  moment  when  the  ratifications  were  exchanged,  a  royal  . 
salute  was  fired  and  responded  to  from  the  forts  and  shipping. 
Next,  Her  Majesty's  Proclamation,  declaring  Hongkong  to  be 
a  possession  of  the  British  Crow^n,  was  read  by  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Malcolm,  in  the  presence  of  the  Imperial  Commissioners. 
Subsequently,  Kiying  having  retired,  the  Royal  Warrant  was 
r«ad,  appointing  Sir  H.  Pottinger  Governor  of  Hongkong  and 
its  Dependencies.  A  large  dinner  party,  given  in  the  evening, 
concluded  the  festivities. 

Four  months  afterwards  a  Supplementary  Treaty,  concluded 
by  Sir  H.  Pottinger  and  the  Imperial  Commissioners,  was  signed 
(October  8,  1843)  at  the  Bogue  (Foomoonchai),  by  Kiying  and 
Sir  H.  Pottinger  on  behalf  of  their  Majesties,  the  Emperor  of 
China  and  the  Queen  of  England.  Besides  providing  all  the 
detailed  trade-regulations  to  be  observed  at  the  five  open  ports 
of  China,  this  Supplementary  Treaty,  the  stipulations  of  which 
were  to  be  as  binding  and  of  the  same  efficacy  as  if  they  had 
been  inserted  in  the  original  Treaty  of  Nanking,  contains  several 
articles  specially  referring  to  Hongkong. 

The  extradition  of  criminals  was  provided  for  by  Article  IX, 
which  stipulated  that  all  Chinese  criminals  and  offenders  against 
the  law,  who  may  flee  to  Hongkong  or  to  British  ships  of  war 
or  to  British  merchantmen  for  refuge,  should  be  delivered  up 
on  proof  or  admission  of  their  guilt.  Article  XIV  provided,  for 
the  purpose  of  effectually  preventing  piracy  and  smuggling,  that 


CONFIRMATION   OF  THE  CESSION   OF  HONGKONG.  161 

ail  officer  of  the  British  Government  should  examine  the  resristers 
and  passes  of  all  Chinese  vessels  visiting  Hongkong  to  buy  or 
sell,  and  that  any  Chinese  vessel  arriving  in  Hongkong  without 
such  register  or  pass  should  be  considered  an  unauthorized  or 
smuggling  vessel,  forbidden  to  trade,  and  to  be  reported  to  the 
Chinese  Authorities.  x\rticle  XV  provided  for  the  recovery  of 
debts,  incurred  by  Chinese  residents  of  Hongkong,  through  the 
English  Court  of  Justice,  or,  if  the  debtor  should  flee  into 
Chinese  territory,  through  the  British  Consul  at  an  open  Treaty 
port.  Article  XVI  provided  that  the  Hoppo  of  Canton  should 
furnish  the  corresponding  British  officer  in  Hongkong  with 
monthly  returns  of  jwsses  granted  to  Chinese  vessels  to  visit 
Houskoun',  and  that  the  British  officer  in  Hongkong  should 
forward  similar  monthly  returns  to  the  Hoppo.  Article  XVII 
provided  for  small  craft  plying  between  Hongkong,  Canton  and 
Macao,  being  exempt  from  all  port  charges  if  they  carried  only 
l)assengers,  letters  or  baggage,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  dutiable 
articles.  Those  of  the  foregoing  articles,  which  referred  to 
a  British  officer  doing  in  Hongkong  the  work  of  the  Chinese 
revenue  preventive  service,  and  which  would  have  practically 
confined  Chinese  trade  with  Hongkong  to  trade  between  the 
five  open  ports  and  Hongkong,  were  disapproved  by  the  Home 
Government  as  much  as  by  the  local  mercantile  community. 
No  such  British  officer  was  ever  appointed,  and  fifteen  years 
later  (June  20,  1858)  the  whole  Supplementary  Treaty  was 
formally  abrogated.  The  object  aimed  at  by  those  two  Articles 
(XIV  and  XVI),  the  Chinese  Government  sought  later  on  to 
attain  by  the  so-called  Custom's  Blockade  of  Hongkong,  and 
the  duties,  assigned  by  those  two  Articles  to  a  British  officer, 
are  at  the  present  day  discharged  by  the  English  staff  of  the 
Kowloon  Imperial  Maritime  Customs  Office,  established  in 
Hongkong. 

As  regards  that  Article  of  the  Nanking  Treaty  which 
provided  for  the  payment  by  the  Chinese  Government  of  an 
opium  indemnity  amounting  to  six  million  dollars,  the  London 
Gazette  of  August  25,   1843,  gave  notice  to  those  entitled  to 

II 


162  CHAPTER  XI. 

compensation,  being  holders  of  the  certificates  given,  in  1839, 
by  Captain  Elliot  for  British-owned  opium,  that  they  might 
apply,  on  or  after  August  30,  1843,  for  payment  at  the  Treasury 
Chambers,  at  the  following  rates,  per  chest,  viz. :  Patna,  £6Q 
7s.  ly..;  Malwa,  £64  lis.  2^.;  Benares,  £61  lis.  3^^. ;  and 
Turkey,  £43  3s.  5^/.  This  arrangement,  based  on  the  average 
prices  realized  in  Canton  during  78  days,  from  September  11  to 
November  27,  1838,  caused  much  dissatisfaction,  as  it  was  alleged 
that  the  merchants  thus  received,  after  four  years'  delay,  scarcely 
one  half  of  what  they  originally  had  paid  for  the  opium  directly 
to  the  East  India  Company,  besides  losing  four  years'  interest 
on  their  capital.  But  on  the  other  side  it  might  have  been 
urged,  that,  at  the  time  when  the  opium  was  taken  possession 
of  by  Commissioner  Lin,  the  market  ^vas  overstocked,  sales 
impossible,  and,  if  Lin  had  not  destroyed  the  opium  but  returned 
it  to  the  merchants,  they  could  not  have  sold  it  for  anything 
like  what  they  finally  received  for  it. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


The  Admixistratiox  of  Captain  Elliot. 
January  26  to  August  10,  1841. 

gpr^AYING.  in  the  preceding  chapter,  given  an- outline  of  the 
^^  poHtical  events  connected  with  the  cession  of  Hongkong 
to  the  British  Crown,  we  now  take  up  the  thread  of  its  internal 
history. 

On  the  very  day  when  the  Treaty  of  Chuenpi  was  conchided 
(January  20,  1841),  Captain  Elhot  issued  a  circular  at  Macao, 
addressed  to  Her  Britannic  Majesty's  subjects,  informing  them 
that  the  Island  and  Harbour  of  Hongkong  had  been  ceded  to 
the  British  Crown.  The  news  of  the  cession  of  Hongkong  wa^ 
conveyed  to  England  by  the  steamship  Enteiyrise  which  left 
China  on  January  23,  1841.  Captain  Elliot  explained  in  his 
circular  of  January  20,  18-41,  that  Her  Majesty's  Government 
had  sought  for  no  privilege  in  China  for  the  exclusive  advantage 
of  British  ships  and  merchants,  and  that  he  therefore  only 
performed  his  duty  in  offering  the  protection  of  the  British 
flag  to  the  subjects,  citizens  and  ships  of  foreign  Powers  that 
might  resort  to  Her  Majesty's  Possession  at  Hongkong.  A 
general  invitation  was  thus  given  to  all  the  merchants  of  other 
countries  to  utilize  the  proposed  new  British  trade  station  for 
commercial  purposes.  At  the  same  time,  Captain  Elliot  expressly 
stated  that  all  just  charges  and  duties  to  the  Chinese  Empire 
were  to  be  paid  as  if  the  trade  were  conducted  at  Whampoa. 
The  Chinese  Government  was  left  at  liberty  to  deal  with 
Hongkong  by  levying,  outside  the  port  and  boundaries  of  the 
Colony,  charges  and  duties  on  exports  from  or  imports  into 
Chinese  territory.    This  was  probably  all  that  Elliot  intended,* 


1(34:  CHAPTER  XII. 

and  in  these  respects  he  simply  gave  to   Hongkong  the  same 
position   wliich  Macao  had  so  long  maintained. 

The  Island  of  Honsrkontr  haviuoj  been  formally  taken 
possession  of,  for  the  pnrposes  of  a  trade  station,  in  the  name 
of  Her  Majesty  Queen  Victoria  (January  2C,  1841),  Captain 
Elliot,  as  Chief  Superintendent  of  the  trade  of  British  subjects 
in  China,  and  holding  full  powers  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the 
United  Kingdom,  to  execute  the  office  of  Her  Majesty's  Com- 
missioner, Procurator,  and  Plenipotentiary  in  China,  issued  on 
January  29,  1841,  his  first  local  proclamation  (the  original 
of  which  is,  however,  dated  February  2,  1841).  In  this 
proclamation.  Captain  Elliot,  after  making  due  reservation  of 
Her  ^Majesty's  rights,  royalties,  and  privileges,  declared  that 
the  Government  of  the  Island  should  be  exercised,  pending  Her 
Majesty's  further  pleasure,  by  the  person  filling  the  office  of 
Chief  Superintendent  of  the  trade  of  British  subjects  in  China. 
I'vThe  next  point  in  Captain  Elliot's  proclamation  of  January  29, 
f  1841,  was  that  it  established  two  different  systems  of  o-overnment 
and  two  separate  codes  of  law  for  the  administration  of  justice 
in  Hongkong.  Natives  of  the  Island,  and  all  natives  of  China 
I  resorting  to  Hongkong,  were  to  be  governed,  pending  Her 
'  Majesty's  further  pleasure,  according  to  the  laws  and  customs 
of  China,  every  description  of  torture  excepted.  But  all  persons 
other  than  natives  of  the  Island  or  of  China,  should  fall  under 
the  cognizance  of  the  Criminal  and  Admiralty  jurisdiction  at 
the  time  existing  in  China  and  enjoy  full  security  and  protection 
according  to  the  principles  and  practice  of  British  Law.  This 
natural  bifurcation  reflected,  at  the  first  formation  of  the 
settlement,  the  fundamental  incompatibility  of  the  Chinese  and 
European  systems  of  civilization,  by  creating  two  separate  forms 
of  government  and  two  separate  codes  of  law,  corresponding 
with  the  two  separate  communities,  Chinese  and  European, 
which  were  about  to  settle  at  Hongkong  and  which  immediately 
proceeded  to  divide  the  town  into  separate  European  and  Chinese 
^  quarters.  Bub  regarding  this  bifurcation,  thus  provisionally 
.introduced,  the  pleasure  of  Her  Majesty  was  subsequently  made 


THE  ADMINISTRATION   OF  CAPTAIN   ELLIOT.  1^5 

known,  from  time  to  time,  gradually  extending,  by  special 
Ordinances  and  execntive  Regnlations,  the  sphere  of  English 
forms  of  government  and  the  application  of  English  Law.  This 
was,  however,  done  cautionsly  and  gradually,  in  proportion 
as  the  two  local  communities,  European  and  Chinese,  were, 
by  the  slow  process  of  the  interaction  of  English  and  Chinese 
modes  of  thought,  life  and  education,  brought  a  little  nearer 
to  each  other.  This  process  (though  hardly  perceptible)  is  still 
going  on  at  the  present  day,  but  executive  regulations  and  legal 
enactments  have  all  along  proved  utterly  futile  whenever  they 
went  too  far  ahead  of  the  successive  stages  reached  by  this 
extremely  slow  process  of  race  amalgamation  which  depends 
more  on  the  silent  influences  of  English  education,  English 
speaking  and  English  modes  of  living  than  on  the  exercise  of 
the  rights  and  powers  of  the  Crown.  The  Chinese,  though  the 
most  docile  people  in  the  world  when  under  fair  government, 
proved  utterly  intractable  whenever  the  Executiye  or  the 
Legislature  of  the  Colony  rushed  into  any  unreconciled  conflict 
with  deep-seated  national  customs  of  the  Chinese  people.  ^^ 
By  a  second  proclamation — issued  conjointly  by  Sir  J.  J. 
Gordon  Bremer,  Commander-in-Chief,  and  by  Captain  Elliot, 
as  Her  Majesty's  Plenipotentiary,  on  February  1,  1S41 — all 
natives  of  China,  residing  in  Hongkong,  were  informed  that 
they  were  all,  by  the  fact  of  their  residing  on  the  Island, 
which  was  now  part  of  Her  Majesty's  Dominions,  subjects 
of  the  Queen  of  England,  to  whom  and  to  whose  officers  they 
must  pay  duty  and  obedience.  Moreover,  it  was  added,  that 
'*the  inhabitants  are  hereby  promised  protection,  in  Her  Ma- 
jesty's gracious  name,  against  all  enemies  whatever  and  they 
are  further  secured  in  the  free  exercise  of  their  religious  rites,\ 
ceremonies  and  social  customs,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
lawful  private  property  and  interests.'  It  must  be  noted  that,, 
in  the  case  of  this  stipulation,  not  only  is  the  usual  reservation 
*  until  Her  Majesty's  further  pleasure'  omitted,  but  for  it  is 
substituted  the  positive  affirmation  that  this  promise  was  given 
*in  Her  ^Majesty's  gracious  name.'     Anyhow,  Her  Majesty  never, 


166  CHAPTER  XII. 

I  in  the  whole  history  of  the  Colony,  made  her  pleasure  known 
f  J  contrary  to  the  just  principles  of  religious  and  social  toleration 
!  i  here  guaranteed  to  Chinese  semi-civilized  pagans,  who  were 
\ii  thereby,  more  than  by  anything  else,  induced  to  flock  tOr 
jji  Hongkong  and  settle  on  the  Island.  The  same  proclamation 
added,  to  the  statement  of  the  previous  proclamation  concerning 
the  rule  that  Chinese  in  Hongkong  should,  until  Her  Majesty's 
further  pleasure,  be  governed  according  to  Chinese  la^\'s,  customs 
and  usages  (every  description  of  torture  excepted),  the  idetailed 
provision  that,  pending  Her  Majesty's  further  pleasure,  the 
Chinese  in  Hongkong  should  be  governed  by  the  elders  of  villages 
(Tipos),  subject  to  the  control  of  a  British  Magistrate.  Regarding 
this  point  Her  Majesty's  further  pleasure  was  made  known 
many  years  after  (Ordinance  8  of  1858),  when  an  attempt  was 
made  to  improve  the  working  of  the  Tipo  system  by  giving 
them  official  salaries.  Some  years  later,  when  this  measure 
proved  fruitless,  the  Government  discarded  the  Tipo  system 
altogether.  Yet,  although  this  system  is  now  officially  not 
recognized  and  has  been  replaced  by  the  Registrar  General's 
Office,  the  Chinese  secretly  adhere  to  their  own  system  faithfully. 
The  Chinese  people  in  town  are  at  the  present  day  under  the 
sway  of  their  own  headmen  (the  Tungwa  Hospital  Committee), 
and  the  people  in  the  villages  are  ruled  by  their  elders,  as 
much  as  ever.   ^ 

As  regards  commerce,  this  same  proclamation  stated  that 
*  Chinese  ships  and  merchants  resorting  to  the  port  of  Hongkong 
for  purposes  of  trade,  are  hereby  exempted,  in  the  name  of 
the  Queen  of  England,  from  charge  or  duty  of  any  kind  to 
the  British  Government,'  but,  it  was  added,  that  the  pleasure 
of  the  Government  would  be  declared  from  time  to  time  by 
further  proclamations. 

According  to  a  (seemingly  incorrect)  statement  resting  on 
the  authority  of  Commander  J.  Elliot  Bingham,  who  was  at 
this  time  First  Lieutenant  of  H.M.S.  Modesie,  the  terms  of  the 
Chuenpi  Treaty  included  also  the  surrender  by  the  Chinese, 
as  neutral   ground,   of    'the  peninsula  of    Kowloon'  meaning 


OP  THE     ^'y^. 

university) 

THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  CAPTAIN   ELLIOT.  167 

probably  only  Tsimsliatsui).  Mr.  Bingham  also  states  that,  when 
the  Chuenpi  Treaty  was  disavowed  by  the  Imperial  Government^ 
it  was  seized  by  the  British  troops  *  by  right  of  conquest/  a 
garrison  being  kept  in  *  Fort  Victoria'  (probably  on  the  site 
of  the  present  Barracks),  where  many  commissariat  and  other 
stores  were  deposited. 

During  the  course  of  February,  1841,  numerous  parties  of 
British  and  foreign  merchants  and  missionaries  came  over  from 
Macao  to  prospect  the  capabilities  of  Hongkong  and  to  select 
sites  for  warehouses  and  residences.  By  the  end  of  March  and 
the  beginning  of  April,  1841,  shanties,  labourers'  matsheds, 
roughly-built  store-houses  (called  godowns),  Chinese  shop-keepei*s* 
booths,  European  bungalows  and  houses  of  all  descriptions  began 
to  rise  up.  The  first  buildings  erected  in  Hongkong  are  said 
(on  the  evidence  of  Mr.  "VY.  Rawson)  to  have  been  the  so- 
called  Albany  godowns  (near  Spring  Gardens)  of  Lindsay  &  Co. 
Next  rose  up  the  buildings  at  East  Point,  where  Jardine, 
Matheson  &  Co.  established  themselves.  Later  on  buildings 
were  erected  in  the  Happy  Valley  and  here  and  there  along  the 
hill  side  as  far  as  the  present  centre  of  the  town.  While  the 
Military  and  Naval  Authorities  commenced  settling  at  West 
Point,  erecting  cantonments  on  the  hill  side  (on  the  site  of 
the  present  Reformatory  and  later  on  above  Fairlea)  and  lartre 
Naval  Stores  (near  the  shore  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
present  Gas  Company's  premises),  the  Happy  Valley  was  at  first 
intended  by  British  merchants  for  the  principal  business  centre. 
However,  the  prejudices  of  the  Chinese  merchants  against  the 
Fungshui  (geomantic  aspects)  of  the  Happy  Valley  and  the 
peculiarly  malignant  fever  which  emptied  every  European  house 
in  that  neighbourhood  almost  as  soon  as  it  was  tenanted,  caused 
the  business  settlement  to  move  gradually  westwards.  Hill  sites, 
freely  exposed  towards  the  South-west  and  South-east,  as  well 
as  to  the  North,  were  soon  discovered  as  being  less  subject  to 
the  worst  type  of  malarial  fever,  and  were  accordingly  studded 
with  frail  European  houses  mostly  covered  at  first  with  palm- 
leaves.      A    number   of    wooden   houses    were    imported    from 


168  CHAPTER   XII. 

Singapore  aud  erected  on  lower  storeys  of  brick  or  stones.  Bub 
at  first  the  only  substantial  buildings  erected  by  private  parties 
were  a  bouse  and  godowns  built  at  East  Point  bv  order  of  Mr. 
A.  Matheson  who  foresaw  the  permanency  of  the  Colony  at  a 
time  when  most  people  doubted  it.  The  native  stone  masons, 
brick-layers,  carpenters  and  scaffold  builders,  required  for  the 
construction  of  roads  and  barracks  (by  the  Engineer  corps  of 
the  Expedition)  and  for  the  erection  of  mercantile  buildings, 
were  immediately  followed  by  a  considerable  influx  of  Chinese 
provision  dealers  (who  settled  near  the  site  of  the  present  Central 
Market,  soon  known  as  'the  Bazaar'),  and  by  Chinese  furniture 
dealers,  joiners,  cabinet  makers  and  curio  shops,  congregating 
opposite  the  present  Naval  Yard,  and  along  the  present  Queen's 
Road  East,  then  known  as  the  '  Canton  Bazaar.'  The  day 
labourers  settled  down  in  huts  at  Taipingshan,  at  Saiyingpun 
and  at  Tsimshatsui.  But  the  largest  proportion  of  the  Chinese 
population  were  the  so-called  Tanka  or  boat  people,  the  pariahs 
of  South-China,  whose  intimate  connection  with  the  social  life 
of  the  foreign  merchants  in  the  Canton  factories  used  to  call 
forth  an  annual  proclamation  on  the  part  of  the  Cantonese 
Authorities  warninor  forei2:ners  against  the  demoralisinii:  influences 
I  of  these  people.  These  Tan-ka  people,  forbidden  by  Chinese 
law  (since  A.D.  1730)  to  settle  on  shore  or  to  compete  at  literary 
examinations,  and  prohibited  by  custom  from  intermarrying 
1  with  the  rest  of  the  people,  were  from  the  earliest  days  of  the 
1 — .East  India  Company  always  the  trusty  allies  of  foreigners.  They 
furnished  pilots  and  supplies  of  provisions  to  British  men-of- 
war,  troopships  and  mercantile  vessels,  at  times  when  doing  so 
was  declared  by  the  Chinese  Government  to  be  rank  treason, 
unsparingly  visited  with  capital  punishment.  They  were  the 
hangers-on  of  the  foreign  factories  of  Canton  and  of  the  British 
shipping  at  Lintiii,  Kamsingmooii,  Tungku  and  Hongkong  Bay. 
They  invaded  Hongkong  the  moment  the  settlement  was  started, 
living  at  first  on  boats  in  the  harbour  with  their  numerous 
families,  and  gradually  settling  on  shore.  They  have  maintained 
ever  since  almost  a  monopoly  of  the  supply  of  pilots  aud  ships' 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  CAPTAIN  ELLIOT.  169 

crews,  of  the  fish  trade  and  the  cattle  trade,  but  unfortunately 
also  of  the  trade  in  girls  and  women.  Strange  to  say,  when 
the  settlement  was  first  started,  it  was  estimated  that  some  2,000 
of  these  Tan-ka  people  had  flocked  to  Hongkong,  but  at  the 
present  time  they  are  about  the  same  number,  a  tendency  having 
set  in  among  them  to  settle  on  shore  rather  than  on  the  water 
and  to  disavow  their  Tan-ka  extraction  in  order  to  mix  on  equal 
terms  with  the  mass  of  the  Chinese  community.  The  half-caste 
population  in  Hongkong  were,  from  the  earliest  days  of  the 
settlement  of  the  Colony  and  down  to  the  present  day,  almost 
exclusively  the  off-spring  of  these  Tan-ka  people.  But,  like  the 
Tan-ka  people  themselves,  they  are  happily  under  the  influence 
of  a  process  of  continuous  re-absorption  in  the  mass  of  the 
Chinese  residents  of  the  Colony. 

I^In  addition  to  this  spontaneous  influx  of  Chinese  provision- 
dealers,  artizans,  labourers  and  boat-people,  there  commenced 
also,  early  in  1841,  a  natural  trade  movement,  which,  if  war-times 
had  been  protracted  or  if  the  Chinese  Mandarins  and  the  policy 
of  the  Hongkong  Government  had  permitted  its  continuance, 
would  have  resulted  in  the  gradual  transfer  to  Hongkong  of 
the  larger  portion  of  the  Macao  and  Canton  junk-trade  and 
made  Hongkong  the  trade  centre  of  the  whole  coast  of  the 
Canton  Province  and  the  great  depot  of  the  entire  China  trade. 
We  have  on  this  point  the  valuable  evidence  of  Mr.  A.  Mathesoii 
(given  before  the  Select  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons 
on  May  4,  1847).  '  Prior  to  our  taking  possession  of  Hongkong, 
and  for  some  time  after,  all  the  native  traders  between  Canton 
and  the  East  Coast  passed  through  the  harbour,  and  generally 
anchored  there.  When  the  first  Europeans  settled  in  Hongkong, 
the  Chinese  showed  every  disposition  to  frequent  the  place; 
and  there  was  a  fair  prospect  of  its  becoming  a  place  of 
considerable  trade.  The  junks  from  the  coast  made  up  their 
cargoes  there,  in  place  of  going  to  Canton  and  Macao;  these 
<;argoes  consisted  of  opium,  cotton  shirtings,  a  few  pieces  of 
camlets,  and  other  woollens,  and  Straits  produce,  such  as  pepper, 
betel-nut,  rattans,  &c.'  Mr.  William  Scott,  another  former  Cantoa 


170  CHAPTER  XII. 

and  Hongkong  merchant,  gave  simillar  evidence  (May  18,  1847) 
to  the  effect  that,  in  the  first  instance,  there  was  no  disinch*  nation 
whatever  on  the  part  of  the  respectable  Chinese  shopkeepers, 
and  other  useful  people,  to  come  to  the  Colony.  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Malcolm's  evidence  (June  1,  1847)  confirms  the 
foregoing  statements.  '  In  a  few  months,'  he  said,  '  an  extensive 
trade  sprung  up  and  immense  quantities  of  piece  goods  were 
sold  on  the  island,  which  were  transported  to  the  mainland  in 
native  boats.  Small  vessels  were  passing  hourly  between  Canton 
and  Hongkong  carrying  the  goods  which  were  sold  by  sample 
at  the  former  place,  and  daily  vessels  were  coming  from  the 
north  to  obtain  supplies  for  the  other  ports.'  Both  Mr. 
A.  Matheson  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Malcolm  further  stated 
that  this  prosperous  state  of  things,  brought  on  rather  suddenly, 
continued  until  an  equally  sudden  reaction  set  in  about  two  years 
later  (in  1843).  In  our  own  opinion,  this  early  trade  movement 
was  simply  the  natural  result  of  the  interference  caused  by  the 
war  of  1841  with  the  junk  trade  of  the  Canton  river.  The  junk 
trade  having  once  gravitated  towards  Hongkong,  it  took  some 
time,  after  the  declaration  of  peace  in  1842,  to  return  to  its 
original  channel.  But,  certainly,  had  the  free  trade  policy  been 
maintained  in  Hongkong,  a  large  share  of  the  junk  trade  might 
have  been  retained  in  the  Colony. 

With  the  return  of  the  troops  from  Chusan,  the  harbour 
of  Hongkong  began  to  be  crowded  again  with  men-of-war  and 
troopships,  and  a  Naval  Court  of  Inquiry  was  held  in  Hongkong, 
(April  25,  1841)  to  accertain  the  causes  of  the  extraordinary 
rate  of  mortality  which  had  decimated  the  troops  stationed  at 
Chusan  in  1840. 

An  augury  of  the  rapid  progress  which  the  new  settlement 
of  Hongkong  was  expected  to  make,  was  the  appearance  (May  1, 
1841)  of  the  first  Hongkong  Government  Gazette.  In  the  first 
number  of  this  Gazette  (printed  yet  at  Macao)  Captain  Elliot, 
as  charged  with  the  Government  of  Hongkong,  notified  that, 
pending  Her  Majesty's  farther  pleasure,  he  had  appointed  (April 
30,  1841)  Captain  W.  Caine  (2Gth  Cameronian  Regiment)  Chief 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  CAPTAIN  ELLIOT.  171 

/f  Magistrate  of  the  Island  of  Hongkong  to  exercise  authority,  for 

the  preservation  of  the  peace  and  the  protection  of  Hfe  and 

property,  over  all  non-Chinese  inhabitants  (those  of  the  Army 

and  Navy  excepted)  according  to  the  customs  and  usages  of 

1  British  police  law,  and  over  all  Chinese  inhabitants  according  to 

I  the  laws,  customs  and  usages  of  China,  as  near  as  may   be, 

i  every  description  of  torture  excepted.     But  nil  cases  requiring 

^punishments  exceeding  a  fine  of  $400,  or  imprisonment  of  over 

3  months,  or,  in  case  of  flogging,  more  than   100   lashes,  or 

capital  punishment,  were  to  be  remitted  to  the  judgment  of  the 

Head  of  the  Government.     Captain  Caine  was  at  the  same  time 

appointed  Superintendent  of  the  Goal,  which  had  been  hastily 

constructed,  but  as  all  minor  offences  committed  by  the  Chinese 

were  punished  by  a  free  resort  to  bambooing,  the  Gaol,  small  as 

it  was,  was  never  crowded  while  this  rough  and  ready  system 

of  adminstering  justice  by  means  of  the  bamboo  continued  in 

force. 

The  next  Gazette  (May  15,  1841)  published  the  first  Census 
of  Hongkong.  By  some  clerical  blunder,  however,  the  hamlefc 
of  Stanley,  whhich  never  counted  more  than  a  few  hundred 
iphabitants,  was  put  down  as  having  2,000  Chinese  inhabitants, 
and  accordingly  received  the  false  description  of  *  the  capital  (of 
Hongkong>,  a  large  town.'  It  never  was  anything  of  the  sort. 
Correcting  this  first  Census  table  accordingly,  we  find  that  there 
were  in  Hongkong,  in  May  1841,  altogether  5,650  Chinese 
residents,  viz.  2,550  villagers  and  fishermen,  scattered  over  20^ 
hamlets  among  which  Shaukiwan  and  Wongnaichung  take  a 
prominent  place,  800  Chinese  in  the  Bazaar,  2,000  Chinese  living 
in  boats  on  the  harbour,  and  300  labourers  from  Kowloon.  The 
Census  also  states  that  at  that  time  the  population  of  Tsimshatsui 
(not  included  in  the  Census)  amounted  to  800  Chinese. 

One  of  the  most  important  measures  of  Captain    Elliot's^ 
regime  was  the  declaration  of  the  freedom  of  the  port  whick 
constituted  in  fact  the  most  powerful  incentive  to  bring  trade 
to  Hongkong.     By  a  proclamation  issued  at  Macao  (June  7, 
1841),   Captain   Elliot  informed  the  merchants  and  traders  at 


172  CHAPTER  XII. 

€auton  and  in  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  that  they  and  their  ships 
liave  free  permission  to  resort  to  and  trade  at  the  port  of 
Hongkong  where  they  will  receive  fall  protection  from  the  High 
Officers  of  the  British  nation  and  that,  '  Hongkong  being  on  the 
shores  of  the  Chinese  Empire,  neither  will  there  be  any  charges 
on  imports  and  exports  payable  to  the  British  Government/ 
By  these  words  Captain  Elliot  appears  to  assign,  as  a  rahoti 
d'etre  of  the  port  of  Hongkong,  the  topographical  fact  that 
Hongkong  is  situated  within  the  waters  of  China.  It  is  jusb 
possible,  though  we  have  no  further  grounds  for  the  inference, 
that  ElHot  may  have  cherished  the  notion  that  the  Chinese 
Government  were  justified  in  levying,  outside  the  limits  of 
Hongkong,  in  Chinese  waters,  duties  on  all  goods  entering  or 
leaving  the  harbour  of  Hongkong.  H"  so,  he  virtually  treated 
Hongkong  as  an  open  port  of  China,  whilst  admitting  the 
Island  to  be  Her  Majesty's  Possession.  Sir  Henry  Pottinger 
subsequently  rectified  this  assumption  by  a  clear  distinction 
of  the  British  Possession  of  Hongkong  from  the  five  ports  of 
•China,  opened  by  the  Nanking  Treaty. 

That  Elliot  now  had  reason  to  believe  that  a  permanent 
^settlement  on  Hongkong  Island  would  eventually  receive  the 
formal  sanction  of  the  Home  Government,  appears  from  the  fact 
•that  he  now  advertized  (June  7,  iS-tl)  a  sale,  by  public  auction, 
'of  the  annual  quit-rent  of  100  lots  of  land,  having  water 
frontage,  on  Saturday  the  12th  instant,  as  also  of  100  town  or 
:suburburban  lots.'  As  many  merchants  had  purchased  land 
from  natives.  Captain  Elliot  notified  them  at  the  same  time  that 
■arrangements  with  natives  for  the  cession  of  laud  were  to  be 
made  only  through  an  officer  deputed  by  the  Government  and 
that  all  native  occupiers  of  land  would  be  constrained  to  establish 
-their  rights.  It  was  originally  intended  to  dispose  by  this  first 
land  sale  of  a  sufficiently  large  number  of  lots,  situated  both 
North  and  South  of  the  present  Queen's  Road,  which  had  been 
already  roughly  staked  out  by  this  time.  But  it  was  found 
impossible  to  survey  and  stake  out,  in  time  for  the  sale  (though 
l^ostponed  from  8th  to  14th  June),  more  than  40  lots,  all  situated 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  CAPTAIN  ELLIOT.  173 

along  the  shore,  North  of  Queen's  Road,  and  having  each  a  sea 
frontage  of  100  feet.  Six  of  tliese  lots  were  reserved  for  the 
Crown,  one  remained  unsold,  but  the  remaining  33  lots,  put  up 
at  an  upset  price  of  £10,  were  sold  (June  14,  1841)  at  an  average 
rate  of  £71,  prices  ranging  from  £20  to  £2G5  per  lot.  Those  33 
lots  amounted  in  the  aggregate  to  an  extent  not  much  exceeding 
nine  acres.  The  annual  payment  bid  for  them  was  £3,032. 
This  amounts  to  an  average  of  £7  8s.  G^/.  per  1,000  square  feet, 
a  price  which  is  equal  to  a  rate  of  more  than  £323  per  annum 
for  the  acre.  The  principle  of  the  sale  was  somewhat  undefined, 
but  it  was  understood  to  be  an  annual  rate  of  quit  rent,  if  that 
tenure  should  be  sanctioned  by  the  Home  Government,  coupled 
with  the  condition  of  prepayment  of  one  year's  rent,  and  a  deposit 
of  $500  (which,  however,  was  never  claimed  by  the  Government) 
as  a  guarantee  that  the  purchaser  would,  within  six  months,  spend 
at  least  $1,000  on  buildings  or  other  improvements  of  the  lot. 
There  are  on  record  several  criticisms  of  this  first  land  sale. 
Sir  H.  Pottinger  stated  (March  27,  1841)  that  the  tenure  which 
Captain  Elliot  proposed  to  obtain  was  wholly  unprecedented  and 
untenable,  and  later  on  (November  19,  1844)  he  added  that 
Captain  Elliot  had  not  been  armed  with  any  authority  to  dispose 
of  the  public  lands.  Mr.  A  Matheson  (May  4,  1847)  gave  ib 
as  his  opinion  that,  had  a  sufficient  number  of  sea  frontage  lots 
been  put  up  for  sale,  the  rate  would  not  have  much  exceeded  the 
upset  i:>rice  of  £10,  but  that,  owing  to  the  number  of  lots  being 
quite  disproportionate  to  the  number  of  competitors,  a  keeii- 
competition  drove  the  price  up  to  £100  and  upwards,  for  some 
lots,  and  that  the  average  of  this  was  afterwards  (unjustly) 
retained  by  the  Government  as  the  standard  of  value.  The 
purchasers,  somewhat  sanguinely  but  honestly  believed  themselves 
entitled  to  receive  eventually  a  perpetual  lease  at  the  prices  afc 
which  they  had  bought  the  land,  because  Captain  Elliot  wrote 
(June  17,  1841)  to  Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co.  and  to  Denfc 
&  Co.,  declaring  his  purpose  'to  move  Her  Majesty's  Goveru- 
ment  either  to  pass  the  lands  in  fee  simple  for  one  or  two 
years  purchase  at  the  late  rates  or  to  charge  them  in  future  with 


174  CHAPTER  XII. 

no  more  than  a  nominal  quit  rent,  if  that  tenure  continues  to 
oltain'  When  later  on  (April  10,  1843)  it  was  undei-stood  that 
the  Government  would  only  grant  leases  for  75  years,  the 
Hongkong  merchants  had  a  real  grievance  which  they  thenceforth 
nursed  industriously  until  they  brought  it  before  Parliament  in 

1847. 

The  purchasers  of  those  lots,  who  may  be  considered  as  the 
first  British  settlers  on  Hongkong,  were  the  following  firms 
or  individuals,  viz. :  Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co.  ;  Heerjeebhoy 
Bustomjee ;  Dent  &  Co. ;  Macvicar  &  Co. ;  Gemmel  &  Co. ; 
John  Smith ;  D.  Rustomjee ;  Gribble,  Hughes  &  Co. ;  Lindsay 
&  Co. ;  Hooker  and  Lane ;  Holliday  &  Co. ;  F.  Leighton  &  Co. 
Innes,  Fletcher  &  Co. ;  Jamieson  and  How ;  Fox,  Rawson  &  Co. 
Turner  &  Co. ;  Robert  Webster ;  R.  Gully ;  Charles  Hart 
€aptain  Larkins ;  P.  F.  Robertson  ;  Captain  Morgan ;  Dirom 
&  Co. ;  Pestonjee  Cowasjee ;  and  Framjee  Jamsetjee.  This  sale 
was  followed  by  the  erection  of  godowns  and  houses,  and  the 
building  of  a  seawall,  the  road  alongside  of  which  was  thenceforth 
{in  imitation  of  Macao  parlance)  called  the  Praya.  The  following 
places  were  the  first  to  be  utilized  for  commercial  buildings,  and 
private  residences  of  merchants,  viz. :  West  Point,  the  Happy 
Yalley,  Spring  Gardens,  the  neighbourhood  of  the  present  Naval 
Yard  (Canton  Bazaar) ;  the  sites  now  occupied  by  Butterfield  and 
Swire,  by  the  Hongkong  Hotel,  by  the  China  Mail,  by  the 
Hongkong  Dispensary  (which  can  trace  back  its  history  to  1841); 
the  slope  below  Wyndham  Street ;  Pottinger  Street,  Queen's  Road 
€entral  (the  Bazaar)  ;  the  site  below  Gough  Street  enclosed  by 
a  ring  fence  (Gibb,  Livingston  &  Co.);  Jervois  Street  (where  the 
first  Chinese  piece  goods  trade  settled),  ending  in  the  Upper 
Bazaar ;  the  Civil  Hospital  site  ;  and  Saiyiugpun. 

Captain  Elliot,  whose  attention  and  presence  was  required 
by  the  troubles  brewing  at  Canton,  consequent  upon  the  disavowal 
of  the  Chuenpi  Treaty,  appointed  Mr.  A,  R.  Johnston,  the 
Second  Superintendent  of  Trade,  to  be  Acting  Governor  of 
the  Island  of  Hongkong.  Mr.  Johnston  accordingly  assumed 
charge  of  the  local   Government   on  behalf  of  Captain  Elliot 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  CAPTAIN  ELLIOT.  175 

(June  22,  1841),  assisted  by  Mr.  J.  R.  Morrison,  the  Chinese 
Secretary.  How  little  these  three  men,  trained  in  the  East 
India  Company's  service,  understood  the  important  bearing 
which  the  maintenance  of  free  trade  principles  had  on  the  future 
welfare  of  the  new  Colony,  appears  from  the  fact  that  in  one 
of  his  earliest  dispatches  Mr.  Johnston  forwarded  (June  28, 
1841),  with  Captain  Elliot's  approval,  a  recommendation  framed 
by  Mr.  Morrison  to  impose  in  England  a  differential  duty  of  a 
"penny  per  pound  on  tea  imported  from  Hongkong.  Happily 
the  sinister  suggestion  was  not  listened  to.  But  a  mournful 
time  now  set  in  at  Hongkong.  With  the  progress  made  in 
terracins:  the  hill  sides,  in  road  makinsf,  and  excavatinsr  sites 
for  houses,  a  peculiar  malarial  fever  spread  everywhere,  thence- 
forth known  as  Hongkong  fever.  This  fever  arose  wherever 
the  ground,  having  been  opened  up  for  the  first  time,  was 
exposed  for  some  time  to  the  heat  of  the  sun  and  then  to  heavy 
rains.  The  troops  encamped  at  West  Point,  above  the  present 
Fairlea  (where  the  cantonment  lines  can  still  be  traced)  and 
below  it,  suffered  most  particularly.  But  the  Chinese  settlei*s 
at  the  foot  of  the  same  hill  in  the  district  called  Saiyingpun 
(lit.  Western  English  Camp)  suffered  likewise  severely.  Deaths 
now  became  frequent  occurrences  also  among  the  European 
community,  hospitals  had  to  be  hastily  constructed,  and  the 
first  cemetery  (near  the  present  St.  Francis'  Chapel,  above 
Queen's  Road  East)  began  to  fill.  The  death,  by  fever,  of  the 
Senior  Naval  Officer,  Sir  H.  le  Fleming  Senhouse  (June  13, 
1841)  cast  a  gloom  over  the  whole  community. 

Moreover,  this  outburst  of  sickness  was  but  the  precursor 
of  a  terrific  typhoon  which  soon  after  swept  over  the  Colony. 
During  the  night  from  July  21sfc  to  22nd,  1841,  the  harbour 
and  the  new  settlement  on  shore  presented  a  weird  scene  of 
heart-rending  disasters.  The  overcrowded  and  badly  built  hospi- 
tals were  all  levelled  to  the  ground,  mat  houses,  booths  and 
shanties  were  shattered  and  their  fragments  whirled  through 
the  air.  Almost  every  bungalow  or  house  on  shore  was  unroofed, 
6  foreign  ships  were  totally  lost,  4  were  driven  on  shore,  22 


176  CHAPTER  XII. 

i 

were  dismasted  or  otherwise  injured,  and  the  loss  of  life  among: 
the  Chinese  boat  population  was  very  great.  The  general 
impression  among  foreign  residents  daring  that  dreadful  night 
was  that  '  the  last  days  of  Hongkong  seemed  to  be  approaching/ 
Nevertheless,  as  soon  as  the  typhoon  was  over,  everybody  set 
to  work  with  unabated  energy  to  repair  the  damages.  The  sick 
were  sent  on  board  improvised  floating  hospitals,  the  barracks, 
mat  houses,  bungalows,  godowns,  booths  and  huts  were  speedily 
made  habitable  again.  When  the  typhoon  recurved  and,  during 
the  night  of  25th  to  2Gth,  again  bui*st  over  Hongkong,  and 
levelled  once  more  to  the  ground  every  fi'ail  structure,  the 
residents  of  Hongkong  had  learned  a  valuable  lesson  :  they  now 
commenced  to  build  a  new  style  of  godowns,  such  as  should 
stand  a  typhoon,  and  houses  which  combined  with  spacious 
verandahs  also  strong  walls  and  substantial  roofs.  There  was 
little  loss  of  life  daring  the  two  typhoons  among  the  Euroj^ean 
community.  The  Chinese  boat  people  were  the  principal  sufferers. 
Nevertheless  His  benevolent  Majesty,  the  Emperor  of  China, 
rejoiced  when  he  heard  the  news.  Kikung  and  Eliang,  the 
Viceroy  and  Governor  of  Canton,  sent  a  hasty  memorial  to 
Peking,  stating  that  at  Hongkong  innumerable  foreign  ships  had 
been  dashed  to  pieces,  that  innumerable  foreign  soldiers  and 
Chinese  traitors  had  been  swept  into  the  sea,  that  all  their  tents 
and  matslieds,  the  new  Praya,  and  so  forth,  had  been  utterly 
annihilated  and  that  the  sea  was  literally  covered  with  corpses. 
On  receipt  of  this  news,  the  Emperor  went  forthwith  in  festive- 
procession  to  the  temple  of  the  dragon  god  of  the  seas,  and 
solemnly  returned  thanks  for  the  destruction  of  Hongkong.  An 
Imperial  Edict,  published  with  rejoicing  all  over  the  Empire^ 
also  proclaimed  the  judgment  that  had  fallen  on  Hongkong, 
with  the  same  display  of  inhumanity,  contrary  to  the  leading 
principle  of  Confucian  ethics  which  declares  humaneness  to  b& 
the  essential  characteristic  of  civilized  humanity. 

This  typhoon,  by  which  Captain  Elliot  and  Commodore 
Bremer  were  overtaken  on  their  way  (in  the  cutter  Louise) 
from   Macao   to    Hongkong,   and   themselves   shipwrecked    and 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  CAPTAIN  ELLIOT.  177 

well-nigh  captured  by  the  Chinese,  was  followed  a  few  weeks 
later  by  a  conflagration  (August  12,  1841)  which  destroyed  the 
greater  part  of  the  Bazaar.  The  very  first  period  in  the  history 
of  Hongkong  brought  thus  to  the  front  the  three  great  enemies 
of  local  prosperity,  fever,  typhoons  and  conflagrations.  Never- 
theless the  settlers  persevered  and  the  number  of  inhabitants 
steadily  continued  to  increase  from  month  to  month.  The 
provisional  Government  also  continued  to  perfect  its  organization. 
A  Harbour  blaster  and  Marine  Magistrate  was  now  appointed, 
in  the  person  of  Lieutenant  W.  Pedder,  R.N.,  with  Mr.  A.  Lena 
as  Assistant  Harbour  Master.  The  hill,  on  which  the  Harbour 
Master  established  his  quarters,  has  ever  since  been  known  as 
Pedder's  Hill.  The  Public  Works  Department  was  organized 
by  the  appointment  of  Mr.  J.  R.  Bird  as  Clerk  of  Works. 
Finallv  arranoements  were  made  for  the  catablisliment  of  a  Civil 
Hospital  for  foreign  seamen.  This  was  done  under  the  influence 
of  the  generous  offer  of  a  donation  of  $12,000  by  Mr.  Herjeebhoy 
Rustomjee  (June  23,  1841),  and  the  arrangements  were  placed 
under  the  direction  of  a  Committee  consisting  of  Messrs. 
A.  Anderson  (x\ssistant  Surgeon  to  H.M.  Superintendents), 
James  Matheson  and  J.  R.  Morrison.  Unfortunately,  however, 
the  Committee  neglected  to  secure  payment  of  the  donation. 
On  July  29,  1841,  H.iM.S.  PhUfjeton  arrived  in  Hongkong 
with  dispatches  informing  Captain  Elliot  of  the  disapproval  of 
the  Chuenpi  Treaty  by  Her  Majesty's  Government  and  of  the 
appointment  of  Sir  H.  Pottinger  as  Plenipotentiary.  Captain 
Elliot's  administration  ended  on  August  10,  1841.  A  fortnight 
later  he  left  Macao,  with  his  family,  accompanied  by  Sir 
J.  J.  Gordon  Bremer,  en  route  for  Europe  (August  24,  1841). 
As  he  embarked  on  the  Atalanta,  a  Portuguese  fort  fired  a 
salute  of  thirteen  guns,  but  we  read  of  no  public  address 
presented  to  him,  nor  of  any  honours  bestowed  either  by  the 
Honofkone:  communitv  or  by  the  Government  on  the  man  who 
found  Hongkong  a  barren  rock  and  left  it  a  prosperous  city. 
The  new  settlers  on  Hongkong,  feeling  the  grievances  they  had 
in  connection   with   Elliot's  attitude  towards   the   opium   trade 

12 


178  CHAPTER  XII. 

trade  and  his  dishonoured  Treasury  bills,  and  subsequently 
learning  the  disavowal  by  the  Government  of  his  land  sales,  were 
unable  at  the  time  to  do  justice  to  Elliot's  real  merits.  They 
indeed  gave  to  what  was  once  the  most  romantic  glen  on  the 
Island  the  name  *  Elliot's  Yale,'  but  in  later  years,  when  it  was 
shorn  of  much  of  its  beauty,  called  it  '  Glenealy.'  Early  in  1842, 
Sir  Robert  Peel,  who  soon  after  appointed  Elliot  as  Consul- 
General  for  Texas  (June  1,  1842),  did  some  tardy  justice  to 
Elliot's  memory  by  stating  in  the  House  of  Commons,  *tliat, 
without  giving  any  opinion  on  the  conduct  or  character  of 
Captain  Elliot,  during  the  occupancy  of  his  difficult  and  embar- 
rassing position  at  Canton,  he  nevertheless  was  disposed,  from 
his  intercourse  with  him  since  he  returned  home,  to  repose  the 
highest  confidence   in  his  integrity  and  ability.' 


-I4>-T~^t*" 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


'>^ 


The  Administration  of  Sir  Henry  Pottinger. 
Aiifjust  10,  1841,  to  May  8,  1844. 

,IR  Henry  Pottinger  arrived  (August  10,  1841)  in  Macao 
after  what  was  then  called  *  an  astonishingly  short  passage  * 
of  sixty-seven  days,  by  the  overland  route.  It  is  stated  that 
his  arrival  was  warmly  hailed  by  all  the  British  residents.  No 
wonder,  for  with  his  advent  as  Her  Majesty's  Sole  Plenipotentiary 
and  Minister  Extraordinary  to  the  Court  of  Peking  (charged 
also  with  the  duties  of  the  Chief  Superintendency  of  Trade) 
doubts,  as  to  the  permanency  of  the  British  occupation  of 
Hongkong,  began  to  vanish.  iSot  that  he  proclaimed  the  Queen's 
approval  of  the  cession  of  the  Island,  or  that  he  came  to 
undertake  the  Government  of  the  new  settlement.  But  Sir 
Henry  at  once  gave  to  those  that  met  him  the  impression  that 
the  days  of  vacillation  and  yielding  to  Chinese  cunning  and 
duplicity  were  over,  and  that  England  was  going  now  simply 
to  state  its  grievances,  formulate  its  demands  and  insist  upon 
immediate  redress. 

Sir  H.  Pottino^er  did  not  disturb  Mr.  Johnston  in  his  office 
of  Acting  Governor,  and  that  meant  a  good  deal.  As  the  latter 
had  now  ceased  to  be  Superintendent  of  Trade,  Sir  Henry 
appointed  him  Deputy  Sui^erintendent.  But  what  confirmed 
the  general  belief  now  gaining  ground  that  Hongkong  would 
never  be  surrendered  by  the  British  Government,  was  an 
announcement  which  Sir  H.  Pottinger  made  in  a  Notification 
issued  at  Macao  (August  12,  1841)  stating  that  'the  arrangements 
which  had  been  made  by  his  predecessor  (Captain  Elliot), 
connected  with  the  Island  of  Hongkong,  should  remain  in  force 
until  the  pleasure  of  Her  Majesty  regarding  that  Island  and  those 


180  CHAPTER  XIII. 

arrangemonts  slionld  be  received.'  Mr.  Johnston  accordingly 
continued  his  duties  as  Acting  Governor,  whilst  Sir  H.  Pottinger 
went  North  with  the  expedition,  and  occupied  towards  Sir  Henry 
the  same  position  which  he  had  previously  held  in  relation  to 
Captain  Elliot.  In  fact,  Mr.  Johnston  acted  'on  behalf  of 
Sir  H.  Pottinger  as  Governor  of  the  Island  until  Sir  Henry 
himself  assumed  the  Government  of   the  Colony. 

About  noon  on  August  21,  1841,  Sir  H.  Pottinger  arrived  in 
Hongkong  by  the  steam-frigate  Queen.  He  landed  immediately,, 
visited  all  the  departmental  offices,  inspected  the  public  works 
and  expressed  himself  much  pleased  with  the  appearance  and 
evident  progress  of  the  new  Colony.  In  consequence  of  dispatches 
which  arrived  just  then,  he  directed  Mr.  Johnston  to  discontinue 
all  further  grants  or  sales  of  land,  but  allowed  Captain  Elliot's 
arrangements  to  remain  as  he  found  them.  He  gave  orders  for 
the  expedition  to  start  for  the  North  at  once,  leaving  behind 
seven  war-vessels,  with  the  steamer  Hooglily  under  the  command 
of  Captain  J.  Nias,  C.B.,  to  guard  the  harbour  and  mouth  of  thc^ 
Canton  River,  whilst  Major-General  Burrell,  with  a  garrison 
consisting  of  a  wing  of  the  49th  Regiment,  the  37th  Madras 
Native  Infantry  and  the  Bengal  Yolunteers,  was  to  see  to  the 
defence  of  the  Colony.  Literally  overwhelmed  and  oppressed 
with  the  variety  of  affairs  that  demanded  instant  attention.  Sir 
H.  Pottinger  returned  in  the  evening  on  board  the  Queen,  paid 
another  hurried  visit  to  some  of  the  Govcriunent  offices  next 
morning  and  then  started  (August  22,  1841)  to  overtake  the 
expedition,  having  spent  in  the  Colony  barely  twenty-four  hours. 

The  work  of  organizing  the  administrative  machinery  of  the 
Government  now  continued  unchecked.  A  Colonial  Surgeon's 
Department,  under  Mr.  H.  Holgate,  was  established  (August, 
1841)  but  subsequently  disallowed.  A  Notary  Public  and  Coroner 
was  appointed  (September,  1841)  in  the  person  of  Mr.  S.  Fearon, 
who  acted  also  as  Interpreter  and  Clerk  of  Court.  Captain 
G.  F.  Mylius  took  charge  of  the  Land  Office  (September,  1841), 
with  the  able  assistance  of  Lieutenant  Sargent  wdio  acted  as  land 
surveyor   and   made   the  first   map   of   building   lots.     A  small 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  POTTINGER.  181 

granite  Gaol  building,  on  the  site  now  occupied  by  Victoria 
Oaol,  was  completed,  and  the  erection  of  a  Court  House  near 
the  site  of  the  present  Masonic  Hall  was  commenced  (October, 
1841).  At  the  same  tmie  Colonel  Burrell  constructed  a  fort  on 
Kellett  Island  for  the  protection  of  the  eastern  section  of  the 
harbour,  destroyed  two  masonry  forts  erected  by  the  Chinese  afe 
Tsimshatsui  in  1839,  and  constructed  in  their  place  two  batteries 
for  heavy  pieces  in  the  same  locality.  On  the  arrival  of  the 
French  Frigate  Erigone  (December  8,  1841),  which  brought 
•Colonel  de  Jancigny  on  a  commercial  mission  to  China,  the  port 
was  for  the  first  time  saluted.  The  American  men-of-war  delayed 
this  courtesy  for  several  years  longer. 

The.  progress  of  Hongkong  was  furthered  by  disturbances 
which  occurred  at  Canton  (December  14,  1841),  causing  a  number 
of  European  merchants  to  remove  their  offices  from  Canton  to 
Hongkong,  and  by  the  blockade  of  the  Canton  River  by  Captain 
Nias'  Squadron  (December  1,  1841)  which  caused  numbers  of  salt 
junks  to  resort  to  Hongkong  and  to  make  the  Colony,  for  some 
time  after,  the  centre  of  a  considerable  trade  in  salt.  On  his 
return  from  the  North  (February  1,  1842),  Sir  H.  Pottinger  at 
-once  countermanded  this  blockade  and  ordered  restoration  to  be 
made  to  the  Chinese  whose  junks  and  cargoes  had  been  sold  by 
auction.  He  also  discovered  to  his  great  annoyance,  that  the 
Acting  Governor,  Mr.  A.  R.  Johnston,  under  a  misconception  of 
the  hurried  instructions  given  to  him  on  August  22,  1842,  had 
framed  rules  for  fresh  grants  of  Crown-land  and  had  allowed 
additional  lands  to  be  assigned  to  applicants.  Sir  H.  Pottinger, 
therefore,  now  renewed  his  prohibition  against  granting  land  to 
general  applicants.  Nevertheless,  he  did  make  some  grants 
to  persons  chiefly  in  the  employ  of  the  Government  and  also  to 
some  of  the  charitable  institutions  such  as  the  Morrison 
Education  Society,  the  Medical  Missionary  Society  (Dr.  Hobson), 
the  future  St.  Paul's  College,  and  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 

Without  reference  to  Elliot's  former  declarations  of  the 
freedom  of  the  port.  Sir  H.  Pottinger  issued  (February  G,  1842) 
a  proclamation  notifying  that,  pending  the  receipt  of  the  Queen's- 


182  CHAPTER  XIII. 

gracious  and  royal  pleasure,  fclie  harbour  of  Hongkong  (like  that  of 
Chusan)  should  be  considered  a  free  port  and  that  no  manner 
of  customs,  port  duties  or  any  other  charges,  should  be  levied 
on  any  ships  or  vessels  of  whatever  nation  or  on  their  cargoes. 
[  He  then  proceeded  (February  15,  1842)  to  Macao  and  removed 
the  whole  establishment  of  the  Superintendency  of  Trade  from 
thence  to  Hongkong  (February  27,  1842).  The  staff  of  this 
Department  (under  Mr.  A.  R.  Johnston,  as  Deputy  Superin- 
tendent), consisted  of  E.  Elmslie  (Secretary  and  Treasurer),. 
J.  R.  Morrison  (Chinese  Secretary  and  Interpreter),  L.  d'Almada 
e  Castro,  A.  W.  Elmslie,  and  J.  M.  d'Almada  e  Castro  (Clerks), 
Rev.  Ch.  Giitzlaff  and  R.  Thom  (Joint  Interpreters),  J.  B.. 
Rodriguez,  W.  H.  Medhurst,  and  Kazigachi  Kiukitchi -(Clerks). 
These  two  measures  of  Sir  Henry,  the  removal  of  the  Superin- 
tendency to  Hongkong,  and  the  encouragement  he  held  out,  by 
the  confirmation  of  the  freedom  of  the  port,  to  Chinese  and 
foreign  vessels  to  resort  to  Hongkong,  Avere  generally  viewed,  in 
combination  with  the  purchase  of  the  Commissariat  Buildings, 
and  the  large  sums  now  spent  in  the  erection  of  barracks,, 
hospitals,  naval  and  victualling  stores,  as  an  indirect  intimation 
that  the  settlement  on  Hongkong  would  sooner  or  later  receive 
official  recognition  as  a  British  Colony.  Even  the  news  of  the 
debate  which  took  place  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  subject 
(March  15,  1842),  unsatisfactory  as  it  was,  did  not  shake  the 
faith  now  generally  placed  in  the  future  of  Hongkong.  For  the 
words  of  Sir  Robert  Peel  (who  had  meanwhile  stepped  into  the 
place  of  Lord  Palmerston)  'that,  really,  during  the  progress  of 
hostilities  in  China,  he  must  decline  to  commit  the  Government 
by  answering  the  question  as  to  what  Avere  the  intentions  of 
the  Government  regarding  the  Island  of  Hongkong,'  were  read 
by  the  residents,  in  the  light  of  the  above  measures  of  Sir 
H.  Pottinger. 

Ever  since  this  belief  in  the  permanency  of  the  British 
occupation  of  Hongkong  gained  ground,  some  of  the  leading 
British  merchants,  instead  of  merely  opening  branch  offices  at 
Hongkong,  began  to  break  up  their  establishments  at  Macao 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  POTTINGER.  183 

and  Canton  and  to  remove  their  offices  to  tlie  new  settlement.. 
Contrary  to  the  views  of  a  minority  which  stnbbornly  preferred 
Canton,  they  ex^Dected  that  Chinese  trade  would  speedily  gravitate 
towards  Hongkong,  if  but  the  freedom  of  the  port  were  strictly 
and  vigorously  maintained  by  the  Government.  Indeed,  the 
experience  of  the  Colony's  first  eighteen  months  fully  bore  out 
the  soundness  of  their  views.  As  soon  as  the  rumour  of  the; 
expected  permanency  of  the  new  settlement  began  to  spread  [ 
abroad,  there  set  in  a  rapid  and  steady  influx  of  Chinese  traders/ 
as  well  as  artizans  and  labourers  flocking  together  in  Hongkong 
from  all  the  neighbouring  districts,  and  business  was  flourishing. 
In  October  1841,  the  total  population  of  Hongkong,  including 
both  the  troops  and  residents  of  all  nationalities,  was  estimated  to 
amount  to  15,000  people,  three  times  the  amount  at  which  the 
population  stood  six  months  previous.  With  the  advent  of  the 
cool  season  (October,  1841)  sickness  was  noticed  to  decline  all 
of  a  sudden  and  the  spirits  of  the  community  were  considerably 
cheered  by  the  appearance,  on  the  new  Queen's  Road,  of  the 
first  carriage  and  pair  imported  from  Manila,  a;^  a  sign  of  the 
coming  comforts  of  civilization. 

A  fresh  indication  of  the  intentions  of  the  Government 
to  retain  permanent  possession  of  Hongkong,  was  given  by  a 
Notification  of  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  which  appeared  in  the  first 
locally  printed  newspaper,  the  Friend  of  China  and  Honghong 
Gazette,  issued  on  March  24,  1842,  under  the  editorship  of 
the  Rev.  J.  L.  Schuck  and  Mr.  James  "White  (subsequently 
M.P.  for  Brighton).  In  this  Notification  (dated  Hongkonsr 
Government  House,  March  22,  1842)  Sir  H.  Pottinger  announced 
his  intention  of  appointing  a  Land  Committee  to  investigate 
claims,  to  mark  off  boundaries,  to  fix  the  direction  and  breadth 
of  the  road,  now  for  the  first  time  called  '  Queen's  Road,'  and 
other  public  roads,  to  order  the  removal  of  encroachments, 
and  to  assign  new  locations  for  dwellings  of  Europeans  and 
Chinese.  At  the  same  time,  Sir  H.  Pottinger  expressly  notified 
that  no  purchases  or  renting  of  ground  from  the  natives, 
formerly  or  now  in  possession,  would  be  recognized  or  confirmed* 


184  CHAPTER   XIII. 

unless  the  previous  sanction  of  the  constituted  Authorities  should 
have  been  obtained,  'it  being  the  basis  of  the  footing  on  which 
the  Island  of  Hongkong  has  been  taken  possession  of  and  is 
to  be  held  pending  the  Queen's  royal  and  gracious  commands, 
that  the  proprietary  of  the  soil  is  vested  in  and  appertains 
solely  to  the  Crown.'  The  same  principle  was  also  applied  to 
reclamations  of  foreshore.  But  the  fact  that  Sir  H.  Pottinger 
referred  in  a  public  document  to  an  officially  recognized  and 
defined  footing  on  w^hich  the  Island  had  been  taken  possession 
of,  convinced  everybody  now  that  the  formal  recognition  of 
Hongkong  as  a  British  Colony  had  already  been  decided  upon 
and  was  only  delayed  pending  diplomatic  and  war-like  dealings 
with  the   Peking  Governnient. 

The  promised  Land  Committee,  consisting  of  Major  Mal- 
colm, Captain  Meik,  Lieutenant  Sargent,  Surgeon  W.  Woosnam, 
and  Captain  J.  Pascoe,  was  appointed  (March  29,  1842)  and 
instructed  to  recommend  the  amount  of  remuneration  to  be 
given  to  native  Chinese,  for  ground  which  was  in  their  possession 
previous  to  the  British  occupation  of  the  Island  and  which 
had  been  appropriated,  to  select  spots  for  public  landing  places, 
to  define  the  limits  of  cantonments,  to  fix  the  extent  of  the 
ground  to  be  reserved  for  H.M.  Naval  Yard  and  for  private 
commercial  ventures  in  the  shape  of  patent  slips,  and  finally 
to  recommend  a  watering  place  with  a  good  running  stream  of 
water  to  be  reserved  for  the  shipping.  The  points  previously 
mentioned  and  not  now  included  in  the  instructions  of  the 
Committee  were  no  doubt  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  Land 
Officer,  Captain  Mylius,  who  had  been  provided  with  a  new 
Assistant,  Mr.  E.  G.  Reynolds.  The  separation  of  the  Land 
Office  from  the  Public  Works  Department  was,  however,  soon 
after  disapproved  (May   17,   1842)  by  the  Home  Government. 

Another  important  problem  which  Sir  H.  Pottinger  now 
took  in  hand  was  the  regulation  of  the  currency  of  the  settle- 
ment.  For  this  purpose  he  took  the  dollar  for  a  standard  and 
fixed  the  rate  at  which  Indian  coins  and  Chinese  copper  cash 
were  to   be  accepted  as  legal  tender.     A  proclamation  (March 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  POTTINGER.  185 

29,  1842)  stated,  that  two  and  a  quarter  Company's  rupees 
should  be  equal  bo  one  dollar;  one  rupee  and  two  annas  (or 
half  a  quarter)  equal  to  half  a  dollar ;  half  a  rupee  and  two  annas 
equal  to  a  quarter  dollar;  1,200  cash  equal  to  one  dollar;  600 
cash  equal  to  half  a  dollar;  300  cash  equal  to  a  quarter  dollar ; 
538  cash  equal  to  a  rupee;  26G  cash  equal  to  a  half  a  rupee; 
and  133  cash  equal  to  a  quarter  of  a  rupee.  Subsequently 
(April  27,  1842)  Sir  H.  Pottinger  issued,  at  the  suggestion 
of  the  leading  English  firms,  a  further  proclamation  declaring 
Mexican  or  other  Republican  dollars  to  be  the  standard  in  all 
matters  of  trade  unless  otherwise  particularly   specified. 

Sir  H.  Pottinger  organized  also  a  Post  Office  (under 
Mr.  Fitz  Gibbon,  succeeded  by  Mr.  Mullaly  and  R.  Edwards), 
which  was  to  receive  and  deliver,  free  of  any  charge,  letters 
or  parcels.  This  office  was  located  on  the  hill  just  above  the 
present  Cathedral,  and  the  communication  between  the  office  and 
the  ships  was  under  the  charge  of  the  Harbour  Master.  The 
erection  of  substantial  barracks  on  Cantonment  Hill  (S.  of  present 
Wellington  Barracks)  and  at  Stanley  and  Aberdeen,  was  also 
taken   in   hand  and  pushed  on  vigorously. 

All  these  measures  of  Sir  H.  Pottinger  contradicted  the 
rumour  which  was  persistently  going  about  that  the  cession  of 
Hongkong  was  not  officially  recognized  and  that  the  Government 
was  prepared  to  relinquish  Hongkong  in  case  the  Chinese 
Government  should,  in  the  coming  negotiations,  raise  any  serious 
objection  on  that  score,  and  to  be  satisfied  in  that  case  with  the 
opening  of  some  treaty  ports.  That  the  Home  Government  liad 
at  this  time,  in  order  not  to  prejudice  the  pending  negotiations 
with  the  Chinese  Government,  left  the  question  of  the  permanency 
of  the  new  Colony  in  abeyance,  is  evident  from  the  fact  that 
in  June,  1842,  just  before  leaving  Hongkong  to  rejoin  the 
expedition,  Sir  H.  Pottinger  received  a  dispatch  from  the  Earl 
of  Aberdeen  'directing  that  this  Island  should  be  considered 
a  mere  military  position  and  that  all  buildings  &c.,  not  required 
in  that  light,  should  be  discontinued.'  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  however, 
knew  perfectly  well  that  the  necessities  of  British  trade  would 


186  CHAPTER  XIII. 

be  sure  to  bring  sooner  or  later  a  ratification  of  the  cession  of 
Hongkong,  regarding  which  he  stated  in  a  dispatch  to  Lord 
Stanley  (July  17,  1843)  that  he  had  always  been  of  opinion 
that  the  sole  or  at  least  chief  object  of  it  was  to  secure  an 
emporium  of  trade.  The  fact  that  Sir  H.  Pottinger's  measures 
all  rested  on  the  assumption  that  the  occupation  of  Hongkong 
would  never  be  annulled,  gave  a  fresh  impetus  to  the  growth  of 
the  settlement.  In  March,  1842,  the  population,  then  estimated 
at  over  15,000  people,  was  stated  to  include  12,361  Chinese, 
mostly  labourers  and  artizans,  attracted  to  Hongkong  by  the  high 
wages  obtainable  here,  and  numbers  of  large  buildings  were 
reported  to  be  in  course  of  erection.  The  Central  Market,  then 
South  of  Queen's  Road,  opposite  its  present  site,  was  formally 
opened  (June  10,  1842)  and  farmed  out  to  a  Chinaman  (Afoon); 
all  the  roads  were  improved  and  extended,  a  good  road,  in  the 
direction  of  Stanley,  completed  as  far  as  Taitamtuk  (June,  1842), 
and  a  picnic  house  built  at  Little  Hongkong  by  Mr.  Johnston, 
Major  Caine  and  a  number  of  other  private  subscribers. 

Apart  from  all  these  signs  of  material  progress,  there  are 
also  evidences  of  the  higher  interests  of  religion  and  education 
receiving  now  recognition  and  attention  in  Hongkong.  The 
building  of  a  Roman  Catholic  church  was  commenced,  in  June 
1842,  on  a  site  in  Wellington  Street  granted  by  Government. 
A  Baptist  cha|3el  was  opened  in  Queen's  Road  (July  7,  1842) 
by  the  Rev.  J.  L.  Schuok,  by  subscriptions  obtained  from  the 
foreign  residents  and  visitors.  The  Morrison  Education  Society 
of  Canton  and  Macao,  which  for  years  past  had  supported  various 
Mission  Schools  in  the  Straits  and  in  China  by  money  grants 
and  (in  1841)  started  at  Macao  a  training  school  (under  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Brown),  now  arranged  to  remove  its  establishment  to* 
Hongkong  and  commenced  (October,  1842)  building  a  large 
house  on  Morrison  Hill  on  a  site  granted  by  Sir  H.  Pottinger 
{February  22,  1842),  who  became  the  patron  of  the  institution 
(April  5,  1842).  In  autumn  1842,  a  Naval  Chaplain,  Mr.  Phelps 
and  Mr.  A.  R.  Johnston  started  a  subscription  by  means  of  which 
a  room  was  erected  on  the  site  of  the  present  Parade  ground 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  POTTINGER.  187 

for  occasional  services  in  connection  with  the  Church  of  England 
or  any  other  Protestant  denomination. 

When  the  news  of  the  conckision  of  the  Nanking  Treaty 
and  the  consequent  confirmation  of  the  cession  of  Hongkong 
reached  the  settlers  (September  9,  1842),  no  particular  rejoicing 
took  place,  for  the  recognition  of  the  cession  had  all  along  been 
to  the  local  community  a  mere  question  of  time  or  of  official 
etiquette.  The  merchants  were  yet  unaware  of  the  serious  crisis 
now  at  hand  for  the  commerce  of  the  Colony  in  consequence  of 
the  cessation  of  the  war  and  the  opening  of  five  Chinese  ports. 
On  the  contrary,  the  expectation  appears  to  have  been  entertained 
that  these  measures  would  forthwith  enhance  the  prospects  of  the 
Colony.  '  We  are  nearly  bewildered,'  apostrophized  the  Editor  of 
the  Friend  of  China  (^e\-)temhev  22,  1842),  'at  the  magnificence 
of  the  prosperous  career  which  seems  now  l)efore  us.  Our  Island 
will  be  the  single  British  possession  in  China.  What  more  in 
praise  of  its  prospects  can  we  say  than  this  ?  Already  we  hear 
of  teeming  projects  fraught  with  good  for  our  Island.'  The 
conclusion  of  the  war  and  the  departure  of  the  fleet  and  troops, 
which  considerably  desolated  the  harbour,  aifected  for  the  present 
the  social  life  of  the  communitv  far  more  than  its  commerce, 
which  continued  in  its  old  grooves  yet  for  a  little  while  longer. 
With  the  return  to  Europe  of  the  expeditionary  forces,  which  left 
behind  (December  24,"  1842)  only  700  men  as  a  garrison,  the 
settlement  now  entered  at  last  upon  its  normal  condition  of  a 
purely  commercial  community. 

Consequent  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  Nanking, 
the  British  Govei-nment  took  immediate  steps  for  the  formal 
organisation  of  a  distinctly  Colonial  Government  at  Hongkong, 
bv  transferrincr  the  manaofement  of  local  affairs  from  the  Foreign 
Office  to  the  Colonial  Office.  The  Superintendency  of  Trade 
and  the  direction  of  the  new  Consular  Service  in  China,  subject 
to  the  Foreign  Office,  were,  however,  for  the  present  combined 
with  the  office  of  Governor  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
Colony.  On  this  basis  an  Order  in  Council  was  issued  (January 
4,  1843)  establishing  in  Hongkong  the  Court  of  Justice,  with 


188  CHAPTER  XIII. 

Criminal  and  Admiralty  Jurisdiction,  which  nominally  had 
existed,  since  the  time  of  Lord  Xapier,  in  Chinese  waters,  under 
an  Order  of  the  Privy  Council  of  December  0,  IS^ijThis  Court 
was  now  endowed  with  jurisdiction  over  British  subjects  residing 
within  the  Colony  or  on  the  mainland  of  China  or  on  the  high 
seas  within  100  miles  of  the  coast  thereof.  Three  months  later 
(April  5,  1843),  the  Privy  Council  issued  Letters  Patent,  under 
the  Great  Seal  of  the  United  Kingdom,  erecting  the  settlement 
•on  the  Island  of  Hongkong  into  a  Crown  Colony  by  Charter, 
and  on  the  same  day  a  Royal  "Warrant  was  issued,  under  the 
Queen's  Signet  and  Sign  Manual,  appointing  the  Chief  Superin- 
tendent of  Trade,  Sir  Henry  Pottinger,  Baronet,  K.C.B.,  as 
Governor  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Colony  of  Hongkong 
and  its  Dependencies,  to  enact  laws  and  to  govern  the  Colony 
with  or  without  the  assistance  of  a  Council.  A  erand  ceremonv 
•was  performed  at  Government  House  on  May  20,  184:o,  when 
Sir  ^\'illiam  Parker,  by  order  of  the  Queen,  invested  Sir 
H.  Pottint'er  with  the  insio^nia  of  a  Knio'ht  Commander  of 
•the  Order  of  the  Bath.  AVhen  the  ratifications  of  the  Nanking 
Treaty  were  exchanged  (June  26,  1843)  between  Sir  H.  Pottinger 
•and  the  Chinese  Commissioners  who  had  come  to  Honsfkong  for 
the  purpose,  the  Charter  of  Hongkong  and  the  Royal  Warrant 
were  read  out  at  Government  House  before  a  large  assembly 
of  residents,  and  subsequently  published  •  (June  20,  1843)  by 
proclamation  in  the  Gazette.  The  same  proclamation  fixed  the 
name  of  Her  Majesty's  new  possession  as  '  the  Colony  of 
Hongkong,'  (not  Hong  Kong,  as  previously  used),  and  the  name 
of  the  city  as  *  Victoria.'  The  Governor,  having  previously 
(June  17,  1843)  sworn  in  Mr.  Johnston  (Deputy  Superin- 
tendent of  Trade),  Major  Oaiue  (Chief  Magistrate)  and 
Mr.  0.  B.  Hillier  (Assistant  Magistrate),  as  the  first  Justices 
of  the  Peace,  now  appointed  43  more  persons,  among  whom 
there  where  15  officials,  as  additional  Justices  of  the  Peace.  As 
these  unofficial  Justices  represent  the  leading  merchants  of 
Xhis  earliest  period  of  the  Colony,  we  append  their  names. 
They  were,  A.  Jardine,  A.  Matheson,  W.  Morgan,  TV.  Stewart, 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.    POTTINGER.  ISO* 

O.  Braine,  J.  Dent,  F.  C.  Drnmmond,  D.  L.  Burn,  W.  Le 
Geyt,  P.  Dudgeon,  T.  W.  L.  ^lackean,  H.  Dundas,  C.  Kerr,. 
J.  F.  Edger,  A.  Fletcher,  J.  A.  Gibb,  W.  P.  Livingston, 
W.  Gray,  H.  R.  Parker,  J.  Holliday,  J.  Wise,  J.  A.  Mercer, 
P.  Stewart,  J.  White,  A.  Wilkinson  and  J.  M.  Smith.  The- 
office  of  Deputy  Superintendent  of  Trade  having  been  abolished, 
Mr.  Johnston  was  now  appointed  Assistant  and  Registrar  to  the- 
Superintendent  of  Trade,  with  about  the  same  staff  as  before. 
The  Colonial  Governmenc  was  now  organized  as  follows  : — Sir 
H.  Pottinger  (Governor),  Captain  G.  T.  Brooke  (Military 
Secretary  and  A.D.C.),  Captain  T.  Ormsby  (Extra  A.D.C.)^ 
Major-General  G.  C.  D'Aguilar  (Lieutenant  Governor),  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel G.  A,  Malcolm  (Colonial  Secretary),  R.  Woosnam 
(Deputy  Colonial  Secretary),  Ch.  E.  Stewart  (Treasurer  and 
Financial  Secretary),  J.  R.  Morrison  (Chinese  Secretary  and 
Interpreter,  afterwards  succeeded  by  Rev.  Ch.  Giitzlaff),  Rev. 
V.  Stanton  (Colonial  Chaplain),  R.  Burgass  (Legal  Adviser), 
A.  Andei*son  (Colonial  Surgeon),  L.  d'Almada  e  Castro  (Chief 
Clerk),  D.  Stephen  (Book-keeper),  Major  W.  Caine  (Chief 
Magistrate),  Ch.  B.  Hillier  (Assistant  Magistrate),  D.  R. 
Caldwell  (Interpreter),  Lieutenant  W.  Redder  (Harbour  MasLer)^. 
A.  Lena  (Assistant  Harbour  Master),  A.  T.  Gordon  (Land 
Officer  and  Civil  Engineer),  Ch.  St.  George  Cleverly  (Assistant. 
Surveyor),  W.  Tarrant  (Assistant  to  Land  Officer),  M.  Bruce 
(Inspector  of  Buildings),  and  F.  Spring  (Postmaster).  An 
Executive  Council  was  formed,  consisting  of  the  Hon.  A.  R. 
Johnston  and  the  Hon.  AV.  Caine,  and  a  Legislative  Council, 
from  which  for  the  present  unofficial  members  were  shut  out, 
was  constituted.  It  consisted  of  the  Hon.  A.  R.  Johnston,  the 
Hon.  J.  R.  Morrison  (who  died  soon  after,  greatly  lamented), 
and  the  Hon.  W.  Caine,  with  R.  Burgass  (the  Governor's 
legal  adviser)  as  Clerk  of  Council.  A  public  seal  was  supplied 
to  the  Colony  from  England  (September  5,  1843)  and  Her 
Majesty's  approval  was  obtained  (December  6,  1843)  for  the 
above-mentioned  appropriation  of  the  name  Yietoria  for  the 
rising  city  of  Hongkong. 


190  CHAPTER   XIII. 

During  the  year  1843,  the  religious  and  missionary  agencies 
in  the  Colony  bestirred  themselves  considerably  in  the  general 
interest.     Funds  bad  been  raised  in  18-1:2  for  the  erection  of  a 
Colonial  Church,  at  first  intended  to  be  a  sort  of  Union  Church 
for  both  Churchmen  and  Nonconformists.     A  Colonial  Chaplain 
having  been  appointed  in  England  at  the  request  of  the  local 
Government,   which    disapproved   the   proposed   union,   services 
were   conducted   (since  June,    1843)  by  Naval  Chaplains  in  a 
temporary  structure  now   called   the   '  Matshed   Church,'  and  a 
building  (the  present  St.  John's  Cathedral)  was  ordered  to  be 
commenced  at    Government  expense   and   meanwhile   dedicated 
to  St.  John  (October  17,  1843),  though  building  operations  were 
delayed  for  several  years  as  the  Home  Government  postponed 
its  sanction.     It  was,  however,  locally  decided  that  the  Colonial 
Chaplain  should  have  sole  charge  of  the  Church.     The  Chaplain, 
Eev.  V.  J.  Stanton,  preached  his  first  sermon  in  the  Colonial 
Matshed  Church  on  December  24th,  1843.     The  R.  C.  Prefect 
Apostolic,    Fra    Antonio    Feliciani,    consecrated    the    building 
erected  by  him  at  the  corner  of-  Wellington  and  Pottinger  Streets 
as  the  R.  C.  Church  of  the  Conception,  on  June  18th,  1843,  when 
a  Seminary  for  native  clergy  was  opened  in  connection  with  it. 
The  Mohammedans  built  (in  1843)  a  Mosque  on  the  hill  thence- 
forth called   Mosque   Gardens   (Moloshan).     The   Chinese,  who 
had  already  four  temples  from  75  to   100  years  old,  viz.  one  at 
Aplichow  (dating  from  1770  A.D.),  one  at  Stanley,  one  in  Spring 
Gardens  (Taiwongkung),  and  one  at  Tunglowan  (Causeway  Bay), 
commenced   building   their   City  Temple   (Sheng-wong-miu)   on 
the  site  of  the  present  Queen's  College.     The  American  Baptist 
Mission,  under  Dr.  Deane  and  Dr.  Ball,  started  in  1843  a  Chinese 
(Tiechiu)  Church  in  the  Upper  Bazaar  (Sheungwan  Market).     In 
addition  to  the  establishment  of  the  Morrison  Education  Society's 
School  on  Morrison  Hill  (opened  November  1,  1843),  Dr.  Legge 
of  the  London  Missionary  Society  transferred  to  Hongkong  the 
Society's   Malacca  College,   opening   (November,    1843)   a   Pre- 
paratory School  and  a   Seminary   for  the  training   of   Chinese 
ministers,  which  was  (in  autumn  1844)  located  on  the  Loudon 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  POTTINGER.  191 

Mission  premises  in  Aberdeen  and  Staunton  Streets  as  the  Anglo- 
€hinese  College  (Ying-wa  Shii-iin).  The  Colonial  Chaplain, 
Rev.  Y.  J.  Stanton,  immediately  on  his  arrival  (December  22, 
1843),  made  preparations  for  the  opening  of  a  Training  School 
for  native  ministers  in  connection  with  the  Church  of  England, 
on  a  site  previously  granted  for  the  purpose  by  the  Government 
{May  2G,  1843),  under  the  name  of  St.  Paul's  College.  In 
autumn  1843,  the  Protestant  Missionaries  of  Hongkong  (Legge, 
Medhurst,  Milne,  Bridgman  and  J.  Stronach)  commenced  the 
work  which  eventually  resulted  in  a  new  Chinese  translation  of 
the  Bible,  known  as  the  Delegates  Yersion,  the  best  in  style  and 
diction  (though  not  in  literal  accuracy)  that  has  ever  been 
produced  to  the  present  day. 

Several  Hospitals  also  were  established  during  this  year. 
The  Medical  Missionary  Society  of  Canton  and  Macao  (originally 
established  in  1838  through  the  efforts  of  Dr.  Peter  Parker, 
and  largely  aided  by  the  London  ^lissionary  Society)  opened 
a  Hospital  (June  1,  1843),  under  Dr.  Hobson  of  the  London 
Mission,  on  the  hill  now  occupied  by  the  Naval  Hospital  (above 
Wantsai).  The  Seamen's  Hospital  (on  the  site  of  the  present 
Civil  Hospital),  started  (as  above-mentioned)  at  the  instigation 
of  a  promise  of  a  donation  by  Mr.  J.  Eustomjee  (which  was  never 
paid),  was  built  by  means  of  a  public  subscription  of  ^6,000 
and  with  additional  funds  generously  advanced  by  Jardine, 
Matheson  &  Co.,  and  opened  by  the  Committee,  in  August,  1843 
(with  50  beds),  under  the  charge  of  Dr.  Peter  Young  (of  the 
Hongkong  Dispensary,  then  located  in  the  'Bird  Cage,'  South 
of  its  present  location),   who  gave  his  services   gratuitously. 

These  Hospitals,  together  with  the  Naval  and  Military 
Hospitals  (on  the  site  of  the  present  Barracks  near  Hawan)  were 
soon  overcrowded  Avith  patients.  For  in  summer  1843  occurred 
an  extraordinary  outbreak  of  Hongkong  fever  which,  during 
the  six  months  from  May  to  October,  carried  off  by  death  24 
per  cent,  of  the  troops,  and  10  per  cent,  of  the  European 
civilians.  It  was  noticed  that  this  virulent  fever  ravaged  chiefly 
the  extreme  eastern  and  western  ends  of  the  settlement,  whilst 


192  CHAPTER  XIII. 

the  central  parts  of  the  city  and  especially  the  Gaol  escaped 
almost  untouched.  At  "Westpoint  Barracks  (above  Pokfulam 
Road),  where  the  Indian  troops  had  lost  nearly  half  their  number 
in  1842,  sickness  was  so  universal  in  1843,  that  the  European 
troops  stationed  there  were  hastily  removed  (July  20,  1843)  on 
board  ships  in  the  harbour.  In  the  year  1843,  the  total  strength 
of  the  European  and  native  troops  was  only  ],52(),  but,  as  7,893 
cases  were  treated  in  the  hospitals  during  the  same  year,  it 
appears  that  on  an  average  ench  man  passed  through  hospital 
more  than  five  times  during  that  dreadful  year.  The  deaths 
among  the  troops  on  the  Island  amounted  to  440,  out  of  1,520 
men,  or  1  in  3 J,  the  cause  of  death  being  fever  in  155  cases, 
dysentery  in  157  cases,  diarrhoea  in  80  cases.  The  number 
of  men  invalided  or  unfit  for  duty  was  such  that  frequently 
no  more  than  one  half  of  the  men  of  a  company  were  able 
to  attend  parade  and  sometimes  there  were  hardly  five  or  six  men, 
out  of  100,  fit  for  duty.  The  sanitation  question  was  now 
at  last  taken  up  by  the  Government,  and  a  Committee  of  Public 
Health  and  Cleanliness  was  appointed  (August  IG,  1843)  with 
authority  to  enforce  I'igid  sanitary  rules  among  all  classes  of 
residents,  but  no  effective  measures  were  undertaken.  Those 
rules  were  subsequently  formulated  by  Ordinance  No.  5  of  March 
20,   1844. 

The  land  policy  of  the  Government  caused  considerable 
dissatisfaction  among  the  merchants.  There  was  no  objection 
on  the  part  of  the  mercantile  community  to  a  revenue  being- 
derived  from  laud;  on  the  contrary  they  were  of  opinion  that, 
Hongkong  being  guaranteed  to  be  a  free  port,  long  leases  and 
annual  rents  should  be  the  sole  source  of  revenue,  to  the  exclusion 
of  all  other  forms  of  taxation,  such  as  duties  on  goods  sold  by 
auction,  auctioneers'  licence  fees,  registration  fees,  market  farms, 
etc.  Mr.  A.  Matheson  expressed  the  unanimous  views  of 
Hongkong  merchants  when  he  stated  that  it  was  a  most 
unadvisable  course  for  the  Government  to  attempt  raising  any 
other  revenue  than  the  land  rents,  at  any  rate  until  the  Colony 
should  have  advanced  considerably  in  wealth   and   population. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.   POTTINGER.  193 

But  the  o^reat  grievance  of  the  merchants  was  that  the  conditions 
of  Captain  Elh'ot's  sales  of  land  had  not  been  fulfilled  by  the 
Government,  and  that  merchants  who,  trusting  in  the  good  faith 
of  the  Government,  had  bought  land  and  expended  large  sums 
on  buildings  in  the  expectation  to  have  a  permanent  property 
at  an  annual  quit  rent,  did  not  get  the  land  granted  to  them 
in  perpetuity  but  were  peremptorily  called  upon  to  take  leases  of 
75  years  only  or  to  surrender  their  land.  There  were  minor 
complaints,  that  some  of  the  sales  of  January,  1844,  were 
fictitious,  that  there  was  a  great  deal  of  deception  practised  in 
the  purchase  of  land  in  184:3  and  1844  by  parties  who  bought 
land  without  really  intending  to  hold  it,  and  that  such  practices 
had  been  encouraged  by  negligence  on  the  part  of  the  Government 
in  enforcing  the  conditions  of  sale  and  in  collecting  the  land 
rents.  The  Colonial  Treasurer  (R.  M.  Martin)  corroborated  some 
of  these  statements  by  the  allegation  he  made  that,  out  of  the 
whole  amount  of  land-sales  from  June  1841  to  June  1844, 
amounting  to  £3,2*24  per  annum,  only  £G41  had  actually  been 
paid.  Land  jobbing,  in  fact,  was  at  that  early  time  already 
one  of  the  great  evils  of  Hongkong.  But  it  was  not  confined 
to  merchants  only,  for  the  same  Colonial  Treasurer  alleged  that^ 
with  the  exception  of  the  Attorney  General  (P.  J.  Stirling)  and 
himself,  almost  every  individual  connected  with  the  Government 
was  identified  with  the  purchase  and  sale  of  building  land  in 
the  Colony.  In  fact  it  is  evident  that  the  land  sales  of  184;> 
and  1844  gave  rise  to  the  first  local  outburst  of  the  gambling 
mania.  '  Men  of  straw,'  said  Mr.  A.  Matheson,  '  gambled  in 
land  and  raised  the  price  of  it  upon  those  people  who  were 
bond  fide  purchasers.' 

Proceeding  on  the  legally  correct  but  historically  false  and 
unjust  assumption  that  the  lawful  land  tenure  of  Hongkong 
dated  from  the  exchange  of  treaty  ratifications,  the  Secretary 
of  State  had  laid  down  the  following  principles  as  a  basis  for 
the  future  land  policy  of  the  Government,  (1)  that  the  Governor 
should  abstain  fron  alienating  any  laud  for  any  time  greater 
than  might  be  necessary  to  induce  tenants  to  erect  substantial 

^3 


194  CHAPTER  XIIL 

building's,  (2)  that  no  grants  or  sales  of  land  tbat  bad  taken 
place  previous  to  the  excnange  of  the  Treaty  ratifications  should 
be  deemed  valid,  (o)  that  all  equitable  claims  and  titles  of 
land-holders  should  be  inquired  into  with  a  view  to  confirmation, 
(4)  that  the  payment  of  rents  should  commence  from  the  day 
when  the  Treaty  ratifications  were  exchanged,  and  (5)  that 
henceforth  no  lanil  should  be  sold  except  by  public  auction,  afc 
a  reserved  minimum  price,  equal  to  the  value  of  the  annual 
rent.  On  this  basis,  the  Governor  appointed  (August  21,  1843) 
II  Committee,  consisting  of  A.  T.  Gordon,  Land  Officer  and 
Colonial  Engineer  (Head  of  the  new  Public  Works  Department), 
■Captain  de  Havilland  (Assistant  Surveyor),  Ch.  E.  Hewarfc 
(Financial  Secretary),  assisted  by  R.  Burgass  (Legal  Adviser). 
The  instructions  of  this  Committee  were,  (1)  to  inquire  into  the 
equitable  claims  and  titles  of  all  holders  of  land,  (2)  to  define 
the  classes  to  which  particular  lots  should  henceforth  belong, 
(3)  to  fix  their  annual  rent,  and  (4)  to  arrange  for  the  sale 
of  further  lots.  The  Committee  accordingly  inquired  into  and 
settled  all  claims  on  land  previously  sold,  and  granted  leases  of 
75  years  in  all  cases  of  proved  ow^nership.  It  was  on  the  basis 
of  the  above-mentioned  principles,  that  the  land-sale  of  January 
22,  1844,  was  held,  wdien  about  25  acres  of  land,  divided  into 
101  lots,  each  ab^ut  105  feet  square,  v\'ere  sold  for  £2,502  annual 
rental,  prices  ranging  from  £11  to  £88  annual  rental,  at  an 
average  rate  of  £20  per  lot  or  £100  per  acre.  The  solution  of 
the  land  question  was  pushed  a  step  further  by  the  establish- 
ment of  a  Registry  Ofiice  (Ordinance  N'o.  3  of  1844),  which 
provided  ready  means  for  tracing  all  titles  to  landed  property. 
It  was  laid  down  by  law  that  thenceforth  all  deeds,  wills, 
oonveyanccs  and  mortgages  relating  to  land,  should  be  registered 
within  a  certain  time  after  execution.  But  what  kept  discontent 
rankling  in  the  minds  of  many  was  the  fact  that  the  Crown  had 
i-efused  and  in  spite  of  all  remonstrances  persisted  in  refusing 
to  confirm,  as  a  matter  of  right.  Captain  Elliot's  land  sales, 
disavowing  in  fact  any  grants  of  land  made  prior  to  the  signing 
of  the  Treaty,  and  prohibiting  the  granting  of  perpetuities. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  POTTINGER.  105 

The   newly-established    Lcgishifcive   Council   commenced   its 

•sittino's  on  Janmiiy  11,  1844,  and  displayed  an  extraordinary 
amount  of  energ'y.     AVithiii  fonr  months  the  Council  compiled, 

•considered  and  passed  twelve  Colonial  and  five  Consular  Or- 
dinances, that  is  to  say  about  one  Ordinance  each  week.  The 
Council  began  its  labours  by  grappling,  boldly  rather  than  wisely, 
with  one  of  the  congenital  diseases  of  the  Chinese  social  organism, 
which  has  survived  to  the  present  day,  viz.  Chinese  bond- 
servitude^  a  contractual  relationship  which,  from  a  moral  point 

•  of  view,  is  indeed  but  a  form  of  slavery  but  which  differs  widely 
from  that  kind  of  slaverv  to  which  the  Acts  of  Parliament  had 
reference.  Ordinance  Xo.  1  of  1844,  intended  to  define  and 
promulgate  the  law  relating  to  slavery  in  Hongkong,  was 
promptly  launched  by  the  Council  (February  28,  1844),  but 
wisely  disallowed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  on  the  ground  that 
the  English  laws  as  to  slavery  extend  by  their  own  proper  force 
and  authority  to  Hongkong  and  require  no  further  definition  or 

jDromulgation.  Among  six  other  Ordinances  passed  on  the  same 
busy  day  (February  28,  1844),  there  was  one  (No.  2  of  1844) 
intended  to  regulate  the  printing  of  books  and  papers  and  the 
keeping  of  printing  presses,  which  the  conununity  considered 
needless  and  premature  bnt  which  remained  on  the  statute  book 
until  188G.  Another  (Xo.  3  of  1844),  organising  the  Land 
Registry,  above  mentioned,  also  became  law.  A  third  (Xo.  4  of 
1844),  intended  to  obviate  an  evil  which,  to  the  present  day, 
troubles  the  Colony  in  connection  with  the  practice  of  shipmasters 

'to  leave  behind  destitute  seamen  (locally  called  beachcombers), 
was  unfortunately  disallowed.  Another  batch  of  five  Ordinances 
was  passed  on  March  20,  1844.  One  of  them  (Xo.  5  of  1844) 
dealt  with  the  preservation  of  order  and  cleanliness  and  was 
subsequently  repealed  by  Xo.  14  of  1845.  Another  (Xo.  G  of 
1844)  provided  that,  pending  the  arrival  of  Chief  Justice 
Hulme,  all  civil  suits  should  be  settled  by  arbitration.  Another 
Ordinance  (Xo.  7  of  1844)  limited  legal  interest  to  12  per  cent., 
whilst  again  another  prohibited  the  unlicensed  distillation  of 
spirits  (Xo.  8  of  1844).    Three  more  Ordinances  were  passed  on 


196  CHAPTER   XIII. 

April  10  and  two  on  May  1,  1844,  dealing  with  the  illegitimate 
trade  with  ports  North  of'32°  N.  L.  (No.  9  of  April  10,  1844). 
with  the  regulation  of  summary  proceedings  before  Justices  of 
the  Peace  (No.  10  of  April  10,  1844),  with  the  licensing  of  public 
houses  and  the  retail  of  spirits  (No.  11  of  May  1,  1844)  and  with 
the  establishment  and  regulation  of  a  Police  Force  (No.  12  of 
May   1,  1844). 

Unfortunately,  however,  the  zeal  of  the  Government  io" 
organizing  the  various  departments  of  the  Civil  Service,  in  push- 
ing on  the  erection  of  costly  public  buildings,  and  in  legislating 
for  a  Colony  which  was  yet  in  its  swaddling  clothes,  appeared  now 
to  the  colonists  to  outrun,  not  only  the  actual  growth  of  the 
community,  but  even  its  prospective  future  for  years  to  come. 
There  were  indeed  twelve  large  English  firms  established  in 
Hongkong,  representing  numerous  constituencies  in  the  United 
Kingdom.  There  were  further  half  a  dozen  Indian  firms,, 
chiefly  Parsees,  but  ever  since  the  Treaty  of  Nanking  and  the- 
introduction  of  steam  navigation,  the  share  of  the  Parsees  in 
the  China  trade  had  commenced  to  dwindle  down  rapidly,. 
Ixjing  gradually  pushed  out  by  Jewish  firms  from  Bombay,  and 
those  Parsees  who  remained  preferred  to  conduct  their  business 
at  Canton.  There  were  further  some  ten  or  so  private  English 
merchants  of  smaller  means.  Then  one  might  point  to  the  many 
brick  godowns,  commercial  offices  and  private  residences  scattered 
along  the  shore.  There  were  shipwrights  (Kent  and  Babes)  and 
even  a  patent  slip  at  East  Point,  where  Captain  Lamont  launched 
(February  7,  1843)  the  fii-st  Hongkong-built  vessel  (the  Celestial, 
80  tons).  There  were,  besides  the  Friend  of  China  (established 
March  17,  1842),  actually  two  other  newspaper  offices,  the  Eastern 
Globe  and  the  Canton  Reijister,  The  former  of  these  papers 
published  (January  1,  1843)  a  long  list  of  local  buildings  and  a 
series  of  lithographs  of  public  edifices  was  published  in  London 
about  the  same  cinie.  In  spite  of  this  architectural  activity. 
Sir  H.  Pottinger  reported  (January  22,  1844)  that  the  erection 
of  houses  could  by  no  means  keep  pace  with  the  demand  for 
them.     Even  so  late  as  November  19,  1844,  Lord  Stanley  pointed 


THE   ADMINISTHATIOX  OF  SIR  H.  TOTTINGER.  19  J 

out  that  the  terms  fixed  for  the  disposal  of  land  bad  evidentlj 
been  no  diseoara<!:enient  to  building  speculations.      There  were 
some    large    floating    warehouses   in   the   harbour,   iiotably   the 
Hormanjee  Bomanjee    belonging   to    Jardine,   Matheson  &  Co., 
and  the  John  Barry  belonging  to  Dent  &  Co.     Finally,  there 
was  a  brisk  business  done  in  opium  by  half   a  dozen    British 
firms.     Unfortunately,  however,  as  to  other  business,  there  was 
since  the  commencement  of  1844  next  to  none  in  Honjrkono:, 
although    the    Chinese    population    continued    to    increase    and 
reached,  in  April  1844,  a  total  of  19,000  Chinese,  including  now 
even   a  sprinkling   of  some   1,000   women   and  children.     The 
cessation   of    the    war,   the   opening   of    the  port  of   Shanghai 
(November  17,  1843)  and  of  four  other  Chinese  ports,  coupled 
with  the  gradual  increase  of  steamers  in  place  of  sailing  vessels, 
had  disorganized  the  old  lines  of  business  both  on  the  Chinese 
and  on  the  foreign  side,  had  scattered  and  drawn  away  to  those 
open  ports  capital  and  enterprise  at  the  expense  of  Hongkong. 
In  addition  to  these  causes  detrimental  to  Hongkong,  the  Chinese 
Authorities  did  everything  in  their  power  to   discourage   trade 
with  Hongkong,  whilst  the  Hongkong  Government  appeared  to 
the  merchants  to  work  into  the  hands  of  the  Mandarins.     All  the 
sanguine  expectations,  entertained  since  184],  that  business  would 
flourish  at  Hongkong  just  as  it  used  to   flourish  at  AVhamix)a, 
gradually  vanished  from  month  to  month  ever  since  the  exchange 
of  the  Treaty  ratifications.     Hongkong  now  seemed  in  1844  to 
be  at  best  a  second  Lintin,  the  flourishing  centre  of  a  limited  and 
illegal  trade  in  opium,  but  palpably  shunned  by  the  legitimate 
•Chinese  trade.     Numbers  of  Chinese  merchants  in  Canton  would 
have   been   willing  enough  to  send  down  to   Hongkong   junks 
laden  with  tea,  rhubarb,  camphor,  silk  and  cassia,  and  to  send 
back  those  junks  to  Canton  freighted  with  India  cotton  or  yarn 
or  English  piece  goods,  but  the  Cantoi:ese  Authorities  set  their 
faces  against  it  like  a  flint.  It  had  been  the  fond  dream  of  British 
merchants  that,   whilst  indeed  foreign  vessels  could  only  trade 
with  the  five  open  ports,  natives  of  China  would  be  allowed  to 
bring  goods  from  any  port  of  China,  and  convey  British  goods 


198  CHAPTER  XIII. 

from  Hongkong,  in  Chinese  junixs,  to  any  part  of  the  coast  of" 
China,  so  that  Hongkong  woukl  become  the  centre  of  a  vast  junk 
trade,  and  of  a  coasting  trade  possessing  infinite  capabilities  of 
expansion.  AVe  can  well  imagine  what  was  their  disappointment,, 
when  they  learned  that  the  Chinese  copy  of  the  Supplementary 
Treaty,  signed  at  the  Bogue  (October  8,  1843),  contained,  over 
Sir  Henry's  signature,  the  following  Avords,  not  to  be  found 
in  the  English  text: — 'At  ports  within  the  other  provinces 
and  within  the  four  provinces  of  Canton,  Foochow,  Kiangsu 
and  Chehkiang,  such  as  Cliapou  and  the  like  places,  all  of 
which  are  not  open  marts,  Chinese  merchants  shall  not  be- 
permitted  there  arbitrarily  to  apply  for  permits  to  go  to  and 
from  Hongkong,  and  if  any  persist  in  doing  so,  the  Coastguard 
Officer  at  Kowloon  shall,  in  concert  with  the  British  Officer 
(at  Hongkong),  forthwith  make  investigation  and  report  to 
their  su[)eriors.'  When  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  a  few  months  previous, 
announced  (July  22,  1848)  the  successful  conclusion  of  a  Sup- 
plementary Commercial  Treaty,  emljodying  rules  and  regulations 
for  the  conduct  of  trade  at  the  ojx^n  ports  and  a  detailed  tariff 
of  duties,  he  had  unfortunately  accompanied  the  announcement 
bv  some  well  meant  exhortations  addressed  to  British  merchants 

ft/ 

in  general,  though  intended  for  a  few  low  class  individuals, 
implicated  in  systematic  smuggling  transactions.  These  exhorta- 
tions, by  their  vituperative  generalities  rather  than  by  any 
definite  insinuations,  had  given  great  offence  and  caused  the 
beginning  of  a  breach,  between  Sir  Henry  and  the  mercantile 
community,  which  widened  as  the  miscarriage  of  the  Supple- 
mentary Treaty  concluded  at  the  Bogue  l)ecame  apparent.  Sir 
Henry  made  a  great  secret  of  some  of  the  provisions  contained 
in  the  Supplementary  Treaty  of  October  8,  1843.  It  was  known 
that  Article  XII  contained  the  startling  words,  *  it  is  to  be 
hoped  that  the  system  of  smuggling  which  has  heretofore  been- 
carried  on  between  English  and  Chinese  merchants,  in  many 
cases  with  the  open  connivance  and  collusion  of  the  Chinese 
Custom-house  Officers,  will  entirely  cease.'  P)Ut  for  a  long  time 
it  was  not  known  that,  on  this  ground.  Articles  XIV  and  XVI 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   H.    POTTINGER.  199 

not  only  confined  the  Chinese  jnnk  trade  of  the  Colony  rigidly 
to  the  five  Treaty-ports  (virtnally  to  Canton  alone),  bnt  required 
the  appointment  of  a  British  Officer  in  Honokong  who  was  tO 
report  to  the  Chinese  Customs  Officers  the  nature  of  the 
cargo  and  other  particulnrs  of  every  Chinese  vessel  resorting  to 
Hongkong  and  to  condemn  and  report,  as  an  unauthorized  or 
smuggling  vessel,  every  junk  trading  between  Hongkong  and 
any  unauthorized  port  of  China.  As  regards  further  provisions, 
injurious  to  the  interest  of  the  Colony,  the  Joimial  ties  Debata 
stated  later  on  (Monday,  September  30.  1844)  what  at  the 
time  was  the  subject  of  acrimonious  discussion  in  the  Colony^ 
that  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  in  concluding  tlie  Supplementary  Treaty^ 
had  been  the  victim  of  unworthy  trickei-y  (supercherie) ;  that 
the  Cin'nese  diplomatists,  profiting  by  the  ignorance  of  the 
English  Plenipotentiary,  both  of  commercial  affairs  and  of  the 
Chinese  language,  and  by  the  bitter  feeling  which  existed  between 
him  and  the  English  merchants  who  would  have  been  able  to 
advise  him,  bribed  by  a  sum  of  money  the  interpreter  who 
was  employed  to  replace  the  late  Mr.  MoiM'ison ;  that  thus  the 
Chinese  diplomatists  slipped  into  the  Chinese  text,  unbeknown 
to  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  alterations  and  suppressions  bearing  on  all 
the  provisions  made  but  particularly  on  the  13th  and  the  17th 
Articles,  the  immediate  efl'ect  being  that  these  Articles  now 
strike  with  nullity  the  establishment  of  Hongkong,  exclude 
the  Colony  from  any  participntion  by  transit  or  coasting  trade 
in  the  commence  of  the  different  nations  with  the  five  ports, 
and,  in  fine,  restrain,  almost  as  before  the  war,  the  commerce 
(of  Hongkong)  to  the  port  of  Canton  alone.  Some  of  the 
passages  of  the  Chinese  text,  which  were  suppressed  in  the  version 
submitted  to  and  published  by  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  were,  according 
to  the  Journal  des  Dehats,  translated  in  Enohind  by  the  most 
learned  professors  of  the  Chinese  languaije  as  follows.  Article 
XIII.  '  Every  Chinese  merchaiit  who  shall  purchase  merchandise 
at  Hongkong  can  only  ship  it  in  Chinese  bottoms  provided 
with  passjwrts  delivered  at  Hongkong.  These  passports  and 
these  permits  will  be  vised  at  every  time  and  on  every  voyage 


200  CHAPTER   XIII. 

bv  the  officers  of  the  Chinese  Custom-house  in  order  to  avoid 
contravention.'  Article  XVII.  '  Both  (vessels  from  HouErkontr 
of  under  75  or  150  tons)  one  and  the  other,  shall  pay  one 
mace  per  ton  each  time  they  shall  enter  port  (at  Canton).  All 
that  shall  exceed  150  tons  will  be  considered  as  large  vessels 
coming  from  abroad  and,  following  the  new  tariff,  shall  pay 
five  mace  ])er  ton.  As  to  Foochow,  Amoy,  Ningpo  and  Shanghai, 
as  no  coasting  vessels  enter  those  ports,  it  is  useless  to  make 
any  regulations  with  regard  to  them.'  These  two  articles,  says 
the  Journal  des  Bebats,  'coincide  and  link  together  with  a  degree 
of  art  which  we  could  not  but  admire,  if  their  consequences 
were  not  equally  injurious  to  the  coasting  trade  of  all  nations 
by  excluding  them,  or  nearly  so,  from  the  four  ports  so  recently 
opened.  In  point  of  fact,  according  to  the  text  of  these  articles, 
it  becomes  exceedingly  ruinous  to  land  at  Hongkong  merchandise 
destined  for  the  Chinese  continent.... Thanks  to  the  drawing 
up  of  the  Supplementary  Treaty,  freedom  of  commerce  with 
the  northern  ports  is  become  illusory,  the  privilege  nominal.' 

With  reference,  no  doubt,  to  the  foregoing  statement  of 
the  Journal  des  iJebats,  which  is,  however,  supported,  as  to  the 
correctness  of  the  translation  here  given,  by  statements  which 
previously  appeared  in  the  Chinese  Repository/  (March  1844), 
in  the  Friend  of  China  {Ai^r'd  13,  1844)  and  subsequently  (July 
31,  1844)  in  the  Commercial  Guides  Sir  Henry,  later  on 
(December  11,  1844),  made  the  following  remarks  at  a  public 
entertainment .  given  in  his  honour  at  the  Merchant  Tailors' 
Hall  in  London.  'A  very  erroneous  impression  went  abroad 
through,  I  believe,  some  papers  on  the  continent,  that  there 
had  been  some  mistake  committed  in  the  (Supplementary)  Treaty. 
That  is  quite  incorrect.  It  arose  from  the  necessity  of  my 
making  public  an  abstract  of  the  Treaty,  while  the  Chinese 
published  the  whole,  and  a  translation  was  made  with  many 
important  omissions.  Having  been  asked  seriously  whether 
there  was  any  ground  for  the  allegation  that  mistakes  had  been 
committed,  I  am  happy  to  say  that  there  was  no  cause  whatever 
for  alarm.' 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   H.   POTTIXGER,  20  L 

In  the  absence,  however,  of  any  positive  denial  of  the 
points  really  complained  of,  this  ne«:ative  and  evasive  statement 
of  Sir  H.  Pottinger  failed  to  satisfy  the  mercantile  community 
of  Hongkong.  They  did  not  for  a  moment  believe  the  absurd 
allegation  that  Sir  H.  Pottinger's  interpreter  had  been  bribed, 
but  they  were  convinced  that,  when  Sir  H.  Pottinger  signed 
the  Chinese  text  of  the  Supplementary  Treaty,  he  was  ignorant 
of  some  of  the  objectionable  provisions  it  contained,  and  that 
by  his  known  aversion  to  a  literal  English  vei*sion  to  be  submitted 
to  him  for  publication,  and  by  his  being  content  (for  unexplained 
reasons  of  his  own)  with  an  English  abstract,  the  Chinese 
Mandarins  were  enabled  to  slip  into  that  version  which  they 
submitted  to  him  for  signature,  provisions  which,  while  looking 
in  a  free  English  translation  like  harmless  prolixity  of  diction, 
had  the  effect  of  limiting  the  Hongkong  coast  trade  to  dealings 
with  Canton  under  arbitrary  restrictions  (differential  duties)  and 
excluding  it  (by  a  flourish  of  the  pen)  from  the  other  open  ports. 

Sir  H.  Pottinger,  it  was  said,  fumed  and  fretted  when  he 
discovered  how  he  had  been  duped  by  Kiying  and  the  other 
Commissioners,  whom  he  and  all  Hongkong  had  honoured  as 
exceptionally  meek  and  truthful  men.  The  Cantonese  Authorities 
had  all  along  put  an  embargo  on  all  trade  with  Hongkong,  but 
now  claimed  Sir  H.  Pottinger's  express  authority  for  doing  so. 
At  all  the  Treaty  ports  the  Chinese  officials  frowned  at  any 
reckless  Chinaman  who  had  the  hardihood  to  apply  for  a  permit 
to  ship  goods  to  Hongkong,  telling  him  that  he  was  a  base 
traitor  to  the  national  cause  and  ought  to  be  dealt  with  accord- 
ingly. On  June  7,  1841,  Captain  Elliot  had  '  clearly  declared 
that  there  will  be  an  immediate  embargo  upon  the  port  of 
Canton  and  all  the  large  ports  of  the  Empire  if  there  be  the 
least  obstruction  to  the  freedom  of  Hongkong.'  Had  Sir  H. 
Pottinger  now  carried  out  this  threat,  the  Chinese  would  have 
yielded  at  once.  But  he  shrank  from  a  renewal  of  the  war 
and  from  the  confession  that  he  had  been  duped  by  Kiying  as 
much  as  Elliot  was  duped  by  Kishen.  So  he  confined  hhnself 
to  diplomatic  remonstrances,  a  game  in  which  Europeans  have- 


UNIVERSITT, 


202  CHAPTER  XIII. 

always  been  worsted  by  Chinese  Machiavellis.  Under  these 
circumstances,  not  only  were  Chinese  merchants  afraid  of  entering- 
upon  any  commercial  dealings  with  British  or  Chinese  firms  in 
Honirkons:,  but  even  among"  the  mass  of  the  Chinese  population 
of  the  districts  near  Hongkong  the  notion  got  abroad  that 
the  Hongkong  Governors  w^ere  powerless  in  the  hands  of  the 
Mandarins,  and  that  the  Chinese  Authorities  might  punish 
artizans  and  labourers,  resorting  to  Hongkong  or  settling  down 
in  the  new  Colony,  by  subjecting  their  relatives  on  the  mainland 
to  extortion  and  maltreatment.  As  trade  could  only  be  brought 
to  Hongkong  by  guaranteeing  perfect  freedom  from  custom 
and  excise  exactions  and  inspiring  native  and  foreign  merchants 
with  confidence  in  the  Colonial  Government.  Sir  Henrv's 
Supplementary  Treaty,  by  destroying  both  the  freedom  of  the 
port  and  confidence  in  the  independence  of  the  Honsfkong 
Government,  unwittingly  annihilated  for  the  time  all  chances 
of  Hongkong  becoming  the  centre  of  the  coasting  trade. 
Successful  as  a  diplomatist,  dictating  the  terms  of  peace  forced 
upon  the  Chinese  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  Sir  Henry 
api)eared  now  to  have  been  an  utter  failure  when  he  attempted 
to  negotiate  a  Commercial  Treaty  on  equal  terms  with  astute 
Chinese  diplomatists.  The  principal  points  for  which  Sir  H. 
Pottinger  may  be  blamed  consist  in  his  leaving  the  important 
opium  question  entirely  in  statu  quo  antp  and  in  omitting  to 
secure  for  Chinese  subjects,  residing  in  Hongkong  freedom  to 
trade  (in  Chinese  bottoms  at  least)  with  the  whole  of  China.  Tt 
is  said  that  whe?i  this  truth  at  last  forced  itself  upon  the  re(;02:ni- 
tion  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  the  proposal  to  raise  Sir 
Henry  to  the  peerage,  in  reward  of  the  glorious  negotiation  of 
the  Nanking  Treaty,  was  dropped  in  view  of  this  signal  failure 
of  the  Supplementary  Commercial  Treaty. 

The  Chinese  had  yet  other  objections  to  Hongkong.  The 
sea  all  around  the  Island  was  infested  by  pirates  whose  head- 
quarters and  stores  of  supplies  were  (falsely)  believed  to  be  under 
the  direction  of  a  Chinese  resident  of  Hongkong  enjoying  official 
patronage.     Sir  H.   Pottinger  endeavoured  (since  May,   18  tS) 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   H.   POTTINGER.  20S 

to  induce  the  Chinese  Authorities  to  co-operate  Avith  him  in 
patting  down  piracy  in  Hongkong  and  Canton  waters,  but  his^ 
efforts  were  neutralized  by  corruption  on  the  Chinese  side  and 
resulted  only  in  further  measures  militating  against  the  freedom  ij 
of  the  ix)rt.  For  no  other  reason  did  the  Canton  Authorities 
condescend  to  co-operate  with  Sir  Henry  in  this  matter,  but 
because  it  enabled  them  to  persuade  Sir  Henry  to  place  additional' 
restrictions  on  Chinese  junks  visiting  Hongkong.  Moreover, 
as  pirates  ruled  the  sea  all  around  Hongkong,  so  highway 
robbers  and  burglars  seemed  to  have  things  their  own  way 
all  over  the  Island.  Government  House  even  was  entered  by 
burglars  (April  20,  184:o),  three  mercantile  houses  (Dent's, 
Jardine's,  Gillespie's)  were  attacked  in  one  and  the  same  night 
(April  28,  1848),  the  Morrison  Institution  was  plundered  by 
robbers  who  carried  off  the  Chief  Superintendent's  Great  Seal 
(May  10,  1843),  and  James  White's  bungalow  was  attacked 
and  held  by  an  armed  gang  until  some  sepoys  opened  fire  upon 
them  (February  23,  1844).  No  European  ventured  abroad 
without  a  revolver,  and  a  loaded  pistol  was  kept  at  night  under 
every  pillow.  The  principal  merchants  kept  armed  constables 
in  their  employ  for  the  protection  of  their  property,  having 
no  confidence  whatever  in  the  Colonial  constables.  Jardine, 
Matheson  &  Co.  kept  twelve  armed  men  to  protect  their  premises 
at  East  Point  at  an  expense  of  £00  a  month.  Every  private 
house  inhabited  by  Europeans  had  its  watchman  going  the 
round  of  the  premises  all  night  and  striking  a  hollow  bamboo 
from  time  to  time  in  proof  of  his  watchfulness.  The  scum  of 
the  criminal  classes  of  the  neigh bourijig  districts  looked  ui)0n 
Hongkong  as  their  Eldorado  and  upon  English  law  as  a  mere 
farce.  Major  Caine's  floggings  seemed  to  have  no  terror  for 
them,  and  imprisonment  in  the  Gaol,  the  healthiest  locality 
of  Hongkong,  appeared  to  the  half-starved  gaol-birds  of  Canton 
a  coveted  boon.  The  Government  now  (May  1,  1844)  made 
arrangements,  a  fortnight  before  Sir  H.  Pottinger  left  Hongkong, 
to  organize  a  Police  Force,  thenceforth  known  among  the  Chinese 
as   '  green   coats '    (Lukee),   but  as  the  discharged  English  and 


204 


CHAPTER   XII r. 


Indian  soldiers  of  whom  the  corps  was  made  up  were  helpless, 
in  their  ignorance  of  the  native  language,  without  the  assistance 
of   Chinese  constables,   and   as   the   latter   were  of    the    lowest 

•  order,  this  establishment  of  a  Colonial  police  made  things  rather 
worse.     An  order  was  also  issued  (May  10,  1843)  that  no  boat 

-on  the  harbour  should  leave  its  moorings  after  9  p.m.  and 
that,  on  shore,  Chinese  should  carry  lanterns  after  dark  and 
not  stir  out  of  their  houses  after  10  p.m.  Incendiarism, 
robberies,  murders,  piratical  exploits  on  land  and  sea  were  in 
110  way  diminished  by  the  foregoing  measures.  The  nursery 
of  crime  was  a  heavily  armed  contraband  trade  in  salt,  sulphur 
and  opium,  established  and  vigorously  developed  by  the   lowest 

•classes  of  Chinese  residents  in  the  Colony,  doing  as  much  injury 
to  the  best  interests  of  Hongkong  commerce  as  to  the  revenues 
of  the  Chinese  Government. 

Xo  wonder  that  Hongkong  was  in  bad  odour  among  the 
Cantonese  officials  and  people,  that  Chinese  trading  junks  now 
commenced  to  give  the  harbour  of  Hongkong  a  wide  iK'rth  and 
that  the  Chinese  mercantile  community,  which  had  just  begun 
to  develop,  disappeared  even  more  rapidly  than  it  had  come. 
But  what  a  depressing  effect  all  this  had  on  the  mercantile 
prospects  of  the  Colony  may  easily  l)e  imagined.  English 
merchants  now  began  to  fear  that  the  Colony  was  an  egregious 
failure.  Chusan  was  freely  sjwken  of  as  being  after  all  vastly 
preferable  to  Hongkong  on  sanitary  and  commercial  grounds. 
Among  the  merchants,  regrets  were  heard  on  all  sides  over  the 
amount  of  money  sunk  in  investments  in  land  and  buildings. 

A  summary  of  the  complaints  which  the  mercantile  commu- 
nity gave  expression  to  on  sundry  occasions,  may  be  of  interest. 
The  allegations  made  against  Sir  H.  Pottinger  at  the  close  of 
his  administration  were  as  follow:  (1)  that,  relying  upon  the 
validity  of  Elliot's  and  Johnston's  land-sales  and  expecting 
l^erpetuity  of  tenure,  British  merchants  spent  from  ^25,000  to 
^200,000  each,  in  buildings  and  improvements,  but  that  Sir 
Henry  advised  the  Home  Government,  ignorant  of  these  facts, 
to  grant  them  only  leases  of  75  years ;  (2)  that  he  thus  broke 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF   SIR   H.    POTTINGER.  205* 

faith  with  the  mercantile  commnnitj  after  he  had,  from  1841  to- 
1843,  used  every  endeavour,  both  by  faclHties  temporarily  offered 
to  early  occupants  of  land,  and  by  the   threat  of  the  penalty 
of  forfeitinj^  their   purchases   to    all    who    did    not    commence- 
building,   to   induce    British   merchants   of   Macao  and  Canton 
to  remove  to  Hongkong ;  (3)   that,  in  negotiating  the  Nanking 
Treaty,    he   studiously   neglected   to  provide  for  any  extension 
of   the   ground  allotted   to   the  foreign  community  in  Canton,, 
or  indeed  for  adequate  facilities  for  building  on  the  space  they 
formerly  occupied  in  Canton,  and  this  with  a  view  (at  one  time 
openly  avowed)  of  forcing  the  British  merchants  at  Canton  to- 
settle  in  Hongkong ;  (4)   that,  with  a  view  to  make  the  Colony 
pay  its  own  expenses,  he  imposed  on  the  colonists  all  sorts  of 
financial  and  commercial  restrictions  and  taxation,  whilst  giving 
the  British  community  no  municipal  powers  nor  any  representa- 
tion in  Council ;  (5)  that,  in  the   case   of  the   Supplementary 
Treaty,  acting  as  Plenipotentiary,  he  signed  away  the  freedom 
of  the  port  and  betrayed  the  commercial  and  maritime  interests 
of  the  Colony  by  giving  the  Canton  Mandarins  every  facility 
to  strangle  the  young  commerce  of  Hongkong;  (6)  that,  acting 
as  Governor,  he  may  have  sought  to  further  the   interests   of" 
the  Crown  but  failed  to  identifv  himself  with  the  interests  of 
British   trade   in    Hongkong,   being   too   proud   to   consult   the- 
views  of  the  leading  merchants,  deaf  to  the  voice  of  the  press 
and  callous  to  the  wants   of  the  people;  (7)   that,   influenced 
by    prejudices   against   the  opium   traffic   and   ignorant   of   the 
complexity  of  the  commercial  problem  involved  in  it,   he  was^ 
in   a   fog   as   to   the   real   requirements    of    the    commerce    of 
Hongkong   and   mistakenly  assumed  the  role  of   a   coast-guard 
officer  of  Chinese  revenue,  counteracting  in   every  respect  those 
free  trade  principles  on  which  the  commercial  prosperity  of  the- 
Colouy  in  reality  depended;  (8)  that,  whilst  doing  everything 
to  foster  the  illusion  that  Hongkong  would  immediately  become 
u   vast   emporium  of   commerce   and   lavishly   spending  money 
on  official  salaries  and  buildings,  he  neglected  the  commonest 
sanitarv  measures  and,  instead  of  increasing  the  force  of  28  police 


206  CHAPTER  XIII. 

constables  so  as  to  provide  at  least  a  night  patrol  for  Queen's 
Road,  appointed  a  ridiculous  corps  of  44  Magistrates;  (0) 
that,  bj  irregularities  connected  with  the  Survey  Department, 
which  he  placed  under  the  charge  of  a  relative  of  his  own, 
4ind  by  looseness  in  the  management  of  land-sales,  as  w^ell  as  by 
granting  Crown-lots  to  officials,  he  furthered  the  growth  of  a 
regular  gamble  in  land  and  house  property;  (10)  that  he 
unduly  postponed  the  organization  of  civil  jurisdiction,  left  the 
Magistracy  for  years  in  the  hands  of  a  military  officer  having 
no  legal  knowledge  or  instinct  Avhatever,  whilst  the  Criminal 
Sessions,  presided  over,  on  one  occasion  (March  8,  1844)  by  him- 
self, were  a  solemn  farce,  and  his  final  measure  of  handing  over 
all  civil  suits  to  arbitration  by  Justices  of  the  Peace  was  a 
i reckless  measure  unsuited  and  injurious  to  the  Colony;  (11) 
that  socially  he  isolated  himself  to  such  an  extent  that  he  never 
was  in  touch  with  any  section  of  the  community,  whilst  he, 
and  the  civilians  nearest  to  him  in  office,  thinking  that  the 
community  were  but  opium  dealers  and  smugglers  intent  only 
upon  robbing  the  Government,  acted  throughout  on  the  principle 
of  not  granting  anything  that  could  possibly  be  withheld. 

It  remains  to  sketch  briefly  the  social  life  of  this  period. 
After  the  departure  of  the  fleet  and  of  the  troops  of  the 
expedition,  in  the  \\ inter  of  1842,  the  social  life .  of  the 
Colony  underwent,  as  above  stated,  a  sudden  revolution. 
Previous  to  that  time  the  head  centre  of  social  entertainments 
was  formed  by  the  head-quarters,  where  diplomatists,  military 
and  naval  officers  and  local  Government  officers,  domineered, 
and  the  leading  merchants  were  but  condescendingly  admitted. 
With  the  commencement  of  the  year  184o,  the  mercantile 
community  had  the  preponderance,  the  Governor  and  his 
favourite  officials  insulated  themselves  at  Government  House, 
whilst  the  principal  merchants  kept  open  table  for  military  and 
naval  officers  and  visitors,  gaining  for  themselves  by  their  bound- 
less hospitality  the  title  of  merchant  princes.  The  European 
mercantile  community  (prevailingly  British,  but  interspersed 
with  a  few   German,    American,    Dutch,   French  and    Italian 


THE  ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  H.  POTTINGER.  207 

inercbants),  now  became  tbe  pivot  of  tbe  social  life  of  tbe 
■Colony,  and  tbe  more  the  Governor  became  estranged  to  them, 
tbe  closer  were  drawn  tbe  bonds  of  social  intercourse  between 
the  mercbants  and  tbe  officers  of  Her  ^lajesty's  Army  and 
'N'avy.  Major-General  Lord  Saltonn  (since  November  3,  1842) 
made  bimself  popular  as  President  of  the  local  Madrigal  Society. 
Major-General  D'Aguilar  and  bis  staff  rapidly  became  and 
continued  to  be  (for  a  sbort  time)  the  favourites  of  tbe  whole 
community.  Even  Commodore  Parker  (since  June  22,  1843),  of 
tbe  U.S.  Frigate  Brandi/fclne,  and  bis  officers  (in  1843  and  1844) 
vied  with  Rear- Admiral  Sir  Tli.  Cochrane  (since  June  10,  1842) 
and  tbe  officers  of  H.M.S.  Aijlivourt  in  reciprocating  the  social 
entente  cordlale  which  reigned  everywhere  in  the  Colony,  outside 
of  Government  House  and  Government  Offices.  A  tlieatrical 
company  from  Australia  enlivened  tbe  winter  evenings  of  1842. 
A  slightly  better  company  (Signor  Delle  Ctisse)  visited  the  Colony 
in  winter  1843  and  continued  to  occupy  the  Royal  Theatre  till 
1844.  But  the  annual  races  and  regatta  were,  during  this 
aduiinistration,  still  held  in  Macao,  for  which  purposes  a  general 
pilgrimage  to  Macao  occupied  the  latter  half  of  tbe  month  of 
February  in  1842  and  1843.  The  sympathies  of  tbe  community 
were  powerfully  aroused  at  tbe  news  of  the  Cabul  disasters,  and 
a  public  subscription  was  immediately  raised  (October  13,  1842) 
for  the  relief  of  sufferers  in  Afghanistan.  Tlie  whole  community 
was  in  mourning  when  one  of  the  heroes  of  Cabul,  Lieutenant 
Eldred  Pottinger,  tbe  brother  and  expected  successor  of  tbe 
Governor,  died  at  Hongkong,  particularly  as  his  death  happened 
;So  soon  after  the  decease  of  the  Hon.  J.  R.  Morrison  (August  29, 
1843)  whose  death  was  viewed  as  'a  national  calamity'  and  was 
followed  three  weeks  later  by  the  death  of  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Knowles  (Xoveml)er  7,  1843).  Tbe  birtb  of  the  first  British 
subject  ushered  into  the  world  in  Hongkong  (January  20,  1843) 
was  the  occasion  of  much  social  humour;  whilst,  a  year  later, 
tbe  rumour  that  tbe  Governor,  in  view  of  tbe  insufficiency  of 
house  accommodation  procurable  in  tbe  Colony,  meditated 
billetting   all   military   officers    upon   the    European   inhabitants 


208  CHAPTER  xirr. 

(January  13,  1844),  aroused  an  extraordinary  amount  of  sarcasm. 
Between  the  public  press  and  the  Governors  of  Macao  and 
Hongkong  there  arose  (since  January,  1844)  a  good  deal  of 
acrimonious  discussion,  wliich  led  to  historical  inquiries  as  to 
the  exact  title  under  which  the  Portuguese  held  their  Colony. 
The  cause  of  the  misunderstanding  was  the  fact  that  the  original 
draft  of  an  Ordinance  published  by  Sir  Henry,  on  January  20, 
1844,  to  extend  the  law  of  England  to  all  British  subjects  in 
China,  particularized  Macao  as  'situate  within  the  dominions 
of  the  Emperor  of  China,'  and  that  this  was  viewed  by  the 
Governor  and  loyal  Senate  of  Macao  as  a  gross  violation  of 
international  law  and  comity.  Between  the  Canton  and  Macaa 
communities  on  the  one  hand  and  the  European  community  of 
Hongkong  on  the  other  hand,  there  was  constant  and  intimate 
social  intercourse.  Though  every  commercial  house  readily 
accommodated  visitors,  there  were  several  flourishing  hotels,, 
first  'Lane's  Hotel'  (1841  to  1843)  and  then  (since  May  1, 
1844)  the  'Waterloo'  (Lopes)  and  the  'Commercial  Inn' 
(Maclehose). 

AVith  the  commencement  of  the  year  1844,  the  foreign 
community  of  Hongkong  began  to  be  divided  between  friends 
and  enemies  of  the  Colon  v.  Sir  H.  Pottiuger,  whose  health 
was  undermined  by  the  strain  of  his  diplomatic  worries  and  by 
the  influence  of  the  climate,  and  who  had  never  courted  friendly 
relations  with  the  leading  British  merchants,  now  began  to  show 
more  plainly  than  ever  that  he  held  no  higher  opinion  of  the 
typical  British  Colonial  trader  than  that  which  the  Dnke  of 
Wellington  held  in  the  days  of  Lord  Xapier.  And  the  British 
merchants,  feeling  themselves  classed  by  the  Governor  with 
smugglers  and  pirates,  and  resenting  the  mismanagement  of  the 
Supplementary  Treaty,  were  not  slow  in  attributing  to  Sir  H. 
Pottinger  a  considerable  share  in  the  supposed  ruin  of  Hongkong 
commerce.  The  oflicials  and  the  community  were  thoroughly 
out  of  touch  with  each  other;  the  newspapers  freely  libelled 
the  Surveyor  General,  the  Chief  Magistrate,  the  Postmaster 
and  other  oflicials,  whilst  the  official  reports  sent   to  Downing 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  POTTINGER.  209 

Street  were  believed  to  paint  tlie  iniquities  of  the  merchants  in 
glowing  colours.  In  short  the  Colony  of  Hongkong  earned  in 
these  early  days  the  soubriquet,  which  it  sustained  for  several 
decades  later,  of  being  both  'the  land  of  libel  and  the  haunt 
of  fever.' 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when,  to  the  astonishment 
of  the  colonists,  Sir  John  Davis,  the  former  successor  of  Lord 
Napier  in  the  Superintendency  of  Trade,  arrived  with  his  suite 
in  Hongkong  (May  13,  1844)  to  relieve  Sir  H.  Pottinger.  The 
latter,  it  appeared,  had  beeu  promised  the  next  vacancy  of  the 
Governorship  of  the  Presidency  of  Madras,  which  settlement, 
though  nearer-  to  the  Equator,  was  then  justly  considered  to 
be  not  by  any  means  so  hot  a  place  for  a  British  official 
as  Hongkong  had  by  this  time  become.  Three  years  previous 
the  editor  of  the  Canton  Register  had  assumed  the  role  of 
the  prophet  and  uttered  the  following  diresuuie  vaticination. 
'  Hongkong,'  we  read  in  the  Canton  Register  of  February  23, 
1841.  'will  be  the  resort  and  rendezvous  of  all  the  Chinese 
smugglers;  opium  smoking  shops  and  gambling  houses  will 
soon  spread ;  to  those  haunts  will  flock  all  the  discontented  and 
bad  spirits  of  the  Empire;  the  Island  will  be  surrounded  by 
floating  Shameens  (haunts  of  vice)  and  become  a  gehenna  of 
the  waters.'  Such  was  the  voice  of  Hongkong's  Cassandra  in 
1841,  and  by  the  time  that  Sir  H.  Pottinger's  administration 
closed,  this  prophecy  seemed  well  nigh  fulfilment.  It  may  be 
doubted  if  Sir  Henry  returned  to  England  in  a  much  happier 
frame  of  mind  than  Captain  Elliot  whom  he  had  superseded 
but  hardly  excelled. 

"When  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  after  another  visit  to  the  Bogue 
for  the  vain  purpose  of  patching  up  the  Supplementary  Treaty, 
left  the  Colony  (June  12,  1844),  the  leading  local  newspaper, 
expressing  the  harsh  views  entertained  at  the  time  by  the 
residents,  spoke  of  him  as  a  man  'who,  with  all  his  brilliant 
talents,  appears  either  to  have  been  utterly  devoid  of  a  sense 
of  the  moral  obligations  imposed  upon  him,  his  heart  being 
perfectly  seared  to  the  impression  of   suffering    humanity,   or 

^4 


9 

210  CHAPTER  XIII. 

deliberately  livino^  in  seclusion  amonir  a  few  adoriug  parasites 
whose  limited  intellects  were  devoted  to  pander  to  the  trreab 
man's  vanity.'  Exago^enitive  as  this  statement  appears,  the  general 
verdict  of  the  mercantile  community  on  Sir  H.  Pottinger's  regime 
certainly  was,  that  the  deserved  fame  of  the  Plenipotentiary 
had  been  seriously  tarnished  by  the  acts  of  the  Governor. 

Vpon  his  return  to  England  he  was  sworn  in  as  a  Member 
of  the  Privy  Council  and  the  House  of  Commons  voted  him  a 
pension  of  £1,500  per  annum.  He  did  not  immediately  take 
up  the  Madras  appointment  but  went  first  to  the  Cape  Colony 
(184:0  to  1847)  as  Governor,  and  then  held  the  governorship 
and  command-in-chief  of  Madras  Presidency  till  1854.  Born 
in   1789,  he  died  in  1856,  but  G7  years  old,  at  Malta. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


The  Administration  of  Sir  John  F.  Davis. 
May  8,  1844,  to  March  18,  1848. 

^T  has  been  pointed  out  above  what  a  serious  error  it  was  that 
A  was  committed  when  the  British  Cabinet,  sending  out  Lord 
Napier  as  the  King's  representative  at  Canton,  associated  him 
in  office  with  men  who  had  been  trained  in  the  East  India 
Company's  Canton  school  of  truculent  submission  to  Chinese 
mandarindom  and  who  were  looked  upon  by  Chinese  officials  as 
contemptible  traders.  A  similar  mistake  was  made  when  Her 
Majesty's  Government,  looking  out  for  a  successor  of  Sir 
H.  Pottinger,  in  that  game  of  diplomacy  with  Chinese  statesmen 
in  which  he  had  been  so  smartly  duped,  and  in  the  government 
of  a  Colony  estabhshed  on  the  express  principles  of  free  trade, 
selected  for  this  difficult  post  a  gentleman  who,  as  a  former 
member  of  the  East  India  Company's  Select  Committee  at  Macao 
:and  Canton,  was  altogether  identified  with  the  ideas  of  mingled 
servility,  autocracy  and  monopoly  as  exemj)lified  in  the  history  of 
that  Company.  Mr.  (subsequently,  since  July,  1845,  Sir)  John 
Francis  Davis,  Baronet,  had  indeed  great  experience  of  Chinese 
affairs.  In 'his  youth  (1810  to  1817)  he  had  served  on  the  staff 
of  Lord  Amherst's  mission  to  China.  He  had  spent  the  best 
part  of  his  life  in  the  service  of  the  Company  in  South  China, 
bowing  to  Chinese  officials  and  frowning  upon  European  free 
traders,  till  he  retired  (.lanuary  21,  1835)  in  all  the  glory  of  a 
Chief  Superintendent  of  Ti'ade.  He  had  meanwhile  composed 
and  published  a  work  on  'China,'  in  two  volumes,  which  is  still 
recognized  as  one  of  the  best  descriptions  of  the  Celestial  Empire, 
and  he  posed  now  as  a  great  sinologue  and  scholar.  No  doubb 
he  knew  the  Chinese  character  and  naturally  he  thought  also  he 


212  CHAPTER  XIY. 

knew  the  typical  British  free  trader,  despoiled  and  despondent  as 
the  latter  was  (at  the  close  of  Sir  H.  Pottinger's  administration),, 
under  the  conviction  that  the  fre6  port  of  Hongkong  had  proved 
a  commercial  failure.  If  Sir  Henry  had  been  duped  by  the 
Chinese  Mandarins  in  connection  with  his  Supplementary  Com- 
mercial Treaty,  it  was  no  doubt  because  he  knew  nothing  of 
commerce  and  even  less  of  Chinese.  But  here  was  Sir  John,  a 
China  merchant  and  Chinese  sinologue  rolled  in  one.  Who 
could  be  a  better  successor  for  Sir  Henry  ?  And  as  to  the  puzzle 
of  Hongkong's  commercial  decay,  why  Sir  John  Davis  understood 
it  perfectly  :  the  China  Trade  had  reached  its  zenith  under  the 
regime  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  where  the  Company 
could  do  no  more,  free  trade  was  naturally  bound  to  bring  about 
a  gradual  diminution  of  the  volume  of  trade.  He  understood  it 
all :  protection  and  monopoly  was  the  remedy,  and  free  traders 
,must  simply  draw  in  their  horns  and  learn  to  eat  humble  pie. 
[His  mission  was  to  teach  them  to  do  that.  And  he  did  it — with 
what  result,  we  shall  see.  But  one  thing  more  I  have  to  add 
to  these  introductory  remarks.  Sir  John  Davis  was  not  merely 
a  sjion  in  Chinese  diplomacy  and  an  exponent  of  British 
protectionism,  but  above  all  he  was  a  scholar  and  a  philanthropist: 
in  this  British  Colony,  placed  at  the  very  gates  of  China's 
antiquated  semi-barbarism,  he  would  demonstrate  the  kindlier 
humanities  of  British  law  and  government  and  illustrate  by 
the  example  of  his  administration  the  superiority  of  European 
learning  and  civilization. 

Before  Sir  H.  Pottinger  left  China,  Sir  John  Davis,  having 
entered  (May  8,  1844)  upon  the  duties  of  Superintendent  of 
Trade  under  the  Foreign  Offica,  as  well  as  upon  those  of  Governor 
and  Commander-in-Chief  of  Hongkong  under  the  Colonial  Office? 
had  an  opportunity  to  show  off  his  diplomatic  prowess  by 
assisting  his  predecessor,  at  a  meeting  with  Kiying  (June  13, 1844)^ 
to  try  and  persuade  the  latter  to  surrender,  or  make  amends 
for,  some  of  the  advantages  he  had  gained  by  his  trickery 
in  connection  with  the  Supplementary  Treaty  of  October  8,  1843- 
Two  of  the  newly-arrived  Colonial  officials,  the  Hon.  F.  Bruce 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.   DAVIS.  213 

(Colonial  Secretary)  and  M.  ^lartin  (Colonial  Treasurer)  assisted 
fit  the  memorable  interview.     But  Kivino"  was  a  match  for  them 
all,   blandly  explained   away  everytliiuo;  that  seemed  shady  and 
conceded  nothing.     The  fact  was,  the  Pottinger  Treaties  had,  as 
Sir  John  Bowrino;  once  put  it  (April   11),   1852),   '  inflicted   a 
deep  wound  upon  the  pride,  but  by  no  means  altered  the  policy,  of 
the  Chinese  Government.'     The  Treaty  remained  as  it  was,  and 
our  two  diplomatists  were  reluctantly  compelled  to  try  and  gloss 
things  over  by  publishing  a  garbled  account  by  a  proclamation 
(July  10,  1844)  and  an  imperfect  translation  (July  ]G,  1844), 
leaving  it  to  the  public  to  find  out  the  mischievous  provisions 
of  the  Treaty  for  themselves  in  course  of  time.     An  illustrative 
case   soon    occurred.      On   August    10,    1844,   a   Chinese  junk, 
heavily    armed    and    manned    by    a    crew   of    70   ruffians,   but 
having   no  clearance  papers  as  required  by  Article  XIV  of  the 
Supplementary  Treaty,  ventured  to  drop  anchor  in  Hongkong 
harbour.     The  junk  had  really  come  to  frighten  away  or  report 
upon  any  Chinese  trading  junks  that  might  be  in  harbour.     But 
the  harbour  police  mistakenly  suspecting  her  to  be  a  piratical 
vessel,  arrested  her,  and  as  there  were  doubts  whether  she  was 
a   trader   without   papei's   or  a  pirate,   Sir  John  Davis  ordered 
her  to  be  delivered  to  the  Kowloou  Mandarin  as  having  come 
into  harbour  without  the  clearance  papers  required  by  Treaty. 
This  was  the  first  and  only  case  when  the  foolish  concessions 
of  the   Supplementary  Treaty,   constituting   the   harbour   police 
of  Hongkong  as  underlings  of  the  Chinese  revenue  preventive 
service,  were  acted  upon   by  a  benighted  Hongkong  governor. 
The  denouement  was  too  ridiculous :  tlie  junk  turned  out  to  be 
neither  a  trading  nor  a  piratical  craft  but  a  Chinese  revenue 
farmer's  guardboat.     However,  the  news  got  abroad  that  every 
Chinese  trading  junk,  visiting  Hongkong  without  those  precious 
clearance  papers,  which  no  Chinese  customs  office  would  grant, 
was   to   be   handed   over  by  the  British  harbour  police  to  the 
tender   mercies   of  the   Kowloon   Mandarin.      This  contributed 
materially  to  injure  the  native  commerce  of  the  Colony  and  to 
keep  away  the  junk  trade  for  some  time  to  come. 


214  CHAPTER  XIY. 

As  Superintendent  of  Trade  and  Head  of  the  Consular 
Service  in  China,  Sir  John  Davis  had  to  visit  all  the  Treaty 
ports  once  a  year,  in  order  to  inspect  the  Consulates  and  give 
the  necessary  directions.  During  his  periodical  absence  from 
the  Colony  in  connection  with  these  duties,  Major-General 
D'Ao-uilar  used  to  administer  the  government  of  the  Colon v 
as  Lieutenant-Governor.  In  the  matter  of  the  Supplementary 
Treaty,  the  mischievous  provisions  of  wliich  were  condemned 
by  Her  Majesty's  Government  as  much  as  by  the  community, 
Sir  John  had  another  interview  witli  Kiying  at  the  Bogue  (April, 
184G)  but  failed  again  to  get  any  concession  in  favour  of  the 
Chinese  trade  of  Hongkong.  Nor  did  he  succeed  to  wring 
from  that  astute  diplomatist  anything  but  vague  promises  as 
to  gruntino^  British  merchants  in  Canton  the  rights  secured  bv 
the  Nanking  Treaty  with  reference  to  protection  from  mob 
violence,  freedom  of.  building  residences  on  a  separate  concession, 
liberty  to  enter  the  city  of  Canton,  or  to  make  excursions  inland. 
Again  and  again  British  subjects  were  assaulted  at  Canton  and 
all  lie  could  get  from  Kiying  was  a  series  of  specious  pretexts 
for  blaming  British  merchants  for  being  so  insolent  as  to  ask  for 
their  rights  or  to  expect  exemption  from  molestation  by  mob 
violence.  Sir  John  Davis  used  the  hints  of  Kiying  freely  and, 
without  rhyme  or  reason,  accused  the  merchants  of  being  the  prime 
movers  in  all  disturbances  and  made  himself  as  much  hated  by 
the  British  community  at  Canton  as  he  made  himself,  by  his 
gullibih'ty,  ridiculous  to  Kiying,  who,  however,  played  the  role 
of  Sir  John's  very  good  friend  and  even  came  to  visit  him  in 
Hongkong  (November  22  to  2.5,  18-1:5^.  when  the  compliment 
could  be  turned  to  good  account.  One  thing,  however.  Sir  John 
did  succeed  in  obtaining  from  the  Canton  Authorities  and  that 
was  the  publication  of  a  dispatch  by  the  Provincial  Treasurer 
of  Canton,  addressed  (December  20,  184-1)  to  the  Hongkong 
Government,  in  which  the  former  magnanimously  renounced 
all  claims  to  the  land-tax  of  Hongkong  and  virtually  admitted 
the  sovereignty  of  Her  Majesty  over  the  whole  Island.  It  was 
worth   something,   to   be   sure,   to  have  this  not  merely  stated 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.   DAVIS.  215 

in  a  Treaty,  which  most  Chinese  now  refrarded  as  waste  paper» 
but  actually  acknowledii:ed  by  a  subordinate  Chinese  officiaL 
It  was  indeed  a  great  deviation  from  the  practice  hitherto 
adopted  by  Chinese  officers.  For  instance,  on  November 
23,  1 8-4-1:,  it  was  accidentally  discovered  that  officers  of  the 
San-ou  District  Magistrate  openly  collected  at  Stanley,  as  they 
had  all  along  been  accustomed  to  do,  the  annual  fishing  tax  of 
400  cash  per  boat  for  the  privilege  (granted  to  150  junks)  of 
fishing  in  Hongkong  waters.  This  was  merely  one  of  many 
cases  shewing  that  the  San-on  Magistrate  still  considered 
Hongkong  to  be  part  and  parcel  of  the  Chinese  dominions  and 
all  further  doubts  on  the  subject  were  removed  by  a  case. 
(November  14,  1846)  in  which  Chinese  officers  boldly  arrested 
some  Chinese- British  subjects  within  the  Colony  and  carried 
them  off  by  force. 

Meanwhile  the  complaints  of  the  Canton  merchants  as  to 
the, utter  insecurity  of  life  and  property  in  Canton  and  as  ta 
the  striking  want  of  sympathy  and  energy  displayed  on  their 
behalf  bv  Sir  John  Davis,  made  themselves  heard  in  England 
and  as  usual  stirred  Lord  Palmerston's  spirit.  Two  sailors  of 
a  British  ship  at  Canton,  strolling  into  the  city,  had  been 
frightfullv  illtreatei  bv  a  Canton  mob  in  October,  1846.  Sir 
John,  as  usual,  instead  of  claiming  redress  at  the  hands  of  the 
Cantonese  Authorities,  ordered  the  Consul  to  fine  the  captain 
for  turning  the  two  seamen  loose  upon  the  populace  and  thereby 
causing  a  disturbance.  In  a  dispatch  to  Lord  Palmerston  he 
casually  alluded  to  the  case  as  one  of  no  importance,  asking 
for  no  powers  at  all  to  proceed  in  the  matter,  but  in  reply 
be  received  the  following  stunning  instructions.  'I  have  to 
instruct  you,'  wrote  Lord  Palmerston  (January  12,  1847),  'to 
demand  the  punishment  of  the  parties  guilty  of  this  outrage, 
and  vou  will  moreover  inform  the  Chinese  Authorities,  in  plain 
and  distinct  terms,  that  the  British  Government  will  not  tolerate 
that  a  Chinese  mob  shall  with  impunity  maltreat  British  sul)jects 
whenever  they  get  them  into  their  power,  and  that,  if  the  Chinese 
Authorities  will  not  by  the  exercise  of  their  own  authority  punish 


\ 


216  CHAPTER   XIV. 

and   prevent  such   outrages,   the   British   Government    will    be 
■obliged  to  take  the  matter  into  their  own  hands.' 

On  receijDt  of  this  dispatch  Sir  John  Davis  lost  his  head 
completely,  lie  tlionght  he  had  an  opportunity  now  to  steal 
n  march  upon  the  Chinese  Authorities,  to  take  them  by  surprise, 
to  occupy  Canton  city  by  a  sudden  descent  upon  it  with  an 
armed  force,  and  then  to  dictate  his  own  terms  as  a  triumphant 
conqueror.  He  c  insulted  Major-General  G.  D'Aguilar,  who 
reluctantly  yielded  to  the  Quixotic  plan.  An  engineer  officer 
went  secretly  to  reconnoitre  the  Bogue  Forts  and  reported  them 
to  be  practically  untenanted.  So  a  force  of  1,000  men  was 
quietly  mobilized,  part  of  Lord  Palmerston's  dispatch  was 
published  on  fools'  day,  and  next  morning  (April  2,  1847)  the 
expedition  started  with  three  men-of-war  (H.M.S.  Vulture,  Pluto 
and  Esjuhjle)  and  a  chartered  steamer  {Corsair),  the  latter 
having  on  board  Sir  John,  the  ^lajor-General  w-ith  his  staff 
and  the  Senior  Naval  Officer,  Captain  Macdougall.  In  the  course 
of  36  hours  this  redoubtable  force,  waging  a  private  war  of 
Sir  John's  upon  a  defenceless  and  unwarned  foe,  captured  all 
the  principal  forts  in  the  Canton  River  without  the  loss  of  a  man 
and,  in  spite  of  the  fire  of  several  batteries,  spiked  879  guns. 
On  April  3,  1847,  the  expedition  dropped  anchor  at  Canton 
abreast  of  the  factories,  and  disembarked  the  troops,  to  the 
utter  amazement  of  Kiying  and  the  British  community.  The 
British  Chamber  of  Commerce  sent  a  deputation  to  Sir  John 
to  inquire  what  it  all  meant,  but  they  were  told  by  Consul 
Macgregor  that  Sir  John  had  expressed  no  wish  to  see  them. 
Kiying  was  blandly  informed  (April  4,  1847)  of  Sir  John's 
demands  and  next  day  informed  by  an  ultimatum  that,  unless 
these  were  granted  at  the  interview  for  which  he  fixed  the 
Oth  April,  the  city  of  Canton  would  be  bombarded  and  taken  by 
assault.  After  some  hesitation,  Kiving  at  last  consented  to  meet 
Sir  John  Davis  (April  6),  and,  as  usual,  satisfied  him  with 
empty  promises.  He  offered  to  let  the  British  community  buy 
or  rent  50  acres  on  Honam  island  if  the  individual  owners  should 
be  willing  to  sell.     He  fuither  offered  to  open  Canton  city  to 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  DAVIS.  217 

foi*ei,H:ners  on  or  about  April  G,  1849,  if  it  were  practicable  by 
that  time,  and  to  allow  excursions  into  the  country,  also  to  let 
Europeans  build  a  church  near  the  factories  and  bury  their  dead 
at  AVhampoa.  ]\Ieanwhile  he  secretly  made  his  arrangements 
for  an  attack.  But  Sir  John  at  once  accepted  the  terms,  tViough 
they  virtually  were  below  tbe  level  of  what  the  Nanking  Treaty 
had  granted  in  1842,  and  on  April  8,  1847,  the  British  expedition 
returned  to  Hongkong  triumphantly,  leaving  Kiying  to  report 
to  the  Emperor  that  he  detained  Sir  John  in  parleys  whilst 
collecting  and  bringing  up  his  army,  but  that  Sir  John  preci- 
pitately fled  to  Hongkong  as  soon  as  he  found  himself  threatened 
by  the  Chinese  troops.  The  British  communities  at  Canton 
and  Hongkong  were  indignant  at  this  wanton  and  bootless 
*  bucaneering  expedition  '  which  merely  served  to  cause  a  sudden 
stagnation  of  the  Canton  trade,  to  render  the  lives  and  property 
of  foreigners  in  Canton  even  less  secure  than  before,  and  to 
make  European  views  of  state  policy  and  international  law 
ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of  the  Chinese.  It  seemed  clear  to  them 
that  Sir  John  Davis  was  even  a  worse  failure  as  a  diplomatist 
than  Sir  Henry  Pottinger  had  been.  Lord  Palmerston,  however, 
approved  of  Sir  John's  proceedings  and  so  the  matter  rested 
for  the  time,  the  more  so  as  Kiving;  treated  Sir  John's  warlike 
frolic  with  silent  contempt. 

A  few  months  afterwards,  however,  a  new  disturbance  arose 
in  Canton,  and  when  Sir  John  Davis,  none  the  wiser  for  his 
l)ast  experiences,  meditated  another  military  expedition  against 
■Canton,  and  induced  Major-Oeneral  D'Aguilar  to  write  to  Ceylon 
for  re-inforcements,  Sir  G.  Grey,  delighted  to  have  an  opportunity 
of  subverting  Lord  Palmerston's  policy,  peremptorily  prohibited 
any  further  offensive  operations  to  be  undertaken  against 
the  Chinese  without  the  previous  sanction  of  Her  Majesty's 
Government.  At  the  same  time  Earl  Grey  censured  the  "April 
expedition  in  plain  terms.  *  Although  the  late  operations,'  he 
Avrote  (September  ^'l^  1847),  *  were  attended  with  immediate 
success,  the  risk  of  a  second  attempt  of  the  same  kind  would 
far  ovei'vbalance  any  advantage  to  be  derived  from  such  a  step. 


218  CHAPTER   XIV. 

If  the  conduct  of  the  Chinese  Authorities  should  unfortunately 
render  another  appeal  to  arms  inevitable,  it  will  be  necessary 
that  it  should  be  made  after  due  preparation  and  with  the 
employment  of  such  an  amount  of  force  as  may  afford  just 
grounds  for  expecting  that  the  objects  which  may  be  purposed 
by  such  a  measure  will  be  effectually  accomplished  without 
unnecessary  loss.'  It  has  been  alleged  that  Sir  John  was  so 
taken  aback  by  this  censure,  that  he  forthwith  resigned,  but  at 
the  time  when  this  dispatch  was  penned,  Sir  John  Davis  had 
already  sent  in  his  resignation  which  was  unhesitatingly  accepted 
(November  18,  1847).  Sir  John's  term  of  the  Superintendency 
of  Trade  closed  with  another  sad  outbreak  of  popular  temper 
at  Canton.  Six  young  foreigners,  visiting  a  village  some  three 
miles  above  Canton  (December  5,  1847)  were  set  upon  by  a 
mob,  tortured  and  murdered  in  cold  Vjlood.  When  Kiying 
delayed  punishment  of  the  guilty.  Sir  J.  Davis  pluckily  prepared 
for  another  armed  demonstration  (January  5,  1848).  But  as 
soon  as  Kiying  found  that  Sir  John  had  a  squadron  ready  for 
action  (February  17,  1848),  he  yielded  and  had  some  of  the 
guilty  parties  executed  near  the  village  in  question  (Wongchukee) 
in  the  presence  of  a  company  of  the  95th  Ilegiment,  sent  up 
for  the  purpose,  from  Hongkong,  in  H.M.S.  Pluto. 

Sir  John  Davis  had  an  opportunity  to  distinguish  himself 
as  a  diplomatist  in  another  field.  He  was  directed  to  arrange 
a  commercial  treaty  with  Annam.  Had  he  been  furnished  wirJi 
proper  information,  and  especially  with  capal>le  interpreters, 
there  would  have  been  a  chance  for  him  to  do  a  great  work 
for  the  expansion  of  British  trade,  opening  new  markets,  new 
trade  routes,  tapping  Yunnan  and  Kwangsi,  and  keeping  the 
French  out  of  Annam  and  Tungkino-.  But  beini^  without  anv 
diplomatic  link  of  connection  whatever  and  having  neither  agent 
nor  friend  at  the  Annamese  Court,  where  French  influence  was 
already  at  work  to  keep  off  British  intervention,  nor  even  a 
capable  interpreter,  he  naturally  failed  as  signally  with  the 
Annamese  officials  as  he  had  failed  with  Chinese  diplomatists. 
Leaving  Hongkong  on  October  G,  1847,  he  in  vain  attempted  to 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.    DAVIS.  219^ 

open  lip  negotiations  with  the  officials  on  the  coast  near  Hueh. 
Every  Annamese  officer  appealed  to  refused  to  take  any  message. 
Leaving  a  letter  addressed  to  the  sovereign  of  Annam  deposited 
on  the  beacli,  he  at  last  received  a  message  by  subordinate 
officials,  declining  all  negotiation  and  refusing  admittance  to 
Hueh.  Sir  John  gave  up  any  further  attempt  to  thwart  French 
influence  in  Cochin-China  and  returned  to  Hongkong  (October 
30,  1847)  disappointed. 

Sir  John's  relations  with  the  neighbouring  Colony  of  Macao 
were  peaceful  but  by  no  means  of  the  happiest  sort.  As  the 
fortunes  of  the  Colony  of  Hongkong  were  visibly  declining,  the 
Macao  Government  thought  there  was  a  chance  of  retrieving 
the  mistakes  of  the  past  and  bringing  back  to  Macao  the 
discontented  free  tradei's  of  Hongkong  as  well  as  the  American, 
Butch,  French  and  Parsee  mercliants  established  at  Canton. 
Accordingly  a  decree  was  obtained  at  Lisbon  (November  20, 
1845)  which,  thongh  far  from  being  a  complete  free  trade 
measure,  reduced  the  harbour  dues  and  custom  house  exactions 
to  the  lowest  possible  minimum  and  virtually  made  trade  at 
Macao  less  cumbersome  and  more  propitious  than  it  was  at 
Hongkono;.  The  measure  failed  to  re-establish  the  former  for- 
tunes of  Macao :  it  came  too  late  for  that.  But  it  contributed 
its  quota  towards  a  further  diminution  of  the  commerce  of 
Hongkong  and  a  considerable  increase  of  the  discontent  felt  by 
Hongkong  merchants.  An  assault  that  was  committed  on  Sir 
John  Davis  (April  11,  1845),  whilst  on  a  visit  to  Macao,  was 
without  any  political  significance,  but  indicative  of  tliat  turbulent 
character  of  the  Macao  Chinese  which  was  so  fatally  to  manifest 
itself  against  the  next  Governor  of  Macao  (Senhor  Amaral) 
who,  within  a  year  after  his  arrival  (April  18,  1840),  ordering 
a  road  to  be  cut  through  the  Campo  and  interfering  thereby 
with  Chinese  graves,  had  subsequently  to  pay  with  his  life  for 
this  disregard  of  Chinese  religious  superstition.  Li  March,  1847, 
the  prospects  of  Macao  were  as  discouraging  as  those  of 
Hongkong  and  a  cession  of  ^lacao  to  France  was  talked  of,  but 
the  movement,  if  it  ever  had  any  reality,  came  to  nothing. 


220  CHAPTER   XIY. 

Turning  now  to  Sir  J.  Davis'  gubernatorial  measures,  we 
find  that  the  expansion  of  the  Civil  Service  and  reforms  in 
the  constitution  of  the  Councils  occupied  much  of  his  time.  He 
brought  with  him,  on  his  arrival  (May  7,  1844)  a  Colonial 
Secretary  (Hon.  F.  Bruce),  a  Colonial  Treasurer  (M.  Montgomery 
Martin),  a  Court  Registrar  (R.  D.  Cay),  a  Private  Secretary 
(W.  T.  Mercer),  an  Auditor  General  (A.  E.  Shelley),  a  Civil 
Engineer  (J.  Pope,  to  whom  we  owe  the  designs  of  Government 
House,  Colonial  Offices,  and  Cathedral)  and  a  warrant  appointing 
Major  Caine  (the  Chief  JMagistrate;  as  Sheriff  and  Provost 
Marshal  of  the  Supreme  Court.  The  Chief  Justice  (J.  W.  Hulme) 
<;ame  a  month  later  (June  0,  1844)  and  the  first  Hongkong 
Barrister  (H.  Ch.  Sirr)  arrived  on  July  1,  1844,  but  as  the 
Colonial  Office  postponed  the  appointment  of  an  Attorney 
Oeneral  (P.  I.  Stirling)  till  August  5  and  made  some  other 
important  omissions,  the  Supreme  Court  could  not  be  opened 
until  October  1,  1841.  Two  yeai's  later  (November  18,  1847) 
•the  present  Court  House  was  obtained  by  purchasing  from 
Dent  &  Co.  the  so-called  Exchange  Building.  The  working 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  which  held  its  first  criminal  sessions  oii 
October  2,  1814,  was  gradually  perfected  by  a  series  of  legislative 
enactments,  dealing  with  the  constitution  of  the  Court  (No.  6 
^f  1845  and  2  of  1846),  trial  by  jury  (No.  7  of  1845),  criminal 
procedure  (No.  8  of  1845  and  IJ  of  1840),  summary  jurisdiction 
(No.  9  of  1845),  insolvency  (No.  8  and  5  of  1846)  and  coroner's 
juries  (N'o,  5  of  1847).  A  Vice- Admiralty  Court  was  established 
(March  4,  1846)  and  held  its  first  session  on  January  14,  1847. 
The  division  of  the  town  into  the  present  three  districts 
(Sheungwan,  Chungwan,  Hawan),  the  lines  of  demarcation  being- 
Aberdeen  Street  in  the  West,  and  Elliot's  Vale  (the  present 
Glenealy  ravine)  in  the  East,  dates  from  July  24,  1844,  when 
the  previously  existing  popular  terms  were  officially  adopted. 
By  the  opening  of  a  new  market  (July  '2b,  1844)  at  Taipingshan, 
the  congested  state  of  the  Chungwan  and  Sheungwan  markets 
was  considerably  relieved.  Owing  to  the  dearth  and  high  rents 
■of  houses  suitable  for  Civil  Servants,  the  Government  provided 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  DAVIS.  221 

{Augiisfc  IG,  1844)  special  Civil  Service  Buildinos  (now  knowit 
as  Alhauy)  ■  which  were,  liowever,  later  oil  (May  15,  1847) 
transferred  to  the  ^lilitary  Antborities.  Two  new  offices  were 
established  by  Sir  J.  Davis,  viz.  tlie  office  of  Registrar  General 
and  Collector  of  the  land-tax  (S.  Fearon)  who  commenced  his 
dnties  on  January,  1845,  and  the  office  of  Marine  Magistrate 
(March  15,  1845)  the  duties  of  which  were,  however,  durint^ 
Mr.  AV.  Pedder's  absence  ou  leave,  temporarily  discharged  by 
Mr.  S.  Fearon,  whilst  Mr.  A.  licna  at^ted  as  Harbour  Master- 
A  paid  Coroner  (Ch.  G.  Holdforth  was  substituted  (October  11, 
1845)  for  the  popular  voluntary  Coroner  (E.  Farncomb)  who 
bad  joined  the  opposition  against  certain  Government  measures. 
After  various  changes  in  the  constitution  of  the  Councils,  and 
in  spite  of  the  continuous  demands  of  the  British  community 
for  adequate  representation  in  the  Legislative  Council,  at  least 
through  the  nomination  by  the  Crown  of  an  equal  number  of 
official  and  unofficial  Members,  this  burning  question  was 
temporarily  decided  by  Sir  John  Davis  refusing  all  popular 
representation.  AYarrants  were  issued  (December  1,  1845}  for  the 
Lieutenant-Governor,  Colonial  Secretary  and  Police  Magistrate 
to  be  Members  of  Executive  Council,  and  for  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor,  the  Chief  Justice  and  Attorney  General  to  constitute,, 
with  the  Governor,  the  Legislative  Council  of  the  Colony.  For 
some  inscrutable  reason  the  Surveyor  General's  title  was  reduced 
to  that  of  Colonial  Surveyor  (August  8,  1846)  on  the  occassioii 
of  the  abolition  of  the  office  of  Assistant  Surveyor  General,  and 
by  the  amalgamation  of  the  duties  of  Auditor  and  Colonial 
Secretary  (September  15,  184G)  the  audit  of  local  official  accounts- 
was  reduced  to  a  mere  formality.  These  two  measures  were  but 
equalled  in  want  of  foresight  by  the  decision  of  the  Military 
Authorities  (March  8,  1847)  to  erect  defensible  barracks — 
*  soldiers'  grave-yards'  they  ought  to  have  been  called— at 
Stanley. 

The  legislative  labours  of  Sir  John  Davis  commenced  with 
the  knotty  problem  of  regulating  the  Chinese  population.  Th& 
humble  attempt  to  control  the  Chinese   in   Hongkong  quietly 


222  CHAPTER   XIY. 

by  means  of  their  own  elders  on  the  basis  of  the  Pocheung  and 
Pokap  system  (Ordinance  13  to  May  31,  1844)  was  one  of  the 
legacies  handed  over  to  Sir  John  Davis  by  his  predecessor.  Sir 
John  Davis,  however,  disliked  such .  a  non-antocratic  measure, 
having  his  own  ideas  on  the  subject.  Although  he  got  that- 
Ordinance  passed  by  the  Council,  he  practically  disregarded  ib 
and  set  to  work  to  devise  a  measure  of  his  own  which,  by  means 
of  registration,  should  immediately  purge  the  Colony  of  the 
bad  blood  imported  into  it  by  the  continuous  influx  of  criminals^ 
from  the  neighbouring  districts,  as  if  registration  would  keep 
them  away  or  reveal  their  habits.  The  cure  proved  to  be  worse 
than  the  evil. 

On  August  21,  184^,  the  Legislative  Council,  intending  to 

check  the  indiscriminate  influx  into  Hongkong  of  the  scum  of 

the  population  of  the  neighbouring  mainland  and  at  the  same 

time  anxious  to  avoid  class  legislation,  passed  a  Bill  to  establish 

a  registry  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  Hongkong  without  distinction 

of  nationality.     Xeither  the  European  nor  the  Chinese  mercantile 

communities   were   consulted   in  the  matter,  nor  was  anything 

done,    after    passing    the     Bill,    until    Sir    J.    Davis    returned 

(October  18,  1844)  from  a  visit  to  the  Consular  ports,  wheu  the 

Ordinance  was  made  public  and  it  was  notified  that  it  was  to  come 

into  force  on  1st  November.     Then  the  European  community 

I    woke  up  to  the  startling  discovery  that  a  poll-tax  was  to  be 

1    levied  not  only  on  Chinese  vagabonds  but  on  all  the  inhabitants 

\   without  exception,  that  all  British  residents,  as  well  as  Chinese, 

\  were  to  appear  once   every  year  before  the  Registrar  General, 

\answer  questions  as  to  birth,  parentage,  age,  income  and  so  forth, 

/being  liable  to  be  deported  if  the  answers  were  not  satisfactory, 

[and  that  the  only  distinction  between  a  British  merchant  and  a 

Chinese  coolie  was  the  enactment  that  the  former  should  jjay 

five  dollars  and  the  latter  one  dollar  a  year  for  his  registration 

ticket.      The    reception   by   the   British   residents   of  such    an 

Ordinance  may  well  be  imagined.    They  rose  up  like  one  man 

in  wrathful  indignation,  feeling  their  personal  self-respect,  their 

national  honour,  the  liberty  of  the  subject  trampled  under  foot 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  DAVIS.  223 

even  more  ruthlesslv  than  in  the  davs  of  the  Co-Honsf  bondage 
at  Canton.  Accordina^lv,  the  fii-st  Public  Meeting^  of  Honjrkon? 
was  lield  (October  28,  1844)  at  the  residence  of  Mr.  A.  Carter. 
This  meeting,  after  nnanimonsly  condemning  the  Bill  as 
iniqnitons,  unconstitutional  and  un-English  in  principle,  appointed 
a  Committee  (J.  D.  Gibb,  D.  Matheson,  S.  Rawson,  Pat.  Dudgeon 
and  A.  Carter)  to  memoiialize  the  Government  accordingly. 
On  the  same  day  the  Government  published  an  obscurely-worded 
Chinese  translation  of  the  Ordinance  which  onlv  added  to  the 
excitement  and  misunderstanding  that  prevailed  among  the 
-Chinese,  giving  them  the  impression  that  the  poll-tax  to  be  levied 
from  1st  November  was  monthly  and  not  annnal.  *The 
Celestials,'  said  the  Friend  of  China  a  few  days  later,  'are  a 
passive  race  and  will  bear  squeezing  to  any  ordinary  extent, 
but  when  this  blundering  translation  would  squeeze  one  half 
of  their  monthly  wages  out  of  them,  then  they  thought  it  was 
time  to  return  to  their  own  country,  nor  would  we  blame  them 
had  they  left  in  a  body.'  On  the  oOth  October  there  was  a 
universal  suspension  of  all  forms  of  Chinese  labour.  The  sliojis 
and  markets  wei'e  shut,  cargo  boats,  coolies,  domestic  sei'vants, 
all  went  on  strike  simultaneously  and  all  business  was  at  a 
standstill.  The  Chinese  made  preparations  to  desert  Hongkong 
^)i  masse  on  the  next  dav,  if  the  Government  should  enforce  this 
hiw,  but  there  was  no  rioting  of  any  sort.  At  4  p.m.  the 
deputation  of  the  European  community  waited  on  the  Governor 
to  present  a  Memorial  dated  October  oO  and  signed  by  107 
British  subjects.  This  Memorial  stated  that  the  principles  of  the 
Ordinance  were  as  unjust  as  they  were  arbitrary  and  unconstitu- 
tional, because  taxing  unrepresented  British  subjects  in  the  most 
iniquitous  of  forms;  that  the  provisions  of  the  Ordinance  violated 
the  Treaty  with  China  ;  that  they  interfered  with  labour  and 
consequently  with  the  prosperity  of  the  Colony  and  that  it  would 
be  found  impracticable  to  work  this  Ordinance.  Unaware  ab 
the  time  of  the  strong  language  of  the  Memorial,  which  was 
handed  by  the  deputation  to  the  Clerk  of  Councils,  the  Governor 
told  them  that  the  Ordinance  would  not  be  enforced  for  two 


^24  CHAPTER   XIV. 

or  more  months  to  come  and  that  it  would  then  be  carried  out 
but  partially.  Sabsequently,  however,  the  Memorial  was  returned 
to. the  Committee  by  the  Clerk  of  Councils,  as  disapproved  on 
the  o-round  that  the  huwuatt^e  of  the  Memorial  was  of  a  character 
directly  opposed  to  respect  for  the  constituted  authorities  of  the 
Colony  and  it  was  requested  that  the  document  be  properly 
worded.  But  before  this  message  could  be  delivered,  the 
Committee,  observing  the  alarming  state  of  affairs  in  town, 
had  drafted  a  second  Memorial,  dated  October  31,  1844,  drawing 
attention  to  the  suspension  of  all  business  and  the  stoppage  of 
provisions,  and  begsmg  that  some  official  notification  be 
immediately  promulgated  to  allay  the  excitement  prevailing 
among  all  classes.  After  forwarding  this  second  Memorial,  the 
Committee  wrote  to  the  Clerk  of  Councils,  saying  that  the 
language  of  the  first  Memorial,  though  strong,  represented  their 
sentiments  and  was  imperatively  called  for  by  the  urgency  of 
the  occasion,  but  at  the  same  time  they  disavowed  the  remotest 
intention  of  addressing  the  Governor  in  Council  in  any  other 
than  the  most  respectful  terms.  But  this  letter  did  not  reach 
the  Governor  till  1st  November.  Meanwhile,  in  reply  to  the 
second  Memorial,  the  Clerk  of  Councils  informed  the  Committee 
(October  31)  that,  whereas  all  seditious  rioting  on  the  part  of 
the  Chinese  had  been  easily  suppressed,  the  Governor  and 
Council  were  now  prepared  to  receive  properly-worded  suggestions. 
Thereupon  the  Committee  at  once  suggested  (October  31)  the- 
ultimate  abrogation  of  the  Ordinance,  but,  as  meanwhile  an 
exodus  of  some  3,000  Chinese  had  taken  place  and  business  was 
for  several  days  at  a  complete  standstill  the  Committee  summoned 
another  Public  Meeting  on  Saturday,  2nd  November.  Before 
that  meeting,  the  Committee  received  a  letter  from  the  Clerk 
of  Councils  (dated  November  2,  1844)  censuring  the  unbecoming 
reiteration  in  their  last  letter  of  those  disrespectful  sentiment* 
and  stating  that,  while  the  Committee  continue  to  maintain 
such  views,  all  further  communication  between  the  Government 
und  the  Committee  must  cease.  At  the  same  time  an  official 
notification    (November    2,    1844)    was    issued    in    which    the 


THE    ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  DAVIS.  225 

Governor,  on  the  ground  that  the  comprador  of  a  leading  firm 
was  reported  to  have  called  a  meeting  of  Chinese  who  used  tUe 
same  disrespectful  language,  accused  the  British  community  of 
*  having,  by  unworthy  practices,  tampered  with  an  ignorant 
and  unfortunate  Chinese  population  by  instigating  them  to 
passive  resistance.'  An  enthusiastic  Public  Meeting,  however, 
unanimously  endarsed  forthwith  the  procedure  and  the  views 
of  the  Committee,  as  all  residents  looked  upon  the  ticketing  and 
labelling  of  British  subjects  as  an  inequitable  if  not  iniquitous 
procedure.  The  speakers  congratulated  each  other  upon  their 
escape  from  a  system  of  petty  tyranny  whiuh,  however,  they 
admitted  was  not  really  contemplated  by  Government  in  passings 
the  objectionable  Ordinance.  A  standing  Committee  was 
appoiiited  to  co-operate  with  the  Government  in  remodelling 
the  Ordinance,  and  the  formation  of  a  Chamber  of  Commerce 
was  suggested.  But  a  threat  was  also  expressed  that  British 
merchants  mio'ht  return  to  Macao  where,  under  a  foreisfn 
flag,  they  would  not  be  subjected  to  laws  repugnant  to  their 
feelings  and  utterly  opposed  to  the  enjoyment  of  that  personal 
freedom  which  was  their  inalienable  birthright.  One  of  the 
speakers  quoted  Blackstone's  commentaries  to  prove  that  without 
representation  there  can  be  no  legal  taxation  of  British  subjects. 
This  made  a  great  impression.  Representative  and  juunicipal 
government  was  thenceforth  frequently  but  vainly  demanded. 
The  Public  Meeting  having  thus  abstained  from  condemning  the 
registration  of  Chinese  and  confined  itself  to  a  protest  against 
the  taxation  connected  with  it  and  against  the  application  of  the 
proposed  Ordinance  to  British  subjects,  'as  putting  Europeans 
upon  a  par  with  the  canaille  of  China,'  there  was  a  way  open  for 
reconciliation  with  the  Government.  Accordingly,  on  November 
4,  184:4:,  the  standing  Committee  (T.  A.  Gibb,  Don.  Mathesoii 
and  A.  Carter)  wrote  to  the  Clerk  of  Councils  expressing  regret  as 
to  the  strong  language  use  1  by  them  and  disavowing  any  motive 
of  disrespect.  Thereupon  the  Governor  in  Council,  accepting 
this  declaration,  made  his  peace  with  the  community.  But  the 
British  residents  of  Canton  (most  of  whom  were  representatives 


226  CHAPTER   XIV. 

of  firms  established  in  Hongkong)  sent  to  the  Governor 
(November  6,  1844)  a  stately  remonstrance,  sis^aied  by  W.  Leslie, 
W.  Bell  and  38  other  British  subjects,  recording  '  their  respectful 
but  firm  remonstrance  against  a  measure  unexampled  in  modern 
British  legislation,  fraught  with  great  and  certain  mischief, 
'Calculated  in  no  ordinary  degree  to  interfere  with  and  restrict 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  Her  Majesty's  subjects,  and  utterly 
subversive  of  that  confidence,  cordiality  and  co-operation  which 
ouoht  to  subsist  between  Governors  and  the  Governed,  and  are 
so  essential  to  the  tranquillity  and  prosperity  of  every  Colony, 
and  which,  if  forced  into  operation,  will  reduce  apparently  the 
Island  of  Hongkong  to  the  level  of  a  Penal  Settlement.'  lb 
was  also  proposed  in  Hongkong  to  memorialize  Her  Majesty's 
•Government  to  say  that  the  Colonists  had  lost  faith  in  the 
local  Government.  However,  after  a  few  days,  moderate 
counsels  prevailed,  and  the  whole  excitement  gradually  subsided. 
On  November  13,  1844,  the  Legislative  Council  passed  an 
amended  Registration  Ordinance  (IG  of  1844),  applying 
registration  only  to  the  lowest  classes,  abandoning  the  idea  of 
any  poll-tax  of  Chinese  residents,  and  exempting  from  registration 
^  all  civil,  military  and  naval  employees,  all  members  of  the  learned 

professions,  merchants,  shopkeepers,  householders,  tenants  of 
Crown  property  and  persons  having  an  income  of  ^500  a  year. 
In  fact,  this  Ordinance  uranted  all  that  the  British  community 
had  contended  for,  and  if  the  Governor  had  consulted  the  leading 
merchants  or  allowed  them  representation  in  Council,  the  whole 
conflict  between  the  communitv  and  the  Government,  and  the 
defeat  and  consequent  humiliation  and  degradation  of  the 
Government,  in  the  eyes  of  the  astounded  Chinese  population, 
would  have  been  avoided.  On  January  1,  1845,  this  Ordinance 
came  into  force  and  worked  so  smoothly  that,  on  December  31, 
1840,  it  was  possible  to  modify  it  (No.  7  of  1840)  so  as  to 
provide  also  for  a  periodical  census  of  the  whole  population. 
An  outgrowth  of  the  mistaken  autocratic  attitude  which 
Sir  John  Davis  assumed  towards  the  community  was  the  severity 
with    which   he   enforced  (since   July  '2b,    1844)  the   ejectment 


/^ 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  J.  DAVIS.  227 

of  house  owners  to  make  room  for  new  improvements,  and| 
particnlarly  bis  ^Martial  Law  Ordinance  (20  of  1844)  which  hO' 
passed  through  Legislative  Council  on  Xovember  20,  1844,  in 
•order  to  give  the  Executive  the  power  of  declaring  the  Island 
to  be  under  martial  law  without  the  concurrence  of  that  Council. 
Never  in  the  whole  history  of  Hongkong  was  there,  nor  is 
there  ever  likely  to  be,  any  need  for  such  a  drastic  measure. 
The  characteristic  attitude  towards  any  enlightened  and  strong 
government,  w'hich  Chinese  residing  on  British  soil  display  in 
every  part  of  the  world,  gives  a  complete  denial  to  the  supposition 
which  called  forth  this  enactment.  Yet  the  accomplished 
sinologue  misread  the  character  of  the  Chinese  so  completely 
that  he  passed  this  Bill  which,  when  it  became  known  to  the 
•Chinese  that  Her  Majesty's  Government  curtly  disallowed  it, 
only  served  to  lower  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  Chinese  people  as 
a  defeated  would-be  autocrat. 

.  But  there  is  worse  to  tell.  Mandarin  misrule  of  the 
neighbouring  provinces  of  China  had  at  this  time  reached  such 
a  pitch  that  throughout  South  China  the  population  was  honey- 
combed with  secret  political  societies,  the  principal  of  which  was 
called  the  Triad  Societv.  The  aim- of  these  secret  associations 
was  to  act  on  the  first  suitable  occasion  upon  the  recognized 
right  of  rebellion,  a  right  plainly  taught  in  the  authorized 
national  school-books.  To  drive  out  the  Manchus  and  to  re- 
establish a  Chinese  dynasty,  was  the  secret  desire  of  almost 
every  energetic  Chinaman  unconnected  with  mandarindom. 
When  the  first  mutterings  of  the  coming  storm  of  the  Taiping 
Rebellion,  which  in  the  providence  of  God  was  destined  to 
re-establish  the  waning  fortunes  of  Hongkong,  were  observed 
by  the  Cantonese  Authorities,  they  shrewdly  availed  themselves 
•of  the  known  fact,  that  the  Chinese  in  Hongkong  were  as 
much  influenced  by  that  secret  political  propaganda  as  those 
in  the  interior  of  China,  to  strike  another  blow  at  the  success 
of  Hongkong  as  a  Colony  for  Chinese.  So  they  persuaded  Sir 
J.  Davis  into  passing  an  Ordinance  (No.  1  of  1845)  the  effect 
of  which  was  that  the  Hongkong  Police  should  search  out  and' 


228  CHAPTER   XIV. 

arrest  political  refugees  as  being  members  of  fche  Triad  and 
other  secret  societies,  who,  after  a  term  of  imprisonment,  should 
be  branded  each  on  the  cheek  and  then  be  deported  to  Chinese 
territory  where  of  course  the  Mandarins  would  forthwith  arrest, 
torture  and  execute  them.  That  a  British  Governor  should 
ever  have  enacted  such  a  monstrously  barbaric  and  un-English 
'law  is  hardly  credible.  It  is  a  strange  fact  that  with  all  his 
experience  of  Chinese,  philanthropic  Sir  John  Davis  allowed 
himself  to  be  so  duped  by  Chinese  diplomatists  as  to  become 
the  unconscious  tool  of  Mandarin  oppression  in  its  worst  form. 
It  was  not  merely  an  unwise  disregard  of  the  sound  principle 
formulated  bv  Gladstone,  that  'England  never  makes  laws  to 
benefit  the  internal  condition  of  any  other  State';  it  was  not 
merely  a  drastic  denial  of  the  world-wide  assumption  that  British 
I  soil  is  a  safe  refuge  from  political  tyranny  and  oppression ;  but 
■  it  was  also  a  positive  assertion,  in  the  face  of  all  China,  that 
Hongkong  Governors  would  pledge  themselves  to  co-operate  with 
the  Manchu  conquerors  of  China  in  arresting,  imprisoning, 
branding  on  the  cheek  (as  the  life-long  mark  of  the  outlaw) 
and  delivering  into  the  hands  of  Mandarins  for  execution  any 
hapless  Chinese  patriot  that  should  be  fool  enough  to  put  his 
foot  on  British  soil.  By  order  of  the  Home  Government  this 
barbaric  Ordinance  (No.  1  of  1845)  was  modified  nine  months 
later  (October  20,  1845)  by  substituting,  in  an  amendment 
(No.  12  of  1845),  branding  under  the  arm  for  that  mark  on 
the  cheek  which  would  have  made  reform  even  in  the  case  of 
ij  a  criminal  absolutely  impossible. 

Not  quite  so  bad,  but  based  on  an  equal  ignorance  of  the 
utter  inapplicability  of  European  enactments  to  the  peculiar 
features  of  the  social  and  i3olitical  organism  of  China,  Avas 
the  interference  with  local  Chinese  bond-servitude  which  Sir 
H.  Pottinger  had  attempted  in  his  Slavery  Ordinance  (No.  1 
of  1844),  the  disallowance  of  which  Sir  John  Davis  had 
now  (January  24,  1845)  to  proclaim.  He  announced  by  a 
proclamation  that  the  said  Ordinance  was  null  and  void,  and 
gave  notice  'that  the  Acts  of  Parliament  for  the  abolition  of 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP  Sill  J.  DAVIS.  229 

slave  trale  and  slavery  extend  by  tlieir  own  proper  force  and 
^authority  to  Hongkong-,  and  that  these  Acts  will  be  enforced 
by  all  Her  Majesty's  officers  civil  and  military  within  the  Colony/ 
The  secretly  nnderlying  insinuation  that  Hongkong  bond- 
servitude  belongs  to  the  category  of  slavery  as  defined  by  the 
Slave-trade  Acts  was  a  pure  fiction,  put  forward  only  to  gloss 
over  the  defeat  of  the  Government  in  attempting  to  meddle 
with  Chinese  national  customs.  The  general  question  as  to  what 
English  laws  were  in  force  in  Hongkong  was  dealt  with  by 
Ordinance  (August  11),  1845,  and  ^fay  0,  184C)  when  it  was 
laid  down  somewhat  vagnely  that  all  laws  of  England  that 
existed  when  Hongkong  first  obtained  a  local  legislature  (April  5, 
1843)  should  be  deemed  in  force  in  the  Colony  *  when  applicable.* 
Unfortunate  as  the  Governor  was  as  a  leo-islator,  ridinj^ 
rough-shod  over  the  whole  community,  both  European  and 
Chinese,  he  was  even  more  unfortunate  in  his  dealings  with 
the  local  representatives  of  British  judicature.  From  the  time 
of  the  arrival  of  the  Chief  Justice  (J.  W.  Hulme)  and  the 
establishment  of  a  Supreme  Court,  there  was  a  standing  feud 
between  the  Governor  and  the  Chief  Justice.  It  arose  first  of 
all  out  of  the  mistaken  view  of  their  position,  adopted  by  the 
local  Police  Magistrates  (Major  Caine  and  Mr.  Hillier)  who 
supposed  themselves  to  be  rather  executive  officers  nnder  the 
direct  orders  and  control  of  the  (Governor,  than  independent 
expositors  of  the  law.  The  Chief  Justice  did  not  conceal  from 
the  Governor  his  disapproval  of  this  anomalous  connection 
cxistin*'  between  the  Mauistrates  and  the  Head  of  the  Executive. 
The  result  was  for  the  first  few  years  merely  a  straining  of  the 
relations  between  the  Chief  Justice  on  the  one  hand  and  the 
Governor  and  the  Magistrates  on  the  other  hand.  Soon  the 
oommunitv  becran  to  take  sides  with  the  former  against  the  latter. 
Great  indignation  was  expressed  by  the  Avhole  J^ritish  community 
when  the  Police  Magistrates,  at  the  order  of  the  Governor  who 
apjxjared  to  be  simply  desirous  of  obliging  the  Macao  Governor 
by  complying  with  an  informal  request  of  the  latter,  signed  a 
svvarrant    (August    25,    184G)   for    the    arrest    and  extradition. 


230  CHAPTER  XI Y. 

without  ^m  prima  facie  evidence,  of  three  Poitug-nese  gentlemen,, 
who,  after  being  sent  to  Macao  as  prisoners  bj  a  British  gunboat 
(H.M.S.  Young  Hele)  were,  when  tried  at  Macao,  found  not 
guilty  in  the  suit  (a  civil  one)  which  they  had  sought  to  post- 
pone by  coming  to  Hongkong.  A  similar  case  occurred  sooib 
after  (October  23,  184G),  when  some  Portuguese  slaves,  vainly 
supposing  that  British  Slavery  Acts  were  in  force  in  Hongkong 
(for  others  than  Chinese),  fled  to  the  Colony.  Their  masters,, 
however,  brought  against  them,  in  Macao,  a  charge  of  theft.. 
Although  there  was  no  extradition  treaty  to  rely  on,  the  MacaO' 
Governor  forthwith  requested  Sir  John  Davis  to  extradite  those 
slaves,  and  as  the  Magistrates  again  complied,  without  the 
formality  of  a  trial,  with  the  orders  of  the  Governor,  the  latter 
forthwith  informed  Senhor  Amaral,  that  the  slaves  were  in* 
custody  and  would  be  delivered  on  application.  Soon  after  this,, 
the  conflict  between  the  Governor  and  the  Chief  Justice  became 
more  pointed.  A  prominent  British  merchant  at  Canton, 
Mr.  Ch.  Sp.  Comptou,  happened  one  day  (July  4,  184<0  to- 
overturn  a  huckster's  stall,  obstructing  one  of  the  Factory  lanes, 
and  two  days  afterwards  he  pushed  a  coolie  out  of  his  way, 
telling  Consul  Macgi"egor,  who  was  close  by,  that  he  had  done- 
so.  On  July  8,  184G,  one  of  those  periodical  riots  occurred  for 
which  Canton  mobs  were  notorious.  Three  months  later, 
the  Consul  informed  Mr.  Compton  that  Sir  John  Davis,  as- 
Sui^erintendent  of  Trade,  had  (without  trial)  fined  him  £45  for 
upsetting  a  huckster's  stall,  intimating  that  this  circumstance- 
had  caused  the  riot  of  8th  Jul  v.  Further,  on  November  12, 
184(),  a  local  paper  published  a  dispatcth  by  Sir  J.  Davis  to 
Kiying,  in  which  Mr.  Compton  was  referred  to  as  'the  exciter 
of  the  riots.'  As  the  whole  European  community  of  Canton 
supported  Mr.  Compton  in  his  contention  that  the  Canton  riots 
had  no  connection  with  his  doings,  Mr.  Compton  appealed  to- 
the  Supreme  Court  against  Sir  John  Davis'  sentence.  Chief 
Justice  Hulrae  tried  the  case,  and,  on  giving  judgment  in  favour 
of  appellant,  pronounced  the  sentence  of  the  Consul  {i.p.  the 
decision  of  Sir  John  Davis)   as  '  unjust,  excessive  and  illegal " 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.   DAVIS.  231 

and  as 'evincinfi^  a  total  disregard  for  all  forms  of  law  and  for 
law   itself.'      Moreover,   the   Chief   Justice  added  that  'in  this 
first  Consular  appeal  (;ase  the  whole  proceedings  were  so  irregular 
as   to   render   all   that   occurred  a  perfect  nullity.'     The   whole 
British  community   applauded  this  decisiou,  but  the   Governor 
interpreted    it    as   a   personal   affront.     At   the   same   time   the 
differences    between    the    Chief    Justice    and    the    Magistrates 
became  accentuated.     On  October  27,   1840,  a  typical  case  was 
tried    in   the   Supreme   Court   and   attracted   general    attention. 
Two  Chinese  junks  had  collided   in   the    harbour,   and   as   the^ 
junk    which    was   manifestly    at   fault   attempted   to   sail   away,  I 
the   crew   of   the   injured   junk   fired   their    muskets   to   attract  ( 
attention.     A  police  boat,   supposing  the   runaway   junk   to   be  I 
a  pirate,  fired  into  her  and  in  the  melee  5  men  were  drowned/ 
and  13  captured.     The  Police  Magistiate,  dealing  with  the  easel 
in    his    usual    off-hand    manner,    flogged   the  13  men  and  then\ 
handed  them  over  to  the  Kowloon  Mandarin  to  be  further  dealt) 
with.     But  the  Coroner's  jury,  after  three   days'   investigation, 
returned    a    verdict    of  manslaughter    jigainst    the    Police    and 
(by  implication)  declared  the  innocence  of  the  13  men  who  had 
been  flogged  and   deported   by   the   IMagistrate.     The    Supreme 
Court  now  set  aside  the  verdict  on  the  ground  of  the  irregularity 
of  the  whole  proceedings,  the  prisoners  having   been  sworn  to 
the  truth  of  their  depositions,  thus  making  them  to  incriminate 
themselves.     The    community,    convinced    for   some   time   past 
that  a  reform  in  the  Police  Court  peisonnel  was  needed,  drew 
the  conclusion   that  ^lagistrates  should  have   a   legal   training. 
The  following  day   (October   28,   1840)  another  case,  heard  in 
the  Supreme  Court,  strongly  confirmed  them  in  this  conclusion. 
The   Magistrate   had    sentenced    nine    men    to    three    months* 
imprisonment  on  a  charge  of  intent  to  commit  a  felony,  but 
when,   on   appeal   to   the   Supreme   Court,  the  intent  of  felony 
was  clearly   disproved,   the   Magistrate   explained   to   the   Chief 
Justice  that  he,  in  reality,  had  sentenced  the  prisoners  under 
the    Vagrants'   Act    of    George    IV.       This    practice    of    the_j 
Magistrates  had  often  been   complained  of  by  the  public,  and 


232  CHAPTER   XIV. 

'the  Chief  Justice  now  severely  reprimanded  the  Magistrate  for 

sentencing    the    men    under    an    Act   which    had   locally    been 

superseded  by  Ordinance  14  of  1845  and  discharged  the  pi'isoners 

forthwith.     When,  some  time  later,  the  Chief  Justice  complained 

to  the  Governor  that  the  Magistrates  appeared  to  pass  sentenc.-e 

in  cases  which  ought  to  have  been  remitted   to   the   Supreme 

Court,  the  two  Magistrates  commenced  systematically  to  commit 

for  trial  at  the  Supreme  Court  the  most  trivial  offences.     This 

became   so   painfully   evident   during    the    criminal    session    of 

February,  14th  to  19th,  1847,  that  the  jurors  addressed  a  formal 

complaint  to  the  Court  of  bavins:  their  time   wasted   on   cases 

of   petty   larceny   which   ought   to   have   been    summarily  dealt 

with  by  the  Magistrates.      The  Chief  Justice  agreed  with  them 

and  addressed  the  Government   accordingly.      During  the  same 

sessions   it   was   stated   in   evidence   that   the    Police,    who  had 

i-efused  to  protect  a  citizen  against  an  assault  by  a  soldier,  had 

been  ordered  by  the  Government  not  to  interfere  with  soldiers, 

and  that  a  general  order  was  read  in  barracks  informing  the 

soldiers    of   the   instructions   given   to   the   Police.     The   Chief 

Justice,  commenting  adversely  on  this  point,  remarked  that  the 

general  order  referred  to  was  waste  paper,  as  only  an  Act  of 

Parliament  could  exempt  soldiers  from   being  amenable  to  the 

civil   authorities.     The   Adjutant   General   thereupon    wrote    to 

the  papers  denying  that  any  such  general  order  had  been  issued, 

but  the  truth   soon   leaked   out,   viz.   that,    what   the   evidence 

before   the   Couro   had   referred   to    as   a   general   order,    was  a 

speech  addressed  to  the  regiment  by  the  Major-General.     After 

this  the  relations  between  the  Governor  and  the  Chief  Justice 

became    marked    by    personalities.      On    April    16,    1847,   the 

Governor   had   an   altercation   w^th   the    Chief    Justice,   as   the 

former  claimed  the  right  to  fix  the  sittings  of  the  Yice-Admiralty 

Court  for  any  day  he  pleased,  and  as  the  latter  claimed  that 

he  should  be  addressed  as  His  Lordship,  which  title  the  Governor 

refused  to  allow.     It  was  stated  that  the  Governor  had  threatened 

the  Chief  Justice  with  suspension.     A  lull  now  ensued,  but  on 

November  22,  1847,  the  Chief  Justice  was  tried  by  the  Executive 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  DAVIS.  233 

'Council  on  certain  charo^es  of  private  misconduct  which,  it 
appeared,  Sir  John  Davis  had  detailed  in  a  confidential  com- 
munication to  Lord  Palmerston.  The  latter,  disre^ardino-  the 
private  character  of  the  document,  had  sent  it  to  the  Colonial 
Office,  which  forthwith  ordered  an  Executive  Council  inquiry 
into  the  charges  as  formulated  in  tlie  (xovernor's  original  letter. 
Major-General  D'Aguilar,  as  Lieutenant-Governor,  protested 
indignantly  against  the  whole  inquiry.  Two  members  of  the 
Council  (Major  Caine  and  Mr.  Johnston)  gave  evidence  in 
support  of  the  charges,  but  all  the  other  witnesses  exonerated 
the  Chief  Justice.  Nevertheless  the  Governor  in  Council 
pronounced  his  suspension  from  office.  The  moment  this  became 
known  in  town,  the  whole  British  community  (apart  from  the 
officials)  called  and  left  their  cards  at  the  Chief  Justice's  residence. 
Once  more,  as  in  the  registration  days,  a  unanimous  outcry 
of  indignation  was  raised  against  the  Government.  Three  days 
later,  the  local  solicitors  (N.  D'E.  Parker,  R.  Coley,  W.  Gaskell, 
P.  C.  McSwyney,  and  E.  Farncombe)  presented  to  the  Chief 
Justice  (November  25,  1817)  an  address  denouncing  the 
Governor's  action  as  an  'attack  of  enmity,'  and  a  gold  snuff- 
box bearing  the  inscription  iiidiguante  inviiUa  florehit  Justus. 
Later  on  (November  30,  1847)  the  community  presented  a 
sympathizing  address  signed  by  110  residents,  and  on  December 
2,  1847,  all  the  special  jurors  addressed  the  Chief  Justice, 
expressing  their  respect  for  his  character  and  their  sympathy 
and  regret  with  reference  to  his  suspension  and  temporary 
retirement.  By  this  time  the  Governor  had  already  sent  in 
his  resignation  and  the  dispatch  accepting  it  (dated  November 
18,  18-47)  was  then  on  its  way.  The  news  of  the  Governor's 
resignation  having  been  accepted  served  to  blunt  the  edge  of 
popular  excitement  and  the  Colonial  Office,  which  considered 
the  charges  not  proved,  immediately  removed  the  suspension 
and  reinstated  the  Chief  Justice. 

In  his  endeavours  to  improve  the  revenues  of  the  Colony, 
which  naturally  constitute  one  of  the  most  anxious  cares  of  a 
Colonial  Governor,  Sir  John  Davis  ran  counter  to  the  deepest 


234  CHAPTER   XIV. 

feeliug"S  and  most  inveterate  principles  of  the  mercantile 
community.  "Whilst  the  mercantile  community  contended  that 
Hongkong  was  simply  a  depot  for  the  neighbouring  coasts,  a 
mere  post  for  general  influence  and  for  the  protection  of  the 
general  trade  in  the  China  Seas,  benefitting  Imperial  rather 
than  local  interests,  and  that  therefore  Great  Britain  onght 
naturally  to  bear  the  greater  share  in  the  expenses  of  the  Colonial 
establishment,  Sir  John  Davis  acted  on  the  assumption  that 
Hongkong  was  a  Colony  in  the  ordinary  sense  and  should  not  only 
bear  the  whole  burden  of  its  own  civil  government  but  contribute 
also,  as  soon  as  possible,  towards  the  military  expenses  of  the 
Empire.  Whilst  the  merchants  therefore  still  looked  to  free 
trade  principles  to  further  the  growth  of  Hongkong,  Sir  John 
Davis  thought  only  of  license-fees,  farms  and  monopolies. 
Compromise  or  reconciliation  was  out  of  the  question.  Free 
trade  Avas  officially  derided,  and  protection  gained  the  ascendancy. 
On  the  day  when  Sir  John  announced  his  fatal  intention  of 
extending  registration  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  Colony  in 
the  interest  of  good  order  (July  24,  1844),  he  declared  alsa 
his  determination  to  establish  a  quarry  farm,  a  salt  farm  and 
an  opium  farm  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  and  on 
the  day  when  he  passed  his  obnoxious  Martial  Law  Ordinance 
(November  20,  1844),  he  launched  his  first  Revenue  Ordinance 
(No.  21  of  1844)  by  licensing  the  retail  of  salt  and  levying  a 
duty  of  2J  per  cent,  on  all  goods  sold  by  auction.  In  connection 
with  these  purposes  he  regulated  also  local  weights  and  meas'ires 
(No.  22  of  1844).  The  British  community  growled  at  the 
auction  duty  (though  on  January  15,  1845,  it  was  decided  to 
remit  it  in  certain  cases),  derided  the  salt  and  opium  farms, 
and  made  fun  of  the  tax  imposed  on  marriage  licenses,  coupling 
them  with  the  new  burial  and  tombstone  fees  (January  15,. 
1845).  The  quarry  farm  yielded  (September  1,  1845)  only 
£702.  When  the  Governor  (February  l^3  and  May  23,  1845), 
proceeded  to  introduce  police  rates  (Ordinance  2  of  1845) 
and  to  ascertain  the  rateable  value  of  all  house  property,  the- 
merchants  declared  the  ruin  of  Hongkong  to  be  complete  and 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.   DAVIS.  235' 

began  to  talk  seditiously  of  united  resistance.  So  p^reat  was 
the  popular  excitement  that  the  Governor  became  afraid  and 
announced  his  willinoness  to  reduce  tlie  assessment  made  bv 
the  two  official  valuators  (Tarrant  and  Pope)  by  40  per  cent. 
(July  14,  1845).  In  spite  of  this  concession  the  leading  paper 
of  the  Colony  declared  this  tax  to  be  a  most  tyrannical  and 
intolerable  encroachment  upon  the  rights  of  the  inhabitants, 
because  passed  by  a  Council  in  which  the  community  was  not 
represented.  However  the  Ordinance  received  Her  Majesty's 
consent  (December  25,  1845),  and  the  people  soon  learned  to 
submit  to  it  gracefully.  Xot  satisfied  with  the  financial  results  of 
these  measures.  Sir  John  added,  by  Ordinances  3  and  4  of  1845, 
duties  on  the  retail  of  tobacco  and  fermented  liquors  (July  7,, 
1845).  So  great  was  his  craving  for  monopolies  that  he  persisted 
in  farming  out  the  monopoly  of  fishing  in  Hongkong  waters, 
thouo-h  it  brought  in  onlv  17  shillinos  for  the  vear  1845.  His 
great  grief  and  trouble  was  '  the  total  absence  of  a  custom  house 
establishment '  in  the  free  port  of  Hongkong.  He  was  decidedly 
of  opinion  that,  as  most  of  the  available  spots  for  building 
purposes  had  already  been  disposed  of  (thanks  to  the  gambling 
mania  v/hich  his  pi'edecessor  and  himself  had  unconsciously 
fostered),  no  great  expansion  of  the  land  revenue  could  be  looked 
for  in  the  future.  Consequently  he  turned  his  attention  to 
licenses  and  excise  farms  and  among  these  he  commended  to- 
Her  Majesty's  Government  the  opium  farm  as  being  *  the  most 
productive  source  of  revenue  and  one  that  should  increase  with 
the  progress  of  the  place.' 

AVhen  the  Leoislative  Council  passed  the  first  Hongkong 
Opium  Ordinance  (November  20,  1844),  the  Colonial  Treasurer, 
R.  M.  Martin,  strong^ly  protested  against  this  Government 
measure  on  the  ground  that  private  vice  should  not  be  made  a 
source  of  public  revenue.  Finding  his  protest  disregarded,  he 
forthwith  applied  for  leave  of  absence.  When  this  application 
was  refused,  he  resigned  his  office  and  returned  to  England  (July 
12,  1845),  where  he  thenceforth  laboured,  with  a  pen  dipped  in 
gall,  to  prove  that  Hongkong,  whose  majestic  peak  he  compared* 


236  CHAPTER   XIV. 

wiuli  a  decayed  Stilton  clieese  and  whose  charming  surroundings 
he  likened  to  the  back  of  a  negro  streaked  with  leprosy,  was  an 
utter  failure,  and  that  the  Colony  ought  to  l)e  removed  to  Chusan. 

The  exclusive  privilege  of  selling  opium  in  quantities  less 
than  a  chest  for  consumption  in  the  Colony,  was  put  up  to 
auction  (February  20,  1844),  and  notwithstanding  the  machina- 
tions of  a  ring  of  Chinese  opium  dealers,  purchased  by  an 
Englishman  (G.  Duddell)  at  a  monthly  rental  of  §720.  But 
the  purchaser  soon  found  himself  outwitted  by  the  Chinese 
who,  taking  advantage  of  the  loose  wording  of  the  Ordinance, 
openly  retailed  opium  in  the  Colony  'for  exportation'  and  gained 
the  protection  of  the  Court  in  doing  so.  The  faulty  Ordinance 
was  thereupon  amended  (July  12,  184r>)  and  the  opium  farm 
put  up  to  auction  again  (August  1,  1845)  when  it  was  bought 
by  a  Chinese  syndicate  for  $1,710  a  month.  Next  year,  a 
re-sale  having  been  offered  (May  24,  184()),  fui-ther  powers 
were  demanded  by  the  farmers ;  the  monopoly  was  once  more 
offered  for  sale  (June  30,  1846),  but  no  bids  were  made  to 
obtain  further  concessions.  At  last  the  farm  was  sold  (July  2, 
1840)  at  the  reduced  rate  of  |1,5()0  a  month.  However,  it  soon 
became  apparent  that  the  powers  extorted  by  the  farmers,  who 
employed  constables  and  even  an  armed  cruizer  for  the  protection 
of  their  revenue,  seriously  interfered  with  the  legitimate  junk 
trade  and  the  freedom  of  the  port.  Even  the  Chinese  themselves 
13etitioned  the  Governor  (January  27,  1847)  for  the  abolition 
of  the  opium  monopoly.  The  Governor  hesitated  and  substituted 
licences  for  this  troublesome  opium  farm  (August  1,  1847) 
after  it  had  yielded  £4,118  in  1840,  and  £3,183  in  1847.  It 
is  remarkable  that  this  first  experiment  in  opium  farming  at 
once  brought  to  the  surface  the  evils  which  ever  afterwards 
characterized  the  system  in  Hongkong,  viz.  unscrupulous 
circumvention  of  the  law,  organized  withholding  of  a  just  rental 
and  vexatious  interference  with  the  native  trade  and  with  the 
freedom  of  the  port. 

The  revenues  of  the  Colony  improved  considerably   under 
the  Governor's  assiduous  care.     By   enforcing   the   recovery   of 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF   Sill   J.   DAVIS.  237 

an:eai"s  of  rent  on  land  and  bnildino^s,  the  income  of  the  Colony- 
was  raised,  at  a  bound,  from  £0,584  in  18-44:,  to  £22,242  in  1845. 
The  opium  farm  caused  the  revenue  of  184G  to  mount  up  to 
£27,842  and  by  charging  higher  fees  on  boat  registry  (Ordinance 
7  of  1846)  the  revenue  of  1847  came  to  £31,078.  On  the 
other  hand  the  attention  paid  to  public  works  caused  the 
expenditure  to  rise,  from  £49,901  in  1845,  to  £6G,72G  in  1846. 
But  it  was  reduced  again  in   1847   to  £50,959. 

What  assisted  the  Governor  in  his  efforts  to  improve  the 

finances  of  the  Colony,  in  spite  of  the  fearful  odds  that  were 

against  him,  was  the  fact  that,  though  the   foreign  trade  was- 

staonatinsr,  the  native  iunk  trade  held  its  own,  and   that  the 

population   of   the    Colony,   though   decimated   by   removals   ta 

the  Treaty  ports  of  China,  remained  for  several  years  wonderfully 

steady.       During    the    three    years    from    1845    to    1847,   the 

population   numbered   respectively    28,748,    22,453,   and   28,872 

souls.     In   the   year    1848,   tlie   population  was  indeed  reduced 

to  21,514  persons.     But  the  Governor  attributed  this  decrease,. 

not  to  the  alleged  decay  of  local  commerce,  but  to  a  more  careful 

registration  '  which,  while  giving  a  truer  account  of  the  actual 

number,   relieved   the   Colony   from   those   who   hung  loose   on 

and  only  applied  for  registration  tickets  to  make  a  bad  use 

of  them.' 

In  his  efforts  to  repress  crime.  Sir  J.  Davis  found  himself 
handicapped,  like  every  successive  Governor  of  Hongkong,  by  the 
continuous  influx  of  criminals  from  the  neighbouring  mainland 
of  China,  by  the  untrustworthiness  and  inactivity  of  native 
constables,  by  the  dissolute  character  of  European  sailors  or 
soldiers  enlisted  in  the  local  Police  Force,  who  were  ignorant 
of  the  native  language  and  consequently  dependent  on  truculent 
native  interpreters,  by  the  costliness  of  importing  trained  British 
constables,  and  finally  by  the  inherent  inapplicability  to  Asiatics 
of  British  laws  and  British  modes  of  punishment.  Sir  J.  Davis 
was,  however,  fortunate  in  obtaining  (September  6,  1844),  from 
London,  the  services  of  an  Inspector  of  the  Metropolitan  Police,  n 
Ch.  May,  who  did  the  best  possible  with  the  imperfect  material: 


238  CHAPTER    XIV. 

supplied  to  him  and  reorganized  the  Police  Force  of  Hongkong 
on  the  model  of  the  Irish  Constabulary  with  due  adaptations  to 
local  circumstances.  With  the  aim  of  suppressing  the  system 
of  private  night-watchmen,  kept  by  every  European  house-owner 
on  the  model  of  the  old  practice  in  vogue  in  the  Canton  and 
Macao  days,  Major-General  D'Aguilar  (acting  as  Lieutenant- 
Governoi'  in  the  temporary  absence  of  Sir  J.  Davis)  passed 
(September  11,  1844)  the  unpopular  'Bamboo  Ordinance* 
{17  of  1844)  prohibiting  the  use  of  the  bamboo-drums  by  which 
those  watchmen  used  to  make  night  hideous  in  order  to  prove 
{not  merely  to  their  employers  as  the  Ordinance  alleged)  that 
they  were  on  the  alert.  But  whilst  securing  by  this  premature 
measure  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  town  during  the  night,  he 
rather  encouraged,  in  the  absence  of  an  efficient  Police  Force, 
nightly  depredations  by  native  burglars. 

Highway  robberies  and  burglaries  continued  to  be  of  almost 
daily  occurrence.  Government  House  was  once  more  robbed 
(July  IG,  1844)  and  some  of  the  Governor's  valuables  carried 
off.  No  house  in  the  Colony  was  safe  without  armed  watchmen 
and  no  one  ventured  out  after  dark  except  revolver  in  hand. 
The  Police  Magistrate  issued  (August  '25,  184G)  a  notice  warning 
residents  '  not  to  go  beyond  the  limits  of  the  town  singly  nor 
even  in  parties  unless  armed.'  In  1847  European  householders 
were  ordered  to  supplement  the  imperfect  street-lighting  system 
by  suspending  lamps  before  the  doors  of  their  houses.  The 
Police  Force  possessed  as  yet  neither  the  training  nor  the  moral 
tone  that  w^ould  have  inspired  the  community  with  confidence 
and  prevented  collusion  between  native  constables  and  criminals. 
As  to  the  latter  it  seemed  as  if  English  law,  though  ever  so 
severely  administered,  was  unable  to  provide  penalties  sufficiently 
deterrent.  Flogging  was  indeed  resorted  to  very  freely  and 
even  for  comparatively  shadowy  offences  such  as  vagrancy.  The 
House  of  Commons  occupied  itself,  rather  needlessly,  with  this 
point  (in  autumn,  1846)  at  the  motion  of  Dr.  Bowring,  the 
Member  for  Bolton,  who  drew  the  attention  of  the  Ministry 
to  the  allegation  that  54  natives  had  been  floofo^ed  in  Honokong: 


'oo 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.    DAVIS.  239 

in  one  day  for  not  having  tickets  of  registration.  The 
•consequence  was  that  the  criminals  of  Hongkong  had  an  easier 
time  for  a  few  months,  as  public  flogging  was  suspended  from 
January  23  to  May  8,  1847. 

The  most  predominant  form  of  crime  at  this  period  was 
piracy.  The  whole  coast-line  of  the  Canton  and  Fohkien 
provinces  was  virtually  under  the  control  of  a  pii-atical 
-confederacy  under  the  leadership  of  Cheung  Shap-ng-tsai  and 
Chui  A-pou,  to  whom  trading  and  fishing  junks  had  to  pay 
regular  black-mail.  The  waters  of  the  Colony  swarmed  with 
pirates,  and  Hongkong-registered  junks  were,  on  escaping  the 
pirates  and  entering  the  Canton  River,  subjected  to  all  sorts 
of  lawless  plunderings  on  the  part  of  the  crews  of  the  gunboats 
under  the  orders  of  the  Canton  revenue  farmers.  Hence 
the  peaceful  trading  junk  of  this  period  had  to  sail  heavily 
armed,  so  much  so  that  there  was  frequently  nothing  but 
the  cargo  to  distinguish  a  trading  junk  from  a  pirate.  The 
worst  feature  of  the  case  was  the  fact  that  lawless  European 
•seamen  occasionally  enlisted  in  the  service  of  the  native  pirates 
and  that  the  leaders  of  piratical  fleets  made  Hongkong  their 
headquarters,  where  native  marine-storekeepers  not  only  supplied 
them  with  arms  and  ammunition  and  disposed  of  their  booty, 
but  famished  them  also,  through  well-paid  spies  in  mercantile 
offices  and  Government  departments,  with  information  as  to  the 
shipments  of  valuable  cargo  and  particularly  as  to  the  movements 
of  the  Police  anl  of  British  gunboats.  A  Colonial  gunboat, 
manned  by  the  Police,  was  procured  (June  5,  1846)  to  cruize 
in  the  watei'S  of  the  Colony  and  did  some  little  service  until 
the  vessel  was  wrecked  (September  1,  1848).  Deportation  of 
convicted  criminals  inspired  the  Chinese  with  no  terror,  as  it 
offered  innumerable  chances  of  eventual  escape.  The  last  convict 
ship  of  this  period,  the  '  General  Wood,'  which  sailel  for  Penang 
on  January  2,  1848,  was  piratically  taken  possession  of  by 
the  convicts  most  of   whom  made  gool  their  escape. 

The  European  commerce  of  the  Colony  appeared  to  decline 
or  to  stagnate  during  this  administration.     Tl:e  trade  in  Indian 


240  CHAPTER   XIV. 

opium,   driven   away   from   Hongkong  by  the  measures  of   Sir 
H.  Pottinger,  was  for  some  time  conducted  at  Whampoa  and,, 
on  being  forced  away  thence,  by  a  crusade  instituted  through 
the  Canton  Consuls  at  the  instance  of  the  Canton  monopoHsts  of 
the  sulphur  trade,  took  refuge  at  Kapsingmoon  near  Macao.     The 
Kapsingmoon  anchorage  being  unsafe  during  the  X.E.  monsoon, 
the    Hongkong  merchants  were   hoping   to   procure   the   return 
of  the  trade  to  their  port,  when  the  establishment  of  an  opium 
farm  by   Sir  J.    Davis   frustrated   their   design.     Arrangements 
had  been  made  by   some   merchants   to   introduce  silk-weaving 
establishments  into  the  Colony,  but  the  scheme  was  abandoned 
in  despair  "when  it  became   apparent   that   the   Governor,   with 
his  passion  for  fiscal  exactions,  would  certainly  tax  the  looms. 
Competition  and  trade  rivalries,  between  the  merchants  estab- 
lished  in   the   Treaty  ports  of  China  and  those  who  remained 
at  Hongkong,  became  intensified  by  bitter  feelings  of  jealousy.. 
It  was  publicly  stated  (August  1,  1846)   that  Canton  merchants 
had   been   for   some   time   instructing    their    correspondents    in 
England  to  stipulate  that  vessels  by  which  they  shipped  goods  for 
the  different  Treaty  ports  of  China  should  first  come  to  Whampoa 
and    there    discharge    goods   for    Canton   before   proceeding   to 
Hongkong.     In  retaliation  for  this  measure,  and  in  their  despair- 
at    seeing    free    trade    principles    overwhelmed    by   a   flood   of 
Government  monopolies,  Hongkong  merchants   now   broke   faith 
with  the  established  free  trade  creed  of  their  predecessors  and 
began   themselves   to    look    out    for   protectionist    measures    to 
re-establish  the  decaying  commerce  of  the  Colony.     Free  trade 
was  now  looked  upon  as  a  bright  dream  of  the   past,   and   it 
was  seriously  proposed  to  agitate,  as  Captain   Elliot  had  done 
in  June    1841,   for  an   xVct   of  Parliament   declaring   that   for 
ten  years  all  teas  shipped  at  Hongkong  would  be  protected  in 
Great  Britain  by  a  differential  duty  of   one  penny  per  pound 
on  congous  and  twopence  on  the  finer  sorts.     This  scheme  was 
urged   upon   the   Secretary   of   State   by    Hongkong    merchants' 
residing  in  London,  and  several  letters  appeared  in  the  Times 
(December   9   and   24,    1846)   advocating   the   imposition  of  a- 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.   DA.VI8.  241 

differential  duty  of  twoixjnce  farthing  on  all  teas  shipped  at 
Hongkong.  The  sinister  expectation  of  the  promoters  of  this- 
measure  avowedly  was  that  'the  death-blow  would  be  struck 
to  the  trade  of  Canton '  (and  Foochow).  Of  course  this- 
fratricidal  plan  of  reviving  the  commerce  of  Hongkong  by 
kiiling  that  of  Canton  (or  any  other  Treaty  port)  had  no  chance 
of  even  a  hearing  in  a  Parliament  the  previously  divided  counsels 
of  which  had  just  converged  towards  the  adoption,  from  a 
conscientious  recognition  of  economic  truths,  of  positive  free 
trade  principles  by  the  abrogation  of  the  corn  laws  (June  25, 
1846).  Lord  Stanley  emphatically  refused  (September  4,  1846) 
to  entertain  the  proposal  of  a  differential  duty.  x\s  a  last  refuge, 
the  community  addressed  (February  27,  1848)  a  Memorial  to 
Earl  Grey  praying  for  a  reduction  or  abolition  of  the  land  rent. 
They  were  informed  in  reply  (July  17,  1848)  that  Earl  Grey 
was  wilUng  to  extend  the  terms  of  the  leases  or  even  to  grant 
them  in  perpetuity. 

The  fact  of  a  serious  decline  having  overtaken  the  European 
commerce  of  Hongkong  gradually  forced  itself  upon  public 
recognition  and  Avas  interpreted  by  extremists  to  involve  the 
Colony  in  absolute  ruin.  On  August  13,  1845,  all  the  leading- 
British  firms  (^^1  in  number)  memorialized  Lord  Stanley  on 
the  subject.  Sir  J.  Davis  viewed  their  statements  as  gros& 
exaggerations  and  replied  by  a  series  of  arguments  propounded 
by  the  Acting  Colonial  Secretary  (W.  Caine).  Thereupon  a 
deputation  (A.  Matheson,  G.  T.  Braine,  Gilbert  Smith,  and 
Crawford  Kerr)  presented  (August  29,  1845)  a  second  Memorial, 
in  the  course  of  which  they  stated  that  '  Hongkong  has  no 
trade  at  all  and  is  the  mere  place  of  residence  of  Government 
and  its  officers  with  a  few  British  merchants  and  a  very  scanty 
and  poor  population.'  The  Governor  remained  unconvinced, 
and  later  on  (January  6,  1846)  published  an  exhaustive  trade 
report  from  the  pen  of  Dr.  Giitzlaff,  intended  to  refute  the 
allegations  of  the  local  merchants,  who,  however,  disputed  the 
correctness  of  Dr.  Giitzlaff 's  statistics.  This  official  report 
contains  a  rather   remarkable   admission   of  the  failure  of  Sir 

i6 


;242  .  CHAPTER   XIV. 

H.  Pottinger's  commcrci:il  polic-y,  in  statinc?  thab  'in  spite  of 
the  discouragement  afforded  by  the  Supplementary  Treaty,  the 
Chinese  trade  appears  to  be  rather  on  the  increase.'  The  dispute 
was  continued  in  the  liome  papers  and  on  April  0,  1846,  the 
Times  gave  expression  to  the  melancholy  views  of  the  European 
community  in  the  following:  words.  '  Hongkong  has  quite  lost 
caste  as  a  place  for  mercantile  operations.  Many  of  the 
merchants  have  already  abandoned  the  Island.  Since  the 
beginning  of  the  present  year  two  firms  have  given  up  their 
•establishments,  two  more  of  old  standing  have  expressed  their 
determination  to  quit  the  Colony,  and  two  others  are  hesitating 
^bout  following  their  example  or  at  most  of  leaving  a  clerk 
in  possession  to  forward  goods  or  letters.'  The  climax  was 
reached  when  an  American  contributor  to  the  Economist  (August 
8,  184G)  incisively  declared  that  'Hongkong  is  nothing  now 
but  a  depot/  for  a  few  opium  smugglers,  soldiers,  officers  and  men- 
of-war's  men.'  These  sensational  statements,  however,  represented 
merely  the  feelings  of  disappointment  aroused  by  a  natural  bub 
unusually  prolonged  period  of  depression  consequent  upon 
previous  unnatural  inflation.  While  friends  and  foes  of  the 
Colony  debated  the  extent  and  causes  of  its  ruin,  Hongkong 
itself  stood  smiling  like  Patience  on  a  monument  bearing  the 
bold  legend  '  lieswr/am.' 

As  regards  tlie  native  trade  of  Hongkong,  there  were 
<listi net  signs  visible  in  1840  of  a  speedy  revival.  Junks  from 
Pakhoi,  Hoihow  and  Tinpak,  in  the  south-west,  commenced 
in  1840  a  prosperous  trade  with  Hongkong.  The  fact  that  the 
Chinese  Mandarins  dared  not,  or  on  account  of  the  piratical 
fleets  could  not,  stop  this  trade,  combined  with  the  rising  faith 
in  the  power  of  Great  Britain,  prod'uced  by  the  repeated 
humiliations  which  Sir  J.  Davis  had  inflicted  on  Kiying,  now 
gave  currency  to  the  belief  thab  Chinese  merchants  residing  iu 
Hongkong  need  not  confine  their  operations  (by  nipans  of  native 
junks)  to  the  Treaty  ports  of  China.  Thenceforth  Chinese 
subjects  established  in  the  Colony  rejoiced  in,  and  commercially 
took  all  the  advantages  of,  the  double  status  of  residing  under 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  DAVIS.  243 

British  rule  and  protection  without  forfeiting  their  privileges 
4is  natives  of  China.  Canton  native  merchants  now  took  to 
visiting  the  auction  rooms  of  Hongkong  and  began,  for  fear 
of  pirates,  to  charter  small  European  sailing  vessels  (mostly 
<Terman  or  Danish)  for  the  carrying  on  of  their  own  coasting 
trade  with  the  Treaty  ports  on  the  east  coast.  Fleets  of  Chinese 
trading  junks  also  occasionally  engaged  small  English  steamers 
••to  convoy  them  as  a  protection  against  pirates.  Thus  the 
•reviving  native  trade  reacted  as  a  fillip  upon  the  stagnating 
European  commerce  of  the  Colony. 

Communication  with  Canton  was  at  this   period   a  source 

'Of  much  trouble  to  British  merchants.     Endeavours  which  had 

been  made,  by  Mr.  Donald  Matheson  in  1845  and  by  Mr.  A. 

^Campbell  in  1847,  to  persuade  the  directors  of  the  Peninsular 

and    Oriental    Steam    Navigation    Company    to    connect    their 

monthly   mail   steamers   to    Hongkong   by   a   branch   line   with 

-Canton,  failed  to  have  any  effect  till  the  close  of  the  year  1848, 

when   it   was   too   late.     Meanwhile   some   sixty  merchants  had 

made   an  arrangement  with  the  owners  of  the  S.S.  Corsair  to 

•carry  their  mails  to  Canton  for   a  monthly   subsidy   of   £150. 

In  1847  the  Postmaster  insisted  on  the  steamer's  carrvino^  '  and 

delivering'   Post   Office   letters  for   (Canton    at   twopence    each. 

AVhen  the  captain  of  the  Cormir  refused  to  deliver  the  letters 

to  the  addressees  on  the  ground  that  there  Avas  no  Post  Office 

in  Canton,  Sir  J.  Davis  ordered  legal  proceedings  to  be  instituted, 

-which  resulted   (February  23,  1847)  in  the  infliction  of  a  fine  of 

£100.      Although  the  verdict  (based  on  an  Imperial   Act)  was 

-accompanied  by  a  recommendation  that  the  fine  be  remitted,  the 

Governor  declined  to  exercise  his  prerogative  in  the  case.     The 

British  community,  feeling  themselves  once  more  sorely  aggrieved, 

addressed  their  complaints  to  the  Postmaster  General  in  London, 

and  resolved  to   help   themselves   by   establishing  a  Hongkong 

and  Canton  Steamboat  Company  as  a  joint-stock  enterprise. 

Sir  J.  Davis  boldly  attempted  to  reform  the  currency  of 
the  Colony  without  consulting  the  mercantile  community.  Sir 
H.  Pottinger  had,  as  mentioned  above,  fixed  the  value  of  the  East 


I 


.244  CHAPTER  XIV. 

India  Company's  rupees  in  relation  to  dollars  and  cash  (March 
29,  1842)  and  declared  the  dollar  to  be  the  standard  medium 
in  commercial  transactions  unless  it  were  otherwise  specified 
(April  27,  1842).  Sir  J.  Davis  now  issued  a  proclamation  (May 
1,  1845)  which  cancelled  the  foregoing-  proclamations  and 
ordained  that  the  following  coins  should  thenceforth  constitute 
ii  legal  tender  of  payment  in  Hongkong,  viz.  (1)  the  gold,  silver 
and  copper  coins  of  the  United  Kingdom,  (2)  gold  mohur  at 
2i)s.  2d.,  (o)  Spanish,  Mexican  or  South- American  dollars  at 
4s.  2d.,  (4)  rupees  at  Is.  10^?.,  (5)  cash  at  the  rate  of  280  cash 
to  one  shilling.  This  attempt  to  establish  a  uniform  gold 
standard  in  Hongkong  was  received  by  the  community  with 
blank  astonishment.  But  it  did  not  atfect  trade  in  any  way, 
because  there  was  no  demand  for  gold,  whilst  silver,  coined  and 
uncoined,  passed  current  in  the  Colony  by  weight.  Consequently 
Indian  and  British  silver  coins  were,  irrespective  of  their  Sterling- 
value,  taken  weight  for  weight  with  old  chopped  dollars.  But 
the  proclamation  did  affect  official  salaries  and  payments  to 
Government.  An  attempt  Avas  also  made  in  184G  to  introduce 
a  sufficient  quantity  of  British  coins  to  compete  with  Mexican 
and  Spanish  dollars.  At  the  close  of  the  year,  the  Deputy- 
Commissary  General  presented  to  the  Governor  a  very  favourable 
report  on  the  British  coin  sent  out  by  the  Treasury.  He 
stated  that  it  had  proved  extremely  useful  for  small  payments, 
that  even  the  Chinese  brought  dollars  to  l)e  exchano-ed  for 
Sterling,  and  that  he  had  applied  for  more  to  be  sent  out  to 
the  amount  of  £10,000.  Subsequent  experience,  however, 
contradicted  the  hopes  entertained  as  to  the  success  of  a  British 
currency  in  China  and  the  dollar  continued  to  reign  supreme. 
Among  the  more  hopeful  symptoms  of  local  commerce  at 
this  period  may  be  mentioned  the  establishment  (in  April,  1845) 
of  a  branch  of  the  Oriental  Bank  Corporation,  which  put  in 
circulation  in  1847,  though  as  yet  unchartered,  over  ^50,000 
worth  of  bank-notes,  to  the  great  relief  of  local  trade.  The 
appointment  of  three  Consular  officers  is  another  noteworthy 
feature.     Mr.  F.  T.  Bush  acted  (since  November  12,   1845)  as- 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  DAVIS.  245 

-Consul  for  the  United  States,  Mr.  J.  Bard  (since  March  11' 
18-1:7)  as  Consul  for  Denmark,  and  Mr.  F.  J.  de  Paiva  (since 
^larch   12,   1847)   as  Consul  for  Portucjal. 

In  the  interest  of  sanitation,  an  Ordinance  was  passed  (De-  // 
-ceinber  20,  184,"))  enforcing  a  modicum  of  order  and  cUianh'ness. 
'The  deadly  Wongnaichun^-  Valley  (Happy  A^alley)  was  drained 
(April  23,  1845)  and  the  cultivation  of  rice  there  forbidden. 
Otherwise  sanitation  and  cleanliness  were  left  to  take  care  of 
themselves.  The  period  of  Sir  J.  Davis'  administration  stands 
out,  however,  very  favourably  so  far  as  mortality  returns  are 
ooncerned.  The  Colonial  Surgeon,  Dr.  ^Y.  Morrison,  who 
succeeded  Dr.  Peter  Young  on  Xovember  15,  1847,  gave  the 
death  r^te  of  the  whole  population  in  1847  as  1*14  per  cent, 
and  that  of  the  Europeans  alone  (June  1,  1847,  to  ^lay  31,  1848) 
at  5*G5  per  cent.,  not  including  deaths  from  accidents  which 
brought  up  the  mortality  of  Europeans  to  0*25  ]3er  cent. 
Compared  with  1843,  when  the  return  gave  the  European 
mortality  as  22*00  per  cent.,  this  was  of  course  a  great 
improvement.  Fever  was  the  most  fatal  malady  in  1844  and 
dysentery  in  1845.  Among  the  European  troops  the  improvement 
was,  thanks  to  the  new  Barracks  and  Hospitals,  the  erection 
of  which  General  D'Aguilar  ordered  on  his  own  responsibility, 
oven  more  striking.  Jn  1843  the  death  rate  among  European' 
soldiers  was  22*20  and  in  1845  it  was  13*25  per  cent.  In  the 
year  1845  the  rate  "fell  to  8*50  and  in  1847  to  4*00  per  cent. 
Strange  to  say,  the  Indian  troops  suffered  during  this  period 
more  than  the  Europeans.  In  1847  the  deaths  among  the 
Madras  sepoys  amounted  to  9*25  per  cent.  It  may  be  mentioned, 
in  this  connection,  that  on  March  8,  1848,  the  first  surgical 
operation  performed  in  Hongkong  with  the  use  of  chloroform 
(by  Dr.  Harland  of  the  Seamen's  Hospital)  was  reported  as 
41  great  novelty. 

Sir  J.  Davis  was  the  first  Governor  of  Hongkong  that  took 

^i  lively  interest  in  the  promotion  of  both  religion  and  education. 

To  promote  the  better  observance  of  Sunday,  he  issued  (June  28, 

1844)   a   notification   ordering  strict  observation  of   a   Sunday 


i 


246  CHAPTER  XIV. 

rest  to  be  included  in  all  contracts  for  public  works.  This 
reg-ulation,  enforcing  entire  cessation  of  labour  on  Sundays  so- 
far  as  the  Public  AVorks  Department  was  concerned,  received 
the  full  approval  of  the  Colonial  Office  (October  8,  1844).  Sir 
John  was  also  supposed  to  be  engriged  in  wringing  from  an 
unwilling  Home  Government  their  consent  to  the  early  erection  of 
the  Colonial  Church.  Yet  building  operations  were  unaccountably 
delayed  from  October,  1843,  to  October,  184G.  Great  Avas, 
therefoi'e,  the  indignation  felt  in  Hongkong  when  it  became 
known,  through  a  private  letter  of  Mr.  Gladstone  (of  June  27,. 
184()),  that  Hhe  cause  of  the  delay  in  tlie  erection  of  a  suitable 
Chur(;h  at  Hongkong  has  been  the  want  of  any  estimate 
transmitted  from  the  Colony,  for  without  this  preliminary  step 
the  Treasury  will  not  grant  the  public  money.'  It  was  not 
till  March  11,  1847,  that,  as  stated  in  a  pompous  Latin 
inscription  on  a  brass  plate  inserted  in  the  foundation  stone, 
'The  corner  stone  of  this  Church,  dedicated  to  St.  John  the 
Evangelist,  and  destined  for  the  woi'ship  of  Almighty  God,, 
was  laid  by  Lord  J.  F.  Davis,  Baronet,  a  Legate  of  the  British 
Queen  in  China  and  bedecked  with  proconsular  dignity,  on  the 
fifth  day  of  the  Ides  of  March  in  the  tenth  year  of  Queen 
Victoria,  A.D.  1847.'  At  a  meeting  of  contributors  to  the 
Colonial  Church  fund  (April  12,  1847)  an  additional  subscription 
was  raised  bringing  up  the  fund  to  £1,888  and  Government 
now  doubled  this  sum.  Two  Trustees  (Wilkinson  Dent  and 
T.  D.  Neave)  were  elected  by  the  subscribers,  and  four  others  by 
the  Government.  During  the  progress  of  the  building,  services 
were  held  at  the  present  Court  House  opposite  the  Club.  A 
Union  Chapel,  in  connection  with  the  London  Mission,  and 
intended  for  services  in  the  English  and  Chinese  languages,. 
was  built  in  the  present  Hollywood  Road,  in  spring  1845,  by 
means  of  a  public  subscription  raised  (September  1),  1844)  by  Dr. 
Legge.  In  1847  and  1848  meetings  for  Presbyterian  worshij> 
were  held  every  Sunday  in  a  bungalow  immediately  behind  the 
present  Club  House.  A  mortuary  cha])el  was  erected,  in  1845, 
in  the  new  cemetery  in  the  Happy  A^alley. 


THE   A[)MINISTUATION   OF   SIR   J.   DAVIS.  247 

Iq  addition  to  the  three  Aiio:Io-Chiiicse  Schools  (the  Morrison 
Institution  on  Morrison  Hill,  the  Anglo-Chinese  College  of  the 
London  Mission  and  St.  Paul's  College)  started  under  the 
preceding  admiuistratiou,  a  number  of  smaller  Schools  was 
established  under  the  fostering"  care  of  Sir  J.  Davis.  An  '  English 
Children's  School'  was  opened,  in  1845,  by  the  Colonial  Chaplain 
(V.  Stanton),  and  in  emulation  of  it  the  Propaganda  Society 
started  at  once  a  similar  School  for  Roman  Catholic  children, 
which  was,  however,  discontinued  in  1847.  For  the  benefit 
of  the  Chinese  population,  which  had  at  this  period  nine 
Confucian  Schools  at  work,  the  Governor  devised,  early  in  1847, 
in  imitation  of  the  English  religious  education  grants  then  hotly 
discussed  in  Parliament,  a  Government  Grant-in- Aid  Scheme 
to  provide  non-compulsory  religious  education  in  Chinese  Schools 
under  the  direction  of  an  Educational  Committee  (gazetted  on 
December  6,  1847),  consisting  of  the  Police  Magistrate,  the 
Colonial  Chaplain  and  the  Registrar  General.  That  Sir  J.  Davis 
was  to  some  extent  a  religious  visionary,  may  be  inferred  from 
a  dispatch  (March  13,  1847)  in  which  he  commended  his  scheme 
to  the  Colonial  Office  by  saying  that,  '  If  these  Schools  were 
eventually  placed  in  charge  of  native  Christian  teachers,  bred 
up  by  the  Protestant  Missionaries,  it  would  afford  the  most 
rational  prospect  of  converting  the  native  population  of  the 
Island.'     Sanr.ta  smplin'fas! 

The  social  and  general  progress  of  the  Colony  during  this 
period  centf^red  principally  in  the  year  1845.  The  erection  in 
1844  of  the  Seamen's  Hospital  (September  30,  1844)  and  the 
formation  of  an  Amateur  Dramatic  Corps  (December  J  8,  1844) 
were  succeeded  bv  the  following  events  of  the  fruitful  veai* 
1845,  viz.  the  first  issue  of  the  China  Mail  newspaper  (February 
20),  the  completion  of  a  carriage  road  round  the  Happy  Valley 
(March  1),  establishment  of  an  Ice  House  Company  (April  17), 
building  of  a  Picnic  House  at  Little  Hongkong  (April  26), 
estabHshment  of  a  Medico-Chirurgical  Society  (May  13), 
organisation  of  Freemasonry  and  starting  of  Zetland  Lodge 
(June  18  and  December  8),  commencement  of  a  monthly  line 


248  CHAPTER   XIV. 

of  mail  steamers  by  the  Peninsular  &  Oriental  Steam  Navigation 
Company  (August  1)  and  completion  of  a  temporary  Government 
House  (November  1).  The  Hongkong  Club,  also  planned  in 
1845.  was  opened  on  May  2G,  184(),  in  a  stately  building  erected, 
•opposite  the  new  Court  House,  at  a  cost  of  £15,000  by 
<T.  Strachan  with  funds  provided  by  shareholders  who  appointed 
a  Board  of  Trustees  as  a  Standing  Committee  of  the  Chib. 
Resident  members  were  to  be  admitted  by  ballot  and  required 
to  pay  an  entrance  fee  (^30)  and  a  monthly  subscription  (^4). 
A  fund  for  tbe  relief  of  sick  and  destitute  foreigners  was 
established  by  a  public  meeting  (July  13,  184G)  which  passed 
the  remarkable  resolution  that  '  the  term  foreigner  shall  include 
natives  of  every  country  except  China.'  This  public  sanction 
of  the  local  use  of  the  word  foreif/ner  was  dictated  by  common 
sense  vieldino-  to  the  force  of  a  usasje  which  dated  from  the  time 
when  EngHshmen  were  residing,  as  foreigners,  in  Canton  and 
Macao.  Ac  a  meetino-  of  the  above-mentioned  Medical  Society 
(January  5,  1847),  it  was  proposed  to  estabh'sh  a  Philosophical 
Society  for  China,  and  this  proposal  resulted  in  the  organisation 
(January  15,  1847)  of  a  China  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society  in  Hongkong,  under  the  presidency  of  Sir  J.  Davis.  A 
public  subscription  was  started  (May  24,  1847)  for  the  relief 
of  destitution  in  Ireland  and  Scotland  and  realised  £1,000. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  184G  and  throughout  the  early 
])art  of  the  following  year,  dissensions  were  rife  among  the  officers 
•and  civil  employees  of  the  garrison.  Court-martials  were  frequent 
and  differences  arose  even  between  the  officers  constituting  the 
Court  and  Major-General  D'Aguilar.  Local  society,  centering 
still  in  the  grandees  of  the  mercantile  community,  took  a  lively 
interest  in  the  matter  adverse  to  the  General,  who,  as  he  resented 
the  criticisms  of  civilians,  was  at  this  time  as  much  detested 
by  the  community  as  the  Governor  himself.  But  the  animosities 
thus  aroused  speedily  died  away.  Before  the  close  of  the  year 
the  breach  was  healed.  The  ceremony  of  presenting  new  colours 
to  the  05th  Regiment  (February  17,  1848),  on  which  occasion 
the  General's  successor,  Mtijor-General   Staveley,  took  over  the 


UNIVERSITT 

THE   ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  J.  DAVIS.  249 

command  of  fclie  gfarrison,  was  a  sort  of  public  festival  of 
reconciliaiion  in  wbich  the  leading:  merchants  took  an  active 
part  bv  presenting  to  General  DWguilar  a  laudatory  address 
of  farewell.  Next  week  the  community  enthusiastically  took 
the  General  to  its  bosom  again,  by  a  stately  banquet  given 
in  his  honour  (February  24,  1848).  The  day  before  the  great 
reconciliation  scene,  the  leading  merchants  presented  also  a  public 
address  to  the  Senior  Naval  Officer,  Captain  MacQuhae,  on  his 
departure  from  the  station.  What  gave  a  piquant  zest  to  these 
demonstrations  of  popular  affection  for  the  departing  commanding 
officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  was  the  underlying  thought  of 
the  difference  with  which  the  Governor's  impending  departure 
was  to  be  treated  by  the  community. 

When  the  time  came  for  Sir  J.  Davis  to  embark  (March  30, 
1848)  on  his  homeward  voyage,  the  community,  with  stolid 
apathy,  watched  from  a  distance  the  salutes  fired,  the  faint 
cheer  of  a  few  devoted  friends,  the  yards  manned  by  the  mail 
steamer.  But  there  was  no  public  address,  no  banquet,  no 
popular  farewell.  The  leading  paper  of  the  Colony  gave  voice 
to  the  feelings  of  the  public  by  stating  that  Sir.  John  'was 
not  only  unpopular  from  his  official  acts  but  unfit  for  a  Colonial 
•Government  by  his  personal  demeanour  and  disposition,'  and, 
with  sarcastic  allusion  to  the  Governor's  fondness  for  the  Latin 
tongue,  closed  its  valedictory  oration  with  this  caustic  farewell, 
^  Exi^  mi  fill,  et  vide  quam  minima  sapient  la  mundus  hk  refjltur''  ! 

Conscious,  no  doubt,  of  having  manfully  and  patiently  done 
his  duty,  according  to  his  lights,  by  his  God  and  his  country, 
and  viewing  the  mercantile  community  as  blinded  by  prejudice 
and  passion.  Sir  J.  Davis  could  well  afford  to  smile  at  all  this 
badinage.  But  he  had  suffered  the  mortificatioji,  nearly  a  year 
before  his  return  to  England,  of  seeing  the  whole  of  his 
administrative  policy  inquired  into,  held  up  to  the  public 
gaze,  and  solemnly  condemned  by  higher  authorities  than  the 
Hongkong  merchants. 

A  Parliamentary  Committee  was  appointed  (in  March,  1847) 
to  inquire  into  British  commercial  relations  with  China.     Mr.. 


250  CHAPTER  XIV. 

R.  M.  Martin,  of  course,  came  once  more  to  the  front. 
According  to  him,  Sir  J.  Davis  erred,  first,  in  raising  undue 
expectations  of  the  future  of  Hongkong  by  assuring  Her 
Majesty's  Government  that  Hongkong  would  be  the  Carthage 
of  the  East,  that  its  population  would  equal  that  of  ancient 
Rome,  and  that  commercially  Hongkong  would  ultimately 
supersede  Canton.  He  further  erred,  according  to  Mr.  Martin, 
in  that  he,  having  raised  such  expectations,  endeavoured  by 
measures  forced  upon  the  Colony  to  fulfil  his  predictions.. 
'The  constant  endeavour  to  realize  those  expectations  led  to 
a  continued  system  of  taxation,  an  unfortunate  desire  for 
legislation,  and  an  unnecessarily  expensive  system  of  government. 
This  produced  irritation  on  the  part  of  the  merchants  who, 
smartinu'  under  their  losses,  felt  more  irritable  at  everv 
transaction ;  and  thus  there  has  been  produced  an  unfortunate 
state  of  feeling  between  the  community  and  the  Governor.* 
Mr.  Martin  thought  that  Sir  J.  Davis  would  have  exercised 
a  sound  discretion  if  he  had  represented  to  Her  Majesty's 
Government  that  it  was  not  possible  to  raise  a  revenue  without 
diminishing  the  commerce  or  injuring  the  merchants  in  their 
endeavours  to  make  the  place  more  available  for  trade. 

But  a  more  serious  and  weighty  condemnation  of  the^ 
policy  maintained  by  Sir  J.  Davis,  is  contained  in  the  evidence 
given  before  that  Select  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons 
and  particularly  in  the  final  report  of  the  Committee.  Whilst 
Mr.  Martin's  criticisms,  particularly  as  embodied  in  his  famous 
report  of  July  24,  1844,  were  too  sweeping  to  carry  conviction 
and  have  in  part  been  contradicted  by  the  events  of  history, 
the  evidence  given  by  Mr.  A.  Matheson,  whilst  freely  exposing^ 
the  evil  results  of  Sir  J.  Davis'  policy,  bore  the  stamp  of  a 
mature  and  sober  judgment,  and  contained,  moreover,  a  prophecy 
which  history  has  fulfilled.  '  The  whole  of  the  British  merchants,' 
said  Mr.  A.  Matheson  (May  4,  1847),  'would  abandon  Hongkong, 
were  it  not  for  the  very  large  sums  they  had  sunk  in  buildings 
in  the  early  days  of  the  Colony  and  which  they  were  reluctant 
to  abandon,   though  I  believe  doing  so  would  have  been   the 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.    DAVIS.  251 

wisest  course  and  will  certainly  be  the   course   adopted  unless 
under  a*  change  of  policy  the  prosperity   of  the  place  revives. . 
.  .  .     Let  perpetual  leases   be  granted   at   a   moderate   ground' 
rent  (say  £1*0  or  so  for  a  sea  frontage  lot  and  £2  for  a  suburban- 
lot)  and  let  the  revenue  thus  levied  be  applied  exclusively  to- 
the  maintenance  of  an  efficient  Police  Force,  leaving  the  other 
expenses  to  be  borne  by  the  nation,  and  I  feel  convinced  that 
in  the  coui'se  of  a  few  years   Hongkong  will  take  a  new  turn 
and   become  one   of  our   most   flourishing   as  well  as  valuable- 
possessions.' 

The  final  report  of  this  Parliamentary  Committee,  though 
not  mentioning  Sir  J.  Davis,  and  aiming  at  reform  rather  than 
criticism,  condemned  his  administrative  policy  in  toto.  *Iii 
addition  to  natural  and  necessary  disadvantages,  Hongkong 
appears  to  have  laboured  under  others,  created  by  a  system 
of  monopolies  and  farms  and  petty  regulations  peculiarly 
unsuited  to  its  position  and  prejudicial  to  its  progress.  These 
seem  to  have  arisen  partly  from  an  attempt  to  struggle  with 
the  difficulties  of  establishing  order  and  security  in  the  midst 
of  the  vagabond  and  piratical  population  which  frequent  its 
waters  and  infest  its  coasts;  and  partly  from  a  desire  to  raise 
a  revenue  in  the  Island  in  some  degree  adequate  to  the 
maintenance  of  its  civil  Government.  To  this  latter  object, 
however,  we  think  it  unwise  to  sacrifice  the  real  interests  of 
the  settlement,  which  can  only  prosper  under  the  greatest 
amount  of  freedom  of  intercourse  and  traffic  which  is  consistent 
with  the  engagements  of  treaties  and  internal  order;  nor  do- 
we  think  it  right  that  the  burden  of  maintaining  that  w4iich 
is  rather  a  post  for  general  influence  and  the  protection  of  the- 
general  trade  in  the  China  Seas  than  a  colony  in  the  ordinary 
sense,  should  be  thrown  in  any  gi'eat  degree  on  the  merchants 
or  other  persons  who  may  be  resident  upon  it.  To  the  revision 
of  the  whole  system  we  would  call  the  early  attention  of  the 
Government,  as  well  as  to  that  of  the  establishment  of  the- 
Settlement  which  we  cannot  but  think  has  been  placed  on  a 
footing   of   needless   expense.'      The   Committee   finally   pressed. 


252  CHAPTER  XIV. 

upon  tlie  Government  the  acceptance  of  the  followino^  positive 
recommendations,  viz.  (1)  that  regular  post-office  commniiication 
by  steamboats  be  established  from  Hongkong  to  Canton  and 
■northern  ports;  (2)  that  the  dependence  of  the  Governor  on 
both  the  Foreign  Office  and  the  Colonial  Office  be  simplified ; 
(3)  that  a  short  Code  of  Law  be  substituted  for  the  present 
system  of  general  references  to  the  laws  of  England  ;  (-4)  that 
draft  ordinances  and  regulations  be  published  for  three  or  six 
months  before  they  are  enacted ;  (5)  that  a  share  in  the 
administration  of  the  ordinary  and  local  affairs  of  the  Island 
be  given,  by  some  system  of  municipal  government,  to  the 
British  residents ;  and  (0)  that  facilities  be  given  in  Hongkong 
for  the  acquisition  of  the  Chinese  language  and  encouragement 
to  Schools  for  the  Chinese. 

Xo  one  ever  discerned  with  greater  clearness  Hongkong's  true 
path  to  higher  destinies,  than  this  Parliamentary  Committee. 

After  his  retirement  from  the  Governorship  of  Hongkong, 
Sir  John  Davis  was  honoured  by  being  appointed  a  Deputy- 
Lieutenant  of  Gloucestershire  (in  1852),  a  Knight  Commander 
of  the  Order  of  the  Bath  (June  14,  1854),  and  a  Doctor  of 
Civil  Law  of  Oxford  (June  21,  1876).  He  died  on  November 
13',  1890,  in  his  ninety-sixth  year,  full  of  days  and  rifXi  for 
glory. 


3-l-KE 


CHAPTER  XV. 


The  Admixistration  of  Sir  Sa3iuel  George  Boxham. 
.      March  20,  1848^  to  April  12,  1854. 

JOR  some  months  before  the  departure  of  Sir  J.  Davis,  the 
European  community  of  Hongkong-  looked  forward  to 
the  arrival  of  a  new  Governor  in  the  hojxi  that  he  would  abandon 
the  trade  restraining  system  of  monopolies,  and  revive  the  waning 
fortunes  of  the  Colony  by  carrying  into  effect  the  recommen- 
dations of  the  Parliamentary  Committee  of  18-47.  At  the  same 
time  the  Home  Authorities,  casting-  about  for  a  successor  to 
Sir  J.  Davis,  found  it  difficult  to  determine  what  sort  of  man 
would  be  suitable  for  such  a  trying  office,  the  more  so  as  public 
opinion  in  England  had  it  that  an  angel  for  a  Governor  would 
fail  to  give  satisfaction  in  Hongkong.  The  choice  of  Her 
Majesty's  Government  fell  eventually  on  Sir  Samuel  George 
Bonham,  C.B.  He  had  been  brought  up  in  the  service  of  the 
East  India  Company  which,  owing  to  the  variety  of  duties — 
financial,  judicial  and  executive — generally  thrown  upon  its  higher 
officers,  was  considered  an  excellent  training  school  for  a  difficult 
governorship.  Sir  George  Bonham  had  served  under  the  Colonial 
Office  for  nearly  ten  years  (1833  to  1842)  as  Governor  of  Prince 
of  Wales  Island  (now  included  in  Queensland),  Singapore  and 
Malacca  and  had  given  great  satisfaction.  Lord  Palmerston 
subsequently  stated  that  Sir  George's  '  practical  common  sense ' 
was  the  chief  c<iuse  of  his  appointment  to  the  governorship  of 
Hongkong. 

On  landing  at  Hongkong  (March  20,  1848),  Sir  G.  Bonham 
was  received  by  the  leaders  of  the  community  with  a  hearty  cheer. 
^exfc  day  he  took  with  due  solemnity  the  customary  oaths  on 
assuming  his  double  office  of  Chief-Superintendent  of  Trade  and 


254  CHAPTER  XV. 

H.  M.  Plenipotentiary  in  China,  and  as  Governor  and  Comman- 
der-in-chief of  the  Colony  of  Hongkong-  and  its  Dependencies 
and  Yice-Admiral  of  the  same.  His  commissions  and  letters 
patent  were  published  at  the  same  time  (March  21,  1848). 
Mr.  (subsequently  Sir)  Thomas  F.  AYade,  who  had  been  for 
some  time  Student-Interpreter  under  Dr.  Giitzlaff,  in  the 
Secretariate  of  the  Superintendency  of  Trade,  and  had  acted 
latterly  also  as  Assistant-Interpreter  in  the  Supreme  Court, 
was  appointed  Private  Secretary  to  the  Governor  (April  8, 
1848),  and  acted  thenceforth  as  the  Governor's  adviser  in  all 
'Chinese  matters. 

Like  his  predecessors,  Sir  G.  Bonham  had  to  leave  Hongkong 

^occasionally,  on  tours  of  inspection,  to  visit  the  Consular  Stations 

in    China,   and   on   several  occasions   his   diplomatic   duties   as 

H.  M.  Plenipotentiary  took  him  likewise  away  for  brief  intervals 

to   Macao,    Canton   or  Shanghai.     In  March,  1852,  he  left   on 

twelve  mouths'  leave  to  recruit  health  by  a   visit   to   England 

(on    which    occasion    the    community    presented    him    with    a 

laudatory   farewell  address)  but  was  back  again  at   his  jx)st  in 

February,  1853.     On  all  these  occasions  Sir  George  had  either 

Major-General  Staveley,  C.B.  (till  February  25,  1851)  or  Major- 

■General  Jervois,  K.G.  (from  February,  1851,  to  April,  1854)  to 

act  as  Lieutenant-Governors  in  his  place,  and  both  of  them  gave 

general  satisfaction  by  maintaining  Sir  George's  policy  during  his 

-absence.     Major-General  Jervois   particularly   endeared    himself 

to  the  hearts  of   all  residents  by   his   invariable   urbanity   and 

-cordial   hospitality   which   effectively   promoted   good  feeling  in 

Hongkong's  limited  society,   as   much  as   by  the  even  tenor  of 

.the  way  in  which  he  conducted  the  affaii's  of  the  Colony.     When 

he  left  Hongkong,  the  community  presented  him   (April  7,  1854) 

with  an  address  testifying  to  the  great  respect  and  esteem  in 

which  he  was  held.     During  Sir  G.  Bonham's  absence  in  1852, 

Dr.  Bowring,  then  H.M.  Consul  in  Canton,  came  down  (April 

14,  1852)  as  Sir  George's  locum  imens  in  the  Superintendency  of 

Trade   and  resided  at  Government   House   (until  February   IG, 

1853),  confining  himself,  however,  strictly  to  his  diplomatic  and 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  G.  BONHAM.  255 

•consular  duties,  while  Major-General   Jervois   administered   the 
government  of  the  Colony  as  Lieutenant-Governor. 

Throughout  the  six  years  of  his  tenure  of  office,  Sir  G. 
Bonham  maintained  friendly  relations  with  the  successive  Gover- 
nors of  Macao,  J.  M.  F.  d'Amiral  (until  August  22,  1849),  P.  A. 
•da  Cunha  (since  May  27,  1850),  S.  Cardazo  (since  January  21, 
1851),  and  T.  F.  Guimaraes  (since  November  18,  1851).  Nor 
were  these  amicable  relations  interrupted  even  by  that  plucky 
hntj  hasty  action  of  the  Senior  British  Xaval  Officer,  Captain 
H.  Keppel,  who  (June  7,  1849)  landed  at  Macao,  with  Captain 
Troubridge  and  115  men  of  H.]M.S.  Maeander,  and  rescued  from 
the  Portuguese  gaol-guard  a  British  prisoner  by  an  act  of  force 
which  unfortunately  involved  the  death  of  one  Portuguese  soldier 
;and  the  wounding  of  two  others.  The  prisoner  was  Mr.  J. 
Summers,  preceptor  of  St.  Paul's  College,  who  had  been  lodged, 
with  unreasonable  harshness,  in  the  common  jail  at  Macao  for 
not  taking  off  his  hat  at  the  passing  of  the  Corpus  C/iristl 
procession.  AVhen  Captain  Keppel  applied  for  the  prisoner's 
immediate  rendition,  Governor  Amiral  curtly  refused  it  because 
the  gallant  Captain  declined  to  ask  for  it  as  a  personal  favour. 
Captain  Keppel  fancied  that  his  forcible  interference  would  bo 
held  justifiable  on  the  ground  of  the  above-mentioned  Hongkong 
Ordinance,  which  included  Macao  in  the  dominions  of  the 
Emperor  of  China.  As  Governor  Bonham,  however,  took  a 
different  view  of  the  case,  and  induced  the  British  Admiralty  to 
grant  substantial  compensation  for  the  injuries  inflicted,  the 
relations  between  the  Governors  of  the  two  Colonies  continued 
unimpaired.  Great  troubles  came  over  that  unfortunate  settle- 
ment at  ^lacao  in  connection  with  the  anti-Chinese  policy  and 
•consequent  murder  of  Governor  Amiral  (August  22,  1849)  by 
hired  Chinese  assassins,  and  by  the  equally  sudden  death  through 
■cholera  (not  poison)  of  his  successor.  Commodore  da  Cunha 
(July  (;,  1850).  The  latter  had  just  arrived  from  Europe 
with  two  frigates,  demanding  of  the  Chinese  Government,  iis 
compensation  for  the  assassination  of  Governor  Amiral,  a 
j'ccognition   of   the   perfect   independence    of   Macao.      As    the 


256  CHAPTER   XV. 

Chinese  Authorities  stubbornly  resisted  these  claims,  and  nob 
only  incited  the  Chinese  residents  of  Macao  to  acts  of  treason,, 
but  commenced  measures  of  hostility,  many  European  and 
Chinese  merchants,  and  even  Portuguese  families,  removed  from 
Macao  and  settled  on  the  safer  shores  of  Hongkong. 

Sir  G.  Bonham  found  the  Cliinese  Government  as  oblivious 
of  Treaty  obligations  and  as  uncompromisingly  hostile  to   the 
essential  aims  of  British  commercial  policy  as  ever.     The  retro- 
grade policy  of  the  Emperor  Taokwang  and  his  successor  (since 
February  25,    1849)   Hien-fung  had   been  demonstrated  by  the 
degradation  of  every  Mandarin  that  had  had  anything  to  do  with 
the  Pottinger  Treaties.    No  one  was  now  in  favour  at  Peking  who 
did  not  distinguish  himself  by  marked  anti-foreign  proclivities. 
The  Imperial   Commissioner   Sen   Kwang-tsin,    the  successor  of 
Kiying  at  Canton,  persistently  sought  to  undermine 'the  position 
granted  by  the  Xanking  Treaty  by  bringing  foreign  trade  under 
the  old  restrictions  of  the  time  of  the  East  India  Company.     For 
this  purpose  he  set  to  work  quietly  to  force  one  after  the  other 
of  the  main  staples  of  foreign  trade  into  the  hands  of  responsible 
Chinese  monopolists.   A  United  States  Commissioner,  J.  W.  Davis, 
pHed  Sen  (Xovember  G,   J  818)  with  the  suavest   blandishments 
of  cute  diplomacy   but   met   only   with    discourtesy   and    blunt 
refusals  to  listen   to  anv  reasonin«:  whatever.     When  Governor 
Bonham  succeeded  in  wringing  from    Sen   a   reluctant   consent 
to  an  interview  (February  17,   1849)   on  board  H.M.S.  Hastimjs 
near   the   Bogue,   Sen    behaved    with   studied   sulkiness,   evaded 
all  serious  discussion  of  the  burning  question  of  the  promised 
opening    of    Canton    city,    and    declined    even    the   customary 
refreshments.     He  knew  that  Sir  George  was  not  in  a  position: 
to  enforce  the  fulfilment  of  the  promise  which  Sir  J.  Davis  had 
forcibly  extorted  from  Kiying  to  grant  foreign  merchants,  from 
after  April  C,  1849,  the  right  of  entering  Canton  city.     AVhen 
Sir    G.    Bonham    in    repeated    dispatches    insisted     upon    the 
immediate  opening  of  Canton  city,  Seu  fell  back  upon  Kiying's 
tactics  of  postponing  action  on  the  ground  that  at  the  present 
time  it  would  provoke  popular  disturbances.      Fortified  by  an 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF   SIR   G.  BONHAM.  257 

Imperial  Edict  he  finally  declared  (March  31,  1849)  the  opening- 
of  Canton  city  impossible  because  '  the  (Jliinese  Government 
cannot  thwart  the  inclinations  of  its  people.'  Sir  George's 
practical  common  sense  forbade,  under  present  circumstances, 
his  taking  the  bull  by  the  horns.  In  view  of  the  state  of  public 
feeling  in  England,  and  in  the  interest  of  the  general  commerce 
with  China,  he  deemed  it  prudent  to  abstain  from  using  the 
only  argument  that  would  have  made  an  impression  on  the 
Chinese  mind,  that  of  an  armed  demonstration.  Nor  did  ho 
shrink  from  making  a  public  confession  of  his  helplessness  by 
notifying  the  British  merchants  at  Canton  (April  2,  1849) 
that  'the  Chinese  Government  has  declined  to  carry  into  effect 
the  stipulation  entered  into  by  Kiying  on  April  0,  1847.'  Sir 
George  took,  however,  prompt  measures  to  afford  to  the  British 
community  at  Canton  all  possible  protection  in  the  event  of 
the  outbreak  of  those  disturbances  which  the  literati  of  Canton 
wantonly  threatened  but  wisely  refrained  from  in  the  presence 
of  a  British  gunboat.  That  Sir  G.  Bonham,  in  resorting  to 
the  waiting  game  he  played  in  this  case,  acted  upon  his  own 
convictions  and  not  merely  under  pressure  of  his  instructions, 
is  evident  from  the  fact  that  about  this  same  time   (April  20, 

1849)  Lord  Palmerston,  in  replying  to  a  Memorial  of  the 
Manchester  Chamber  of  Commerce  (of  October  12,  1848) 
concerning  the  unsatisfactory  position  of  trade  with  China, 
quoted  Sir  G.  I^onham  as  having  stated  that  '  it  is  necessary  to 
allow  time  to  work  an  improvement  in  China.' 

Nevertheless  Sir  George  did  not  rest  idly  on  his  diplomatic 
oars.  In  March,  1850,  he  protested  so  vigorously  against  an 
attempt  made  by  the  Hoppo  of  Canton  to  prevent  Hongkong 
river-steamers  carrying  Chinese  cargo  betw^een  Hongkong  and 
Canton,  that  the  Canton  Authorities  yielded  the  point.  But  as 
he  despaired  of  obtaining  any  radical  concessions  in  the  matter 
of  Treaty  rights  from  any  of  the  provincial  magnates,  Sir  George 
endeavoured  to  gain  for  his  representations  the  Imperial  ear 
and  proceeded   for    that    purpose   in   H.M.S.    Reynard   (June, 

1850)  to  the  Peiho  with  tl:e  intention  to  proceed  to  Tientsin 

I? 


258  CHAPTER   XV. 

tind  Peking.  Oircnmstance.s  however,  prevented  his  reaching 
Tientsin  and  compelled  him  to  rest  satisfied  with  the  forwarding 
of  a  dispntch  to  the  Emperor's  advisers  by  the  hands  of 
Mr.  Medhui'st.  Although  no  tangible  result  was  obtained, 
H.M.  Government  marked  their  sense  of  Sir  G.  Bonham's 
<liscreet  diploinac^y  by  promoting  him  (November  22,  l.SAO)  from 
the  third  to  the  second  rnnk  of  the  Order  of  the  Bath  (K.O.B.) 
and  bestowed  on  him  at  the  same  time  a  baronetcy. 

Thouoh  highly  thought  of,  Sir  G.  Bonham  was  not  always 
victorious  with  his  rep i-esentat ions  to  tlie  Foreign  OMce.  Being, 
like  most  common-sense  Europeans  in  China,  of  opinion  that 
the  close  attention  indispensable  foi'  a  successful  sr^udy  of  the 
Chinese  language  warps  the  mind  and  imbues  it  with  a  defective 
perception  of  the  common  things  of  real  life,  he  systematically 
promoted  men,  having  no  knowledge  of  Chinese,  over  the  heads 
of  interpreters  to  the  more  responsible  posts  of  Vice-Consul  or 
Oonsul.  But  when  he  did  this  in  the  case  of  Mr.  (subsequently 
Sir)  Harry  Parkes  in  Canton  (autumn,  isr)3),  there  ensued  what 
was  thenceforth  called  '  the  Battle  of  the  Interpreters.'  In  this 
battle  Sir  George  was  worsted.  Sir  Harrv  Parkes'  case  was 
indeel  an  exceptional  one.  He  had  just  gained  special  kudos 
iis  an  uncommonly  shrewd  man  by  his  pi'udent  dealing  with 
the  fracas  which  occurred  at  Canton  (March,  1853)  between 
the  European  residents  and  the  French  Minister  M.  de  Bourbillou 
over  the  erection  of  a  French  flagstaff  in  the^  garden  of  the 
factories.  On  appealing  therefore  against  Sir  G.  Bonham's 
decision  to  Lord  Clarendon,  Sir  Hariy  Parkes  gained  a  complete 
victory  by  an  immediate  reversal  of  Sir  George's  system  of 
withholding  promotion  from  Consular  interpreters. 

In  the  sphere  of  British  diplomacy  in  China,  there  was  at 
this  time  specially  gool  reason  for  the  waiting  policy  which 
Sir  G.  Bonham  initiated  and  which  even  Dr.  Howring,  during 
his  brief  term  as  Acting  Plenipotentiary  in  1852,  continued. 
The  fact  was,  a  serious  rebellion,  preceded  by  sporadic  dis- 
turbances in  several  districts  of  the  Canton  province,  broke  out 
in    1850   in   the   adjoining  province    of    Kwangsi,    under    the 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  G.  BONHAM.  259 

leadership  of  u  relio^ious  fanatic,  Hung  Sin-tsuen,  who  had  come 
under  Christian  influences  in  Canton.  This  rebellion,  whicli  was 
for  the  first  time  mentioned  in  the  newspapers  of  Hongkong  on 
August  24,  1850,  liad  originally  the  powerful  support  of  the 
secret  Triad  societies.  A  split,  however,  took  place,  and  Avhile 
the  adherents  of  Hung  Siu-tsuen  commenced,  in  1852,  their 
•devastating  march  through  the  central  provinces  of  China  and 
established,  in  185o,  the  short-lived  Taiping  Dynasty  at  Nanking, 
the  Triad  societies '  bands  of  insurgents  pillaged  independently 
town  after  town  in  the  maritime  provinces  of  southern  China. 
As  these  marauders  gained  power,  and  gradually  drew  nearer 
to  Canton  city,  the  Colony  of  Hongkong  began  to  reap  the 
harvest  which  invariably  falls  to  its  lot  whenever  the  adjoining 
districts  of  the  Canton  province  are  in  a  disturbed  state.  A 
flood  tide  of  emigration  set  in  towards  Hongkong  (and  Macao)  a^ 
and   thence   to   the   Straits   Settlements,    to   California   and  the 


West  Indies.  For  San  Francisco  alone  as  many  as  30,000  I 
Chinese  embarked  in  Hongkong  in  the  year  1852,  paying  in 
Hongkong,  in  passage  money  alone,  a  sum  of  $1,500,000. 
Various  branches  of  Chinese  industry  were  established  in 
Hongkong.  The  population  increased  rapidly,  and  Chinese 
capital,  seeking  a  safe  refuge  from  the  clutches  of  the  marauders, 
commenced  to  flow  into  the  Colony  for  investment. 

Although  the  British  Government  determined  at  first  to 
observe  strict  neutrality,  the  question  soon  arose  which  of  the 
two  contending  Dynasties,  the  Taiping  rebels  (favoured  by  the 
Missionary  party)  or  the  Manchu  rulers  (supported  by  the 
mercantile  community)  would  be  more  likely  to  bring  about 
that  moral  re2,"enc ration  of  the  nation  Avithout  whic^h  (/hina 
could  never  fully  enter  into  the  comity  of  nations.  This 
important  question  became  more  pressing  when  Taiping  armies 
approached  or  took  possession  of  Treaty  ports  (1852  and  1853) 
threatening  a  cessation  of  trade.  Sir  G.  Bonhara  therefore 
took  the  bold  step  of  proceeding  (April,  1853)  to  the 
headquarters  of  the  Taiping  rebels  enthroned  at  Nanking.  His 
object  was  to  explain   to  the  rebel  leaders,  as  he  had  done  ta 


\ 


260  CHAPTER  XV. 

the  Imperialists,  the  principles  of  British  neutrality,  to  demand 
of  them  a  strict  observance  of  the  Nanking  Treaty  of  1842, 
and  to  inquire  what  elements  of  stability  there  might  be  in 
the  rebel  government  then  established  at  Nanking.  The 
result  wa-s  complete  disillusion  on  both  sides.  The  rebels 
understood  thenceforth  what  they  had  to  expect  from  the  British 
Government.  Sir  G.  Bonham,  on  the  other  hand,  was  now  able 
to  satisfy  the  Foreign  Office  that  the  Taiping  Dynasty  was  a 
mere  bubble,  that  their  policy  was  as  anti-foreign  as  that  of  the 
Manchus,  and  that  even  less  was  to  be  exj^ected  from  the  former 
than  from  the  latter  for  an  eventual  repression  of  that  cancer 
of  corruption  which  is  gnawing  at  the  vitals  of  China's  political 
organism.  Sir  George's  action,  in  visiting  the  rebel  leadei*s,  was 
afterwards  severely  and  adversely  criticized,  but  the  mercantile 
community  of  Hongkong  were  unanimous  in  their  applause 
of  his  proceedings.  In  the  farewell  address  presented  to  Sir 
(Jeorge  on  7th  April,  1854,  the  leading  merchants  of  Hongkong 
specially  praised  him  for  having  'acted  with  prompitude  in 
restoring  confidence  and  relieving  the  public  mind  at  Shanghai, 
at  a  moment  of  great  alarm  and  excitement,  by  his  bold,  well- 
judged  and  snccessfid  movement  up  the  Yang-tsze  to  Nanking 
in  April,  1853.' 

Now  this  same  patient  but  practical  and  determined  common 
sense,  which  marked  Sir  G.  Bonham's  policy  as  H.M.  Plenipo- 
tentiary in  China,  characterized  also  his  administration  of 
Hongkong's  local  affairs.  It  appears  from  the  last  dispatch 
which  he  penned  in  Hongkong,  that  he  from  the  first  considered 
himself  bound  by  the  opinions  expressed  by  the  Committee  of 
the  House  of  Commons  in  the  session  of  1847,  but  that  he 
was  by  no  means  satisfied  with  the  conclusions  which  the 
Committee  arrived  at.  However,  the  constitutional  questions 
of  popular  representation  in  Legislative  Council  and  municipal 
organisation  were  among  the  first  subjects  which  occupied 
Governor  Bonham's  serioiLS  attention. 

In  January,  1849,  the  leading  merchants  signed  a  Petition 
to  the  House  of  Commons  soliciting  attention  to  the  fact  that 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF  Sill   C.    RONHAil.  261 

vtlic  Colonial  Office  bad,  with  the  exception  of  the  land  tenure 
which  it  seemed  inclined  to  olfei*  in  perpetuity,  not  attended 
as  yet  to  the  recommendations  of  the  Report  of  the  Parliamentary 
Oonimittee  of  1H47,  and  stating-  that  the  expenditure  of  the 
Colony  should  not  in  any  i>'reat  degree  be  thrown  on  local 
commerce;  that  a  system  of  municipal  government  of  ordinary 
and  local  affairs  outrht  to  be  established  :  and  that  some  short 
€ode  of  law  ou^ht  to  be  drawn  up.  The  petitioners  particularly 
complained  that  the  inhabitants  had  no  share  in  the  legislature, 
neither  by  elective  representatives  nor  by  nominees  selected  by 
the  (lovernor,  and  that  the  forms  and  fees  of  the  Supreme  Court 
were  unduly  heavy.  There  is  no  record  shewing  that  this 
Petition  was  ever  presented  to  Parliament.  Sir  (ieoi*ge,  however, 
forwarded  (January  oO,  1841))  a  copy  of  the  Petition  for  the 
information  of  the  Colonial  Office.  Nine  months  later,  he 
selected  fifteen  of  tlie  unofficial  Justices  of  the  Peace  and 
summoned  them  to  a  conference  (Xovember  o,  1840).  He 
infoiMiied  them  that  Earl  Grey  had  sanctioned  his  proposal  for 
the  admission  of  two  members  of  the  civil  community  into 
the  Legislative  Council,  that  the  nomination  rested  Avith  him, 
but  that  he  thought  it  better  for  the  Justices  themselves  to  elect 
two  of  their  number.  A  meeting  of  the  Justices  of  the. Peace 
was  accordinglv  held  at  the  Club  on  Cth  December,  1849,  and 
Messrs.  David  Jardine  and  'J.  F.  Edger  were  nominated  as  the 
first  non-official  Members  of  the  Legislative  Council.  The  fact 
that  their  election  had  to  be  approved  by  the  Colonial  Office 
and  that  they  could  not  be  sworn  in  until  the  Queen's  Avarrants 
arrived  (June  14,  1850),  did  not  detract  from  the  general  rejoicing 
over  this  first  step  gained  in  the  direction  of  representative 
government. 

At  that  same  conference  (November  ij,  1840)  Sir  G.  Bonhani 
had  also  stated,  that,  whilst  agreeing  with  the  principle  of  giving 
taxpayers  some  sort  of  municipal  government,  he  doubted  the 
practicability  of  the  scheme  in  the  case  of  Hongkong.  He 
quoted  the  words  of  Sir  James  Mackintosh  (regarding  the 
Bombay  municipality)   that  'men  of  standing,  engaged  in  their 


262  GHAPTEll   XT. 

own  absorbing  pursuits  would  possess  neither  time  nor  inclinatioiti 

to  devote  to  the  interests  of  the  pubHc'     However,  he  requested 

the  fifteen  Justices  of  his  selection  to  consult  on  the  organisation 

of  a   'Municipal   Committee  of    Police    Commissioners,'      The 

Justices  thereupon  passed,  at  their  meeting  of   6th   December,. 

1840,   the   following   resolutions, — first,  that  no  advantage  can 

be  derived  from  having  a  Municipal  Council,  unless  the  entire 

manasement  of  the  Police,  of  the  streets  and  roads  within  the 

precincts  of  the  town,  and  of  all  other  matters   usually  given 

to  corporations  are  confided  to  it,  and   secondly  that,  whereas 

the  mode  of  raising  so  large  a  revenue  from  land  rents  is  only 

retained  as  being  the  most  convenient  and  is  in  lieu  of  assessment 

and   taxes,   consequently   the   amount   raised   from   that   source, 

together    with   the   £o,000   or   4,000    raised  from   licences   and 

rents,  should,  with  the  police  assessments,  be  applicable,  as  far  as 

may  be  required,  for  municipal  purposes.     If  the  Justices  had 

been  satisfied  to  begin,  in   a  small   way,  as  a  mere  Committee  . 

of  Police  Connnissioners,  looking  to  future  improvement  of  the 

revenue  to  provide  the  means  for  extending  the  scope  of  their 

functionis.   Hongkong  would  not  have  remained  for  fifty  years 

longer  without  municipal  government.     As  it  was,  they  demanded 

a    full-blown    Municipal    Council     under    impossible    financial' 

conditions.     Governor  Bonham,  earnestly  desiring  to  meet  the 

wishes  of  the  community  as  far  as  possible,  made  later  on  some 

fresh  propositions  (January  10,   18r>l).     He  offered  to  place  the 

whole  management  of  the  Police  under  a  Municipal  Committee 

on  condition  that  the   entire   expense   of   the   Police   Force   be 

provided  by  an   adequate  police  tax.      He  further  proposed  tO' 

hand  over  to  this  Committee  the  management  of  streets,  roads 

and  sewers,  on  condition  that  the  requisite  funds   be  provided 

either  by  an  assessed  tax  on  real  projxirty  (as  proposed  formerly 

by  a  Draft  Ordinance  of  Sir  J.  Davis),  or  by  a  tax  upon  horses . 

and  carriages.    Sir  George  was  evidently  determined  on  reserving 

the  land  rents  to  meet  the  establishment  charges  and,  at  great 

risk  to  his  popularity,  strove  not  only  to  raise  the  general  revenue  ■ 

bv  increased  taxation  but  to  make  the  Colon v  as  soon  as  possible  ■ 


THE   ADMINISTRATIOy  OF  SIR   G.   BOXHAM.  26^ 

independent  of  those  Parliumentarv  Gmnts  on  which  the- 
conimunitv  meant  to  lean  for  ever.  To  reconcile  these  conflictino; 
pnrposes  was  impossible.  A  breacli  in  the  Governor's  j>ood 
rebitions  with  the  communitv  seemed  inevitable.  The  virnlent 
odium  which  8ir  J.  Davis  had  incurred  threatened  to  overwhelm 
Sir  G.  Bonham  also.  What  saved  his  ])olicy  and  ])opnlarity 
from  shipwreck,  was  his  persistent  habit  of  taking-  the  leadem 
of  the  community  into  his  confidence,  of  consultiuii'  ])ubhc 
opinion  about  his  difficulties,  and  most  of  all  his  evident 
sincerity  in  seekinjj-  not  onlv  to  establish  the  coveted  Muni- 
cipal  Council,  but  to  carry  into  effect  the  whole  programme 
sketched  ont  bv  the  Parliamentarv  Committee  of  1^^17.  That 
programme  constituted  the  political  cree;l  of  the  community 
and  the  Governor  had  made  it  liis  own.  The  Justices  could 
not  be  angry  with  a  man  who  did  this  and  who  moieover 
tre:ited  them  as  a  sincere  friend.  In  their  repl'es  (January  ol 
and  March,  1,  18.")  1)  they  declined  goo:l-humouredly  both  of 
the  Governor's  offers.  Whilst  again  expressing  their  willingness 
to  nndertake  the  duties  of  a  Municipal  Committee,  they  objected, 
first,  that  any  further  taxation  would  be  injurious  as  the  cost 
of  living  was  already  exorbitant,  and  sectondly  that  the  polico 
tax  would  not  be  sufficient  to  provide  the  necessary  funds  because,, 
whilst  the  Colony  remained  a  rendezvous  for  pirates  and  outlaws, 
making  even  the  harbour  unsafe  for  native  traders,  the  Police 
Force  was  too  snail  and  composed  of  tof>  nntrnstworthy  and 
ill-paid  material.  Addison  would  have  said  of  the  j)oints  in 
disjinte  that  much  might  be  said  on  both  sides.  The  discussion 
closed  with  the  Governor's  declaration  (iMarch  1.'),  1 «;")!)  that,  a& 
the  Justices  objected  to  any  further  taxation,  and  as  application 
to  the  Home  Government  for  fiu'ther  grants  of  monev  would,  in 
view  of  recent  discussions  in  the  House  of  Commons,  be  of  no 
avail,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  meet  the  views  of  the  Justices. 
Greek  had  fought  Greek  on  the  arena  of  common  sense  views  of 
finance  and  both  parties  were  pleased  to  terminate  the  confli(;t. 
The  finances  of  the  Colony  were  indeed  in  a  desperate 
state.       When    the   Governor   published    (January   8,    1841))    a 


264:  CHA1»1'ER   XV. 

statement  of  income  and  expeuditiire  for  the  year  1848,  shewing 
£23.509  local  revenue  (apart  from  the  Parliamentary  Grant) 
:iiid  £02,308  expenditure, 'a  local  paper  summed  up  the  position 
of  affairs  by  saying,  'the  Colony  is  now  in  a  state  of  insolvency, 
the  public  works  are  suspended  and  the  officials  only  paid  a 
portion  of  their  salaries.'  The  difficulty  was  enhanced  by  the 
fact  th:it  a  public  loan  was  out  of  the  question,  that  the 
Parliamentary  (Jr.int  for  1849  had  been  reduced  to  £25,000, 
and  that  but  little  co-iM  be  saved  by  retrenchment  of  the  civil 
■establishment  without  committing  an  act  of  injustice  or  impairing 
■efficiency.  Sir  George  was,  indeed,  even  tlien  of  the  opinion 
which  he  expressed  later  on,  that,  'were  this  Colony  taxed  in 
the  same  way  as  are  tlie  Settlements  in  the  Straits  under  the 
government  of  the  East  India  Company,  it  would  in  a  year 
or  two  be  made  to  pay  its  own  expenses.'  But  he  also  knew 
that  any  attempt  at  additional  taxation  would  be  violently 
resisted  by  the  community  as  injurious  to  trade.  All  eyes 
were  therefore  directed  to  the  Imperial  Exchequer.  Sir  George 
himself  appears  to  have  considered  the  temporary  continuance 
of  a  small  annual  grant  from  the  Exchequer  a  reasonable 
measure.  'Seeing,'  he  wrote  (April  2,  1850),* that  the  trade 
of  the  Colony  l)enefits  the  British  Exchequer  and  the  Indian 
Government  conjointly  to  the  extent  of  upwards  of  seven  millions 
Sterling,  an  expenditure  on  the  pirt  of  the  mother  country  of 
from  £12,000  to  £15,000  annually,  to  uphold  the  establishment 
of  a  Colony  which  is  the  seat  of  the  Superintendent  of  British 
trade  with  China,  ought  not  to  be  considered  excessive.'  This 
was,  however,  a  question  to  be  decided  by  Parliament,  and 
public  opinion  in  England  declared  that  the  Colony  was  now 
out  of  its  swaddling  clothes  and  ought  to  learn  to  stand  on 
its  own  legs. 

Sir  G.  Bonham  did  his  best  to  bring  about  this  desirable 
result  by  revising  taxation  as  far  as  practicable  and  enforcing 
retrenchment  in  every  possible  direction.  For  the  ad  valorem 
duty  on  goods  sold  by  auction,  he  substituted  increased 
auctioneers'  licence  fees.     He  introduced  a  tax  on  the  exportation 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  G.  BONHAM.  265 

of  granite  which  was  at  the  time  laro^oly  used  as  ballast  for 
tea  ships.  He  shrank  from  reviviiitj  the  opium  monopoly,  but 
stimulate:!  the  revenue  from  the  opium  retail  licences  which 
had  been  substituted  (since  August  1,  1847)  for  the  farming 
system.  He  left  the  police  tax  assessment  untouched  at  the 
low  rate  of  5  per  cjnt.  bat  reducad  the  expensive  Earopean 
contingent  of  the  Police  Force  to  the  lowest  possible  minimum. 
Finally  he  restricted  public  works  (with  the  exception  of  the 
erection  of  a  new  Government  House)  to  the  bare  maintenance 
of  existing  roads  and  buildings.  By  these  and  other  minor 
forms  of  retrenchment,  he  produced  at  the  close  of  the  year 
1849  an  immediate  reduction  of  £23,672  on  the  expenditure 
of  the  preceding  year.  He  thenceforth  maintained  this  low 
rate  of  expenditure  (£:^8,98()  in  1849)  which  averaged  £84,898 
per  annum  during  the  next  three  years  and  rose  in  1858  to  na 
more  than  £8(5,4 18.  He  was  unable,  indeed,  to  bring  about  any 
great  improvement  of  the  local  revenue,  which,  though  it  rose 
temporarily,  by  the  rigorous  exaction  of  arrears  of  land  rent  in 
1849,  to  £85,580,  fell  again  to  £28,520  in  1850,  and  produced 
during  the  next  three  years  (1851  to  1858)  an  annual  average 
of  £28,254.  However,  at  the  close  of  his  administration  he  was 
justified  in  saying  (April  7,  1854)  that  he  had  brought  the  Parlia- 
mentary Grant  from  £25,00(1  in  1849  down  to  £8,500  (correctly 
£9,20(1)  in  1858,  and  that  he  had  reduced  the  expenditure  of 
the  Colony,  within  six  years,  from  £62,658  to  £80,418. 

During  a  period  of  such  financial  difficulties,  the  vexed 
question  of  land  tenure  could  not  possibly  be  solved  in  the  way 
in  which  the  mercantile  community  desired  it  to  be  settled. 
The  merchants  were  not  satisfied  with  perpetuity  of  leases.  They 
desired  an  entire  revision  of  the  terms  on  which  they  had 
originally  bought  their  land.  Instead  of  fixing  an  annual  rental 
and  putting  up  to  auction  only  the  rate  of  bonus  to  be  paid  once 
for  all,  Elliot  had  (in  the  absence  of  a  reliable  standard  of 
land  values)  initiated  the  system  of  putting  up  to  auction  the 
rate  of  the  crown  rent  to  be  paid  from  year  to  year.  In  the  early 
times  of    keen    competition,   of   booms    and   speculations,   land 


266  CHAFfER   XV. 

johbintr  forced  uj)  the  crown  rents  to  a  maximum  commensurate- 
with  inflated  values.     But  this  maximum,  which  at  the  time  of  sale 
seemel  reasonable  enough,  appeared  in  after  years  of  commercial 
stagnation  to  be  a  monstrously  oppressive  rate.     Moreover,  just 
when  these  rents  pressed  most  heavily  on  the  land  owners,  the 
Government,  whose  revenues  suffered  likewise  under  commercial 
depression,  was  leas^  inclined,  nor  indeed  in  a  position,  to  reduce 
the  income  from  land  rents.     At  a  public  meeting,  principally 
representing   the   land  owners,  a   Memorial  to  the  Government 
was  agreed  to  (January  19,   1849),  complaining  that  the  land 
rents  were  a  burden  too  heavy  to  be  borne.     The  memorialists 
suggested,  that  the  expenses  of   the  civil   establishment  should 
be  made  to  fall  on   trade   generally  (the   Imperial   trade)   and 
not  on  local  owners  of  land  and  that  the  crown  rents  should 
be  materially  reduced  or  abolished.     Sir  George  was  in  no  hurry 
to   take   up   a   problem   which   could   not   be  solved  under  the 
circunistances  of  the  time  and  left  it  as  a  legacv  to  his  successors. 
4-fter  appointing   (October,  1849)  a  Commission  of  Inquiry  to- 
report  on  the  land  tenure  of  the  Colony  for  the  information  of 
Her   Majesty's   Government,  he   informed  his  select  committee- 
of  Justices   of   the   Peace,   at   the   conference   of   Xovember   3, 
1849,  that  'any  general  reiuction  in  the  ground  rents  would  be 
innned lately  followed   up   by  the   Home   Government   with  the 
inipositi<^i  of  s  mie  general  scheme  of  excise  or  assessment  which 
would  be  found  mucb   more   oppressive   and   vexatious,  besides 
requii'ing  a  cumbersome  and  costly  fixed   machinery.'     Fifteen 
months   later    (February    14,   1851)   the   Colonial   Secretary,  in 
reviewing  the   merits   of   Sir   G.   Bonham's   administration    (by 
order  of  the  Governor),  stated  that  the  petty  sources  of  revenue 
alleged   to   ha\e    been  oppressive,  had    been   abolished   and    for- 
the  consideration  of  the  chief  source,  said  to  be  oppressive,  a 
Committee   of  five  was   appointed  and    their   report   forwarded 
to    Her  Majesty's   Government.     No   more   was  heard   of   this 
troublous  question  during  this  administration. 

The    legislative    activity    of    Governor    Bonham's    res^ime 
centered   in  reforms  of   the   administration   of   justice.     When 


THE   ADMINLSTKATIOX   OF  Sill   (i.   BONHAM.  267 

it  was  found,  ill  October  1848,  that  tliere  were  only  23  persons 
in  the  Colony  capable  of  serving  on  juries,  the  Governor  reduced 
the  property  qualification  of  common  jurors  from  ^1,000  to 
$500.  According-  to  his  habit  of  consulting  the  community 
about  difficult  problems,  Sir  G.  Bonliam  published,  in  January,. 
1-84:0,  with  a  view  to  elicit  an  expression  of  public  opinion,  a 
Draft  Ordinance  to  regulate  the  flogging  of  criminals.  Little 
accustomed,  as  the  residents  then  were,  to  being  consulted  by 
their  Governors,  they  imagined  that  Sir  George  had  no  definite 
views  on  a  subject  on  which  the  whole  community,  convinced 
of  the  absolute  necessity  of  applying  exceptional  severity  to  the 
treatment  of  Chinese  criminals,  felt  very  strongly.  Nevertheless, 
the  Governor  deemed  it  prudent  to  shelve  the  question,  while 
weightier  matters  pressed  for  settlement.  To  I'emove  the  friction 
between  the  Police  Magistrates  and  the  Chief  Justice,  which 
had  troubled  the  preceding  administration.  Sir  George  created 
(December  17,  1850)  a  bench  of  ^fagistrates,  perfectly  independent 
of  the  Government  and  having  powers  considerably  ureuter  than 
those  ordinarilv  acLiordcd  to  similar  bodies,  bv  the  establishment 
of  a  Court  of  Petty  Sessions.  Unofficial  Justices  of  the  Peace 
were  to  sit  once  a  week  with  the  Police  Magistrates  to  hear 
cases  which  otherwise  would  have  been  remitted  to  the  Supreme 
Court  for  trial  by  jury.  The  aim  of  this  new  measure  (Ordinance 
5  of  1850)  was  to  provide  a  more  speedy  settlement  of  small 
debts,  misdemeanours  and  minor  crimes.  Bnt  it  expected,  oh- 
the  part  of  the  Justices,  a  greater  readiness  to  sacrifice  their  time 
and  more  legal  acumen,  than  subsequent  experience  proved  that 
they  possessed.  Hence  this  measure  did  not  give  permanent 
satisfaction.  Further,  as  the  Governor,  in  his  capacity  as 
Plenipotentiary,  extended  at  the  same  time  the  judicial  powers 
of  Consuls  in  Treaty  ports  at  the  expense  of  Supreme  Court 
jurisdiction,  many  of  his  critics  (and  seemingly  the  Chief  Justice 
•himself)  saw  in  this  creation  of  a  Court  of  Petty  Sessions  an 
objectionable  encroachment  upon  the  criminal  jurisdiction  of 
the  Supreme  Court.  An  opposition  paper  went  so  far  as  to- 
impute  to  Sir  G.  Bonham  the  intention  of  eventually  abolishing 


268  CHAPTER  XV. 

the  costly  Supreme  Court  altoge'.her  by  the  appointment  of  civil 
officers   combinincr  judicial  and   administrative  functions  under 
•^  system  of  plurality  of   offices  wliich  would  save  expenditure. 
However,  the  Governor  made  no  such  attempt.     On  the  contrary, 
he   extended   the   summary  jurisdiction  of   the   Supreme   Court 
to  civil  cases  not  involving  more  than  ^500,  and  pleased  the 
community  considerably  in  giving  eflfect  to  another  suggestion 
of   the   Parliamentary    Committee   of    1847    by   publishing,   for 
•the  protection  of  suitors,  a  table  of  fees  chargeable  by  attorneys. 
The  question  of  the  form  of  oath  to  be  administered  to  Chinese 
witnesses   occupied   public    nttention    in    December,    1851,   the 
•Chief  Justice   having   stated   that   he    was   greatly   afraid   that 
fully  half  the  cases  adjudicated  summarily  had  been  determined 
on  false  testimony.      Originally  the  pi-actice  had  been  adopted 
of    making    Chinese    witnesses    cut    a    cock's    head    in    Court. 
Subsequently  the   breaking  of  an  earthen-ware  basin   was  sub- 
stituted and  latterlv  it  had  been   customary  to  burn  a  vellow 
paper  with  oath  and  imprecation  inscribed  on  it  or  signed  by 
the  witness.     The  modern  practice  of  a  simple  (though  generally 
unintelligible)  oral   affirmation    in   place  of   oath   was   now    (in 
1852)   adopted.      Among  the  minor   Ordinances  passed  during 
this   administration    was  an    Ordinance  to  restrain  the   careless 
manufacture  of  gunpowder  by  Chinese  (August  ol,  1848),  and 
a  Marriage  Ordinance  (Mar(;h  10,  1852)  the  o^jeratiou  of  which 
was,  however,  confined  to  the  registration  of  Christian  marriages, 
leaving  the  polygamic  marriage  system  of  the  Chinese  unregulated. 
•  Sir  G.  Bonham's  common  sense  administration  is  naturally  dis- 
tinguished by  the  paucity  of  its  legal  enactments.     The  strained 
relations  which  formerly  existed  between  the  Governor  and  Chief 
Justice   Hulme  (who  was  restored  to   office  on  June  KJ,  1848) 
were  ended.     But  the  Chief   Justice's  relations  with  Governor 
Bonham,  though  never  unfriendly,  were  not  marked  by  cordiality. 
Among   the  community,  however,  C]\ief  Justice   J.  ^Y.   Hulme  • 
was  extremely  popular.     On  his  departure  (April  7,  1854)   the 
leading   residents  pi-esented  him   with  an  address  testifying   to 
"the  high  chara(;ter  he  had  alwavs  maintained  on  the  ben(;h,  to 


THE   ADMINlSTIlATIOy  OF   SIR   G.   BONHAM.  269 

his   satisfactory   administration   of    the    law    under    jx^rplexing- 
difficulties,  and  to  his  undeviating  impartiality  and  uprightness. 

Durino-  the  first  two  jears  of  Sir  €r.  Bonham's  adminis- 
tration, crime  was  still  rife  in  the  Colony,  but  from  the  year 
1850  there  was,  with  the  exception  of  piracy,  a  sensible 
decrease  of  serious  offences.  Occasional  outbursts  of  a  arave 
nature  were,  indeed,  not  wanting-,  but  the  number  of  felonies, 
G74  in  IS.jO,  fell  during  the  next  two  years  to  an  average 
of  505  cases  per  annum,  and  was  reduced  in  1853  to  471 
cases.  An  attempt  was  made  by  Chinese,  on  July  8,  1818, 
to  poison  25  men  of  the  Royal  Artillery,  This  was  followed 
by  a  fight  in  the  harbour  between  the  police,  assisted  by  boats 
of  H.M.S.  Camhriaii,  and  some  junks  (October  15,  1818).  Three 
Chinese  junkmen  and  a  policeman  were  shot.  The  Coroner's 
jury,  however,  acquitted  the  junk  people  and  public  opinion 
blamed  the  police.  Next  came  an  attempt  (December  24,  1848) 
to  fire  the  Central  IVIarket.  Soon  after  (February  28,  1849) 
occurred  the  murder  at  Wongmakok  (near  Stanley)  of  Captain 
da  Costa,  R.E.,  and  Lieutenant  Dwyer  of  the  Ceylon  Rifles, 
by  the  pirate  chief  Chui  Apou,  who  was  subsequently  (March.  10, 
1851)  convicted  of  manslaughter  but  committed  suicide  in  jail. 
In  September,  1849,  a  foolish  rumour  gained  currency  among 
the  native  population  to  the  effect  that  the  Chinese  Government 
had  ofl:"ered  a  reward  for  the  assassination  of  Governor  Bonham. 
The  suggestion  was,  however,  seriously  made,  and  subsequently 
acted  upon,  that  in  his  carriage  drives  the  Governor  should 
always  be  attended  by  an  escort  of  armed  troopers,  During 
September,  1850,  some  street  fights  occurred  owing  to  the 
carpenters'  guild  intimidating  independent  journeymen  who 
refused  to  submit  to  the  guild  regulations.  With  the  exception 
of  a  murderous  attack  made  upon  the  Rev.  Van  Geniss  (August, 
1852),  on  the  road  between  Little  Hongkong  and  Wongnaichung, 
the  latter  years  of  this  administration  were  remarkably  free 
from  highway  robberies  and   burglaries. 

But  piracy  lifted  up  its  head  high  during  this  period,  in 
spite  of  the  periodical  destruction  of  piratical  fleets  by  British' 


270  CHAPTER   XV. 

gunboats.  By  a  series  of  hofcly  contested  engaojements  (September 
28  to  October  3,  1849),  Commander  J.  C.  Dalrymple  Hay, 
with  H.M.  Ships  Columbine,  Ftfr//,  and  Medea,  destroyed  the 
-entire  fleet  of  Chui  Apon,  consisting  of  2o  junks,  carrying  12 
to  18  guns  each  and  manned  by  1,800  desperadoes.  Two  piratical 
'dock-yards  were  also  destroyed  on  the  same  occasion.  A  few 
weeks  later  (October  10  to  22,  1849),  Commander  Hay,  having 
under  his  orders  H.M.  Ships  Fhlefjeto/i,  Fury,  Columbine,  and 
~a  large  party  of  officers  and  men  from  H.IM.S.  Hastings, 
-destroyed  the  greater  part  of  the  fleet  of  the  other  pirate  chief, 
^hap-ng-tsai.  Out  of  G4  juuks,  manned  by  3,150  men  with 
1,221:  guns,  as  many  as  58  junks  were  destroyed.  Commander 
Hay  officially  reported  that  these  successes  were  obtained  on 
tthe  information  given  'by  that  invaluable  officer  Daniel  R. 
Caldwell.'  So  intense  was  the  rejoicing  in  commercial  circles 
-of  Hongkong  over  these  wholesale  massacres  of  pirates,  that 
a  public  subscription  was  raised  and  each  of  the  captains  present 
iit  the  destruction  of  Shap-ng-tsai's  fleet,  was  presented  with 
a  service  of  plate  of  the  value  of  £200.  A  third  piratical  fleet 
of  13  junks,  collected  by  Chui  Apon,  was  destroyed  (March  4, 
1850)  in  Mirs  Bay,  close  to  Hongkong,  by  H.M.S.  Medea 
which  had  on  board  Mr.  Caldwell  and  a  Mandarin  from  Kowloon. 
Finally,  on  May  10,  1853,  another  piratical  fleet  was  destroyed 
by  H.M.S.  Tiattler.  Xevertheless,  sporadic  cases  of  piracy 
continued  to  increase  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hongkong.  On 
February  20,  1851,  a  pitched  battle  was  fought  in  Aberdeen 
Bay  between  some  piratical  junks  and  8  Chinese  gunboats.  A 
week  later  (r^bruary  28,  1851)  a  conspiraay  to  loot  the  river- 
steamer  Hnn'/kon/j  on  her  way  to  Canton,  was  discovered  by 
Mr.  Caldwell.  In  the  year  1852  some  19  cases  of  piracy  were 
reported  as  having  occurred  in  the  waters  of  Hongkong. 
During  the  summer  of  1853  piracies  occurred  at  an  average 
rate  of  14  per  month.  As  many  as  70  cases  were  reported 
during  the  year  1853,  the  most  shocking  case  being  the  murder 
(August  5,  1853)  of  the  captain,  officers  and  passengers  of  the 
•S.S.  Arratoon  Apcar,  by  the   Chinese  crew.  ; 


THE  ADMINISTRATIOX  OF  SIR  G.  BONHAM.  271 

The  Gov^ernment  was  almost  helpless  in  the  matter  of  piracy. 
Sir  G.  Bonham  did  what  he  could  to  organize  a  detective 
•department  and  appointed  for  this  purpose  the  best  colloquial 
linguist  Hongkong  ever  possessed,  Mr.  D.  R.  Caldwell,  as 
Assistant-Superintendent  of  Police  (September  1,  1848).  His 
services  were  highly  effective,  particalary  in  connection  with 
piracy  cases.  The  })atent  failure  of  the  Police,  with  regard  to 
the  prevention  of  crime,  was  unavoidable,  as  this  extraordinary 
activity  of  Chinese  criminals  on  laud  and  sea  was  the  natural 
•corroUary  of  the  Taiping  and  Triad  rebellion,  and  as  the  Police 
Force  was  deficient  in  numerical  strength  so  long  as  financial 
•considerations  prevented  its  re-organisation  on  a  proper  footing. 
Governor  Bonham,  who  thought  the  Force  was  quite  sufficient 
for  the  policing  of  the  town,  stated  at  the  close  of  his 
administration  that,  while  the  Colony  had  been  improving  in 
^very  respect,  and  contentment  prevailed  throughout  the  entire 
population,  the  only  subject  of  regret-  was  tlie  extent  to  wiiicli 
piracy  prevailed  in  the  neighbouring  waters.  'To  suppress  it,' 
he  added,  'is  impossible  without  the  co-operation  of  the  (i!hinese 
Government.  This  co-operation  I  have  repeatedly  requested 
without  avail,  and  in  the  present  disorganized  state  of  the 
sea-board  part  of  the  Empire  it  is  now  useless   to   expect   it.' 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  to  the  Taiping  rebellion 
is  due  the  great  advance  (81  per  cent.)  which  the  population 
made  during  this  period.  Even  the  proportion  of  males  and 
females  commenced  now  to  improve,  as  the  disturbances  in 
the  neighbouring  districts  drove  whole  families  to  seek  refuge 
in  Hongkong.  In  1848  the  population  numbered  21, 5 14 
residents.  In  1841)  it  rose  to  29,507  and  by  the  year  1853  ib 
numbered  30,017  residents.  In  1848  one  fifth  and  in  1853 
•one  third  of  the  population  were  females. 

The   development    of    the    Colony's   commercial    prosperity 
kept  pace  with  the  increase  of  the  population.     The  fresh  streams 
that  stirred  the  stagnant  pool  of  local  commerce  into  renewed    y, 
life   came,   however, ,  not  merely   from   the   rebellion-fed  source    " 
of   Chinese  emigration,    but   to   a  great   extent    also   from   the 


/ 


272  CHAPTER  XV. 

discovery  of  the  CHliforiiian  gold-fields,  from  the  developraerit 
of  the  North-Pacific  whale  and  seal  fisheries,  from  the  progress 
made  by  the  Australian  Colonies  and  from  the  opening  up  of 
/Kjapan  to  British  trade  and  civilization.  It  may  be  said,  in  fact, 
that  it  was  during  this  period  that  the  Pacific  Ocean  commenced 
to  rise  into  that  commercial  importance,  which,  as  it  has 
increased  ever  since,  including  also  the  smaller  islands  of  Oceania, ; 
is  bound  to  make  the  Pacific  ere  long  one  of  the  most  important?, 
centres  of  the  world's  commercial  politics. 

The  fresh  life  infusei  into  the  arteries  of  local  commerce 
naturally  manifested  itself  in  the  first  instance  by  an  increase  in 
the  shipping  trade.     The  number  of  square-rigged  vessels  regularly 
frequenting  the  port  iucreased  during  this  period  from  700  to  1,103, 
while  their  tonnage  was  nearly  doubled.     Ship-building  went  on. 
briskly  at  J.  Lament's  patent  slip  at  East  Point  and  from  IG  to 
30  European  vessels  were  annually  registered  in  the  Colony.     The 
native  junk  trade,  though  restrained  by  piracy,  also  increased 
considerably.     The  system  of  employing  small   British  steamers 
to  convoy  and  protect  by  force  of  arms  fieets  of  native  junks, 
continued   so   long   as   the   coast   of    China   was   infested    with 
swarms  of  piratical  fleets.     Of  course  this  practice  had  its  atten- 
dant evils.     The  Chinese  Authorities  protested  against  it  and 
British  naval  commanders  were  its  sworn  enemies.     One  of  the 
latter  arrested  the  little  steamer  Spec  and  prosecuted  her  captain 
and  crew  in  the  Consular  Court  at   Shanghai  on  a  charge  of 
piracy,  for  havinu:  fired   into   junks   which   were    mistaken  ffor 
pirates.      The  prosecution,   however,   fell  to   the  ground   when 
tried  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  Hongkong  (September,   1848). 
Governor   Bonham    was  averse  to   the   convoying  system,  Jbut 
Her  Majesty's  Government  permitted  its  continuance  as  it  had 
its  justification  in  the  fact  that  the  spasmodic  efforts,  made  by 
the  few  British  men-of-war  on  the  station  to  suppress  piracy,  were 
practically  of  no  avail  so  long  as  the  Chinese  rebellion  continued. 
Lord  Palmerston  also  informed  the   Governor  (in   1848)   that 
Chinese  vessels  in  tow  of  British  merchant  vessels  have  a  right 
to  British  protection. 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  G.  BONHAM.  273 

The  opening*  of  tbe  gold-fields  in  the  Sacramento  valley 
in  1848  and  the  organisation  of  the  new  State  of  California 
in  1850  cansed  a  new  line  of  commerce  to  connect  Honfjfkong- 
with  San  Francisco.  It  commenced  (July,  1849)  with  large 
orders  for  slop  clothes  and  wooden  houses  (shipped  in  fi-arae) 
which  were  made  in  Hongkong.  Next,  Chinese  artizans  were 
,sent  to  California  to  set  up  those  houses.  These  were  followed 
by  an  annually  increasing  stream  of  Chinese  emigrants  embarking 
at  Hongkong  for  San  Francisco  and  a  steadily  developing  trade 
in  all  sorts  of  articles.  In  the  year  1851  forty-four  vessels' left 
Hongkong  for  California  and  this  line  of  connection  has  been 
maintained  ever  since. 

In  December,  1848,  a  few  American  whalers  put  into 
Hongkong  to  refit  and  were  so  pleased  with  the  resources  of 
the  Colony  that  for  many  years  after  they  rejiented  their  visits 
in  increasing  numbers.  Thirteen  such  vessels  arrived  at  the 
close  of  the  year  1841).  Between  December  1850  and  March 
1851,  fifteen  vessels  arrived  laden  with  oil,  of  which  a  considerable 
portion  w^as  shipped  in  British  bottoms  to  England  under  the 
navigation  laws.  As  each  of  these  vessels  spent  about  £500 
in  the  Colony,  their  visits  were  hailed  with  satisfaction,  apart 
from  the  incipient  oil  trade  connected  with  them.  During  the 
next  season  as  many  as  37  whalers  arrived  (December  2,  1851 
to  February  21,"  1852)  with  616,203  gallons  of  oil,  of  which 
however  only  a  small  portion  was  shipped  from  Hongkong  to 
London. 

Coolie  emigration  to  Peru  and  Cuba,  though  chiefly  conducted 
at  Macao,  because  the  crimping  and  kidnapping  system  connected 
with  it  w^ould  not  have  been  tolerated  in  Hongkong,  benefitted  y 
the  Colony  at  first  to  some  extent  (in  1852).  But  tlie  fjequent 
mutinies  which  occurred  among  the  coolies  shipped  on  that 
syitem^-soon  caused  British  skippers  to  eschew  _the__ Peruvian 
coolie  trade.  Xrojoerly  regulated  coolie  emigration  to  Guiana 
commenced  in  1853  under  the  direction  of  Mr.  J.  Gardiner 
Austin,  the  Immigration  xlgent-General  of  the  Government  of 
British  Guiana.     Emigration  to  Australia  commenced  in  a  small 

i8 


\ 
\ 


/ 


^74  CHAPTER  XV. 

way,  in  1853,  with  three  vessels  carrying  268  Chinese  settlers. 
The  restrictive  policy  which  in  after  years,  when  pushed  to  an 
•extreme,  banished  coolie  emigration  from  the  Colony,  was  initiated 
by  Governor  Bonham  in  a  proclamation  (January  4,  1854) 
which,  however,  did  not  go  beyond  regulating  the  provisioning 
4ind  dietary  scale  of  coolie  ships. 

At  the  close  of  Sir  G.  Bonham's  administration,  the 
•conviction  forced  icself  upon  Hongkong  merchants  that  the 
Nanking  Treaty,  though  it  improved  British  relations  with  China, 
had  commercially  but  little  effect,  and  that  the  expansion  of 
trade  that  took  place  since  the  year  184:3  would  anyhow  have 
resulted  from  purely  natural  causes.  The  returns  of  the  Board 
of  Trade  shewed  that  the  import  of  British  manufactures  into 
China  was,  at  the  close  of  the  year  1850,  less  by  nearly  three- 
quarters  of  a  million  sterling,  compared  with  what  it  w^as  in  1844. 
Exports  of  tea  and  silk  increased  indeed  enormously,  but  this 
increase  was  chiefly  owing  to  opium  and  specie  and  not  to  the 
vast  trade  in  manufactured  goods  which  had  been  expected  to 
result  from  the  Nanking  Treaty.  It  w^as  seen  at  last  that  what 
restrains  the  inflax  of  British  fabrics  into  the  interior  of  China 
is  not  the  paucity  of  open  ports  but  the  fact  that  the  industry 
of  China  can  beat  British  power-looms  with  regard  to  both  the 
cost  of  production  and  the  durability  of  the  fabric. 

The  opium  trade  of  the  Colony,  which  Sir  Kobcrt  Peel's 
Government  had  at  one  time  (in  1840)  intended  to  suppress 
by  the  imposition  of  a  prohibitive  tax,  entered  in  spring  1853 
into  its  present  state  of  legitimate  commerce,  through  the  decision 
of  the  Chinese  Government  to  legalise  the  importation  of  opium. 
The  published  ralson  cVetre  of  this  decision  was  '  the  inefficiency 
of  the  laws  against  opium  by  reason  of  their  excessive  severity.' 
In  reality,  however,  Chinese  statesmen,  a;^  they  had  been  induced 
by  financial  considerations  to  prohibit  the  importation  of  opium 
in  1831),  now  legalised  its  importation  in  1853  on  purely  financial 
grounds.  In  1839  they  excluded  Indian  opium  because  it 
drained  China  of  its  silver.  In  1853  they  imposed  a  heavy 
import    duty    on    Indian    opium    to    provide    funds    for    the 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  G.  BONHAM.  275 

suppression  of  the  Taipin^  rebellion.  Bnb  whatever  treatment 
they  accorded  to  Indian  opium,  they  all  along  permitted  the 
cultivation  of  native  opium  in  the  inland  provinces. 

Questions  of  currency  were  much  debated  in  Hongkong 
during  this  period,  since  October,  1850,  when  the  comparatively 
rare  Spanish  dollars  commanded  a  high  premium  in  the  market 
at  Canton,  where  at  the  time  the  bulk  of  Hongkong  exchange 
operations  was  conducted.  Rather  sudden  fluctuations  occurred 
in  1851,  placing  Mexican  dollars,  rupees  and  English  money 
at  an  enormous  discount.  Various  schemes  were  propounded 
to  smooth  matters,  but  all  proved  futile.  In  1852,  the  coinage 
of  a  British  dollar  was  first  mooted  in  connection  with  the 
resolution  of  a  public  meeting  held  at  Singapore  (January,  1852) 
which  suggested  the  coinage  of  an  East  India  Company's  dollar 
with  divisions  of  half,  quarter  and  eighth  dollars  for  circulation 
in  the  Straits.  Unfortunately  the  proposal  was  shelved  for  years. 
By  notification  of  April  27,  1853,  Sir  G.  Bonham  published  a 
Royal  proclamation  of  October  10,  1852,  to  the  effect  that,  where- 
as hitherto  the  silver  coins  of  the  United  Kingdom  had  passed 
current  in  Hongkong  (and  some  other  British  Colonies)  as  an 
unlimited  tender  for  payments,  they  should  henceforth  (as  in 
England)  not  be  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  sums  exceeding 
forty  shillings  due  by  or  to  the  Government.  This  proclamation, 
artificially  bolstering  up  a  theoretical  gold  standard,  which  had 
no  commercial  reality  in  the  Colony,  came  into  force  on  October 
1,  1853,  and  delayed  the  rehabilitation  of  Hongkong's  original 
silver  (dollar)  standard.  Meanwhile  contention  arose  in 
Hongkong  through  contradictory  official  decisions.  In  January, 
1854,  the  Chief  Justice  ruled  'that,  when  an  agreement  runs 
for  dollars  of  any  denomination,  'such  dollars  must  be  paid 
with— in  English  money — whatever  premium  they  command  in 
the  Hongkong  market,'  and  again,  'that  Court  fees  must  be 
paid  in  dollars,  but  that  it  is  not  proper  to  refuse  English  money 
in  payment  of  costs.'  On  the  other  hand,  the  Colonial  Treasurer 
(W.  T.  Mercer)  made  an  order  (February  9,  1854)  that  'all 
Government  land  rents  must  for  the  future  be  paid  in  dollars 


i/ 


276  CHAPTER   XV. 

according  to  the  terms  of  the  lease.'  As  the  Colonial  Treasurer 
refused  the  Queen's  sovereigns,  which  about  this  time  had  been 
declared  by  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury  to  be  a  legal  discharge 
for  the  sums  they  represented  'throughout  Pier  ]\Iajesty's 
dominions'  and  to  require  no  further  Colonial  enactment  for 
their  legalisation,  complaints  were  made  on  all  sides.  The 
contention  was  accentuated  by  the  fact  that  the  Colonial 
Treasurer  took  dollars  at  a  fixed  rate  of  four  shillings  and 
twopence  though  the  market  value  might  be  five  shillings. 

.  Steam  communication  between  Hongkong  and  Canton  was 
placed  on  a  satisfactory  basis  by  the  establishment  (October  11), 
1848)  of  the  'Hongkong  and  Canton  Steam  Packet  Company.' 
The  first  Hongkong  Directors  of  this  Company  were  Messrs. 
D.  Matheson,  A.  Campbell,  T.  D.  Xeave  and  F,  T.  Bush.  They 
commenced  operations  in  spring  1849  with  two  small  steamers 
(of  250  tons  each)  built  in  London.  The  Peninsular  and 
Oriental  Steam  Navigation  Company  commenced  in  1849  running 
a  steamer  (the  Lady  Mary  WoocX)  regularly  between  Hongkong 
and  Shanghai,  but  failed  in  an  attempt,  made  in  December  1850, 
to  induce  local  merchants  to  pay  a  monthly  subsidy  in  lieu  of 
postage.  The  same  Company  established,  in  January  1853, 
a  regular  monthly  mail  between  Hongkong  and  Calcutta,  giving 
thereby  the  Colony  the  advantage  of  regular  fortnightly 
communication  with  England.  Telegrams  had  to  be  sent  through 
intermediary  agents  at  Gibraltar  or  Trieste,  the  latter  route 
becoming  now  the  favourite.  Tlie  increased  facilities  thus 
provided,  were  not  much  relished  by  Hongkong  merchants, 
because  they  accentuated  the  keenness  of  competition.  The 
leisure  with  which  business  was  formerly  conducted  in  the  time 
of  monthly  mails,  was  now  supplanted  by  an  annually  increasing 
high-pressure  rate  of  communication  with  all  parts  Of-  the  world. 
In  other  respects  also  local  trade  hud  by  this  time  undergone 
an  alteration.  The  profits  of  the  China  trade,  formerly  enjoyed 
by  a  few,  were  now  divided  among  the  many.  The  days  of 
the  merchant  princes  were  now  a  dream  of  the  past.  Fortunes 
were  still  made  but  it  took  some  decades  of  years  now  to  make 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  G.   BONHAM.  277 

^tliora.  However,  tlie  commercial  prospects  of  the  Colo'ny  were 
certainly  extending  and  assuming  a  character  of  greater 
permanency.  When  (in  summer  1850)  the  great  firms  in  India 
Avere  prostrated  one  after  the  other,  the  China  firms  dealing 
with  India  bore  the  shock  firmly  with  but  one  exception. 

But  it  took  years  before  Hongkong's  commercial  reputation 
was    rehabilitated    in    England.       The    Economist,    which    had 
maligned  the  good  fame  of  the  Colony   (in  1846),  continued  even 
in    1851    (March  8)  to   belittle   the   progress   which   had   been 
made  meanwhile.     How  very  little  was   thought   or  known- of 
Hongkong  at  this  time  even  by  those  in  authority  in  England, 
is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  the  Royal  Commissioners  of  the 
International  Exhibition  of  1851  gave  no  place  to  Hongkong 
as  a  Colony.     They  merely  invited  the  merchants  of  Hongkong 
Xo  join  in  an  exhibition  representing  China.     Naturally  resenting 
Xhis  slight,  the  Committee,  appointed  at  a  public  meeting  that 
was  held  on  June  24,  1850,  resolved  to  leave  it  to  the  Canton 
<Jommittee,  which  had  already  appointed   numerous    Sub-Com- 
mittees, to  take  action.     But  the  latter  also  threw  u])  the  project 
and   it   was   left   to   a   few   enthusiastic   individuals   in  Canton 
^nd    Shanghai    (chiefly    Consuls)    to    collect    and    forward    to 
London  specimens  of  Chinese  produce  and  manufactures.     China 
merchants  in  London  were  the  principal  contributors.     The  only 
•exhibits  representing  Hongkong  in  that  fair  temple  of  the  world's 
•commercial    competition    at    Hyde    Park    consisted    of   a   tiny 
pagoda,   a  jade   cup   and   two   silver    race    cups    exhibited    by 
Mr.  W.  Walkinshaw,  and  a  Xorth-China  walking  stick  added 
by   Mr.  ^F.   S.    Carpenter   of   St.    John's    Wood.      The    Royal 
'■Commissionei's    further    demonstrated    the    prevailing     popular 
ignorance  of  Hongkong's  position  by  labelling  and  cataloguing 
-the  Canton  vConsul's  exhibits  of  specimens   of  Chinese   coal  as 
*  collected  by  H.M.  Consul  at  Hongkong.' 

The  sanitary  record  of  this  period  presents  a  remarkable 
illustration  of  the  vagaries  of  Hongkong  fever  and  of  human 
inability  to  restrain  or  even  account  for  them.  It  had  previously 
-been  customary  to  attribute  the  origin  of  Hongkong  fever  to 


278  CHAPTER  XV. 

exhalations  from  disturbed  virgin  soil  arising  after  exposure- 
to  sun  and  rain.  In  1848,  the  Colonial  Surgeon  traced  it  to 
the  prevalence  of  electricity  in  the  atmosphere.  But  during 
the  next  few  years  fever  put  in  a  sudden  and  equally  malignant 
appearance  in  places  where  the  soil  had  not  been  disturbed 
and  at  times  when  electricity  in  the  atmosphere  was  particularly 
scarce.  At  a  former  period  Hongkong  fever  attacked  Indian 
troops  when  it  spared  European  troops.  During  the  adminis- 
tration of  Sir  G.  Bonham  fever  raged  epidemically  in  the 
garrison,  both  European  and  Indian,  while  it  left  the  civilian 
population  untouched.  Thus  it  was  particularly  in  July  and 
August,  1848,  when,  after  several  months  of  excessive  heat, 
fever  decimated  the  garrison  to  an  alarnn'ng  degree.  The  same 
epidemic  recurred  among  the  garrison  in  July  and  August,  1850, 
when  no  excessive  heat  but  an  unusually  prolonged  winter  season, 
had  preceded  it.  In  the  short  interval  of  six  weeks,  the  59th 
Kegiment  was  more  than  decimated,  43  men  having  died  (though 
manv  more  were  stricken  with  fever)  between  14th  Julv  and  23rd 
August,  1850,  whilst  the  health  of  the  civilians  in  Hongkong 
continued  generally  good.  It  is  noteworthy  also  that,  after  that 
unusually  prolonged  winter  of  1849  to  1850,  an  epidemic,  having 
all  the  appearances  of  the  plague  (black  death)  which  devastated 
London  in  1GG5,  broke  out  in  Canton  in  May,  1850,  but,  though 
it  raged  there  for  several  months,  it  did  not  spread  to  Hongkong- 
In  autumn  (1850),  when  the  fever  had  ceased  ravaging  the 
garrison  of  Hongkong,  it  broke  out  among  the  Chinese  population. 
It  was  then  ascribed  to  long  continued  drought.  From  1850  to 
1853  the  average  annual  death  rate  among  the  civilian  European 
population  was  8  per  cent,  and  among  the  Chinese  3  per  cent., 
while  among  the  troops  it  varied  considerably.  In  1850  the- 
death  rate  among  European  troops  was  23  per  cent,  and  among 
the  Indian  troops  10  per  cent.  The  case  was  reversed  in  1852,. 
when  the  death  rate  of  European  troops  was  3.6  per  cent,  and 
that  of  the  Indian  troops  10.02  per  cent.  In  1851  and  185^ 
the  death  rate  was  the  same  among  both  classes  of  troops.  But 
whilst  in  all  the  preceding  years  fever  appeared  principally  in. 


THK  ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  G.  BONHAM.  27^ 

tlie  summer  months,  it  made  its  appearance  among  the  garrison 
in  1854  as  early  as  April,  when  73  men  were  stricken  with  fever 
and  dysentery  in  one  month.  Six  cases  of  Beriberi,  a  disease 
previously  unknown  in  Hongkong,  occurred  at  this  time  among 
the  Indian  troops. 

Great  as  the  vagaries  of  disease  were  during  this  period, 
the  divergencies  of  public  opinion  on  the  subject  were  stilF 
greater.  While  English  newspapers  denounced  Hongkong  as  a 
pest-hole,  while  the  music-halls  in  London  resounded  with  the 
popular  refrain  'You  may  go  to  Honukong  for  me,'  Governor 
Bonham  grew  eloquent  (in  his  annual  reports)  on  the  salubrity 
of  the  climate  of  Hongkong  which  he  considered  to  be  '  as  well 
adapted  to  the  European  constitution  as  other  places  similarly 
situated  within  the  tropics.'  Equally  great  was  the  variation 
of  opinion  among  military  and  civilian  surgeons  as  to  the  utility 
of  Peak  sanatoriums.  These  were  fii'st  recommended  in  1848 
by  the  Colonial  Surgeon  (Dr.  Morrison),  who  suggested  the 
erection  of  a  Government  sanatorium  at  an  altitude  of  1,774  feet 
above  the  sea. 

The  Colonial  church  was  at  last  completed  and  formally 
opened  (March  11,  1849)  on  the  anniversary  of  the  day  on  which 
Sir  J.  Davis  had  laid  the  foundation  stone.  Unfortunately  this 
ceremony  revived  for  a  moment  the  community's  bitter  feelings 
against  their  former  Governor,  because  his  coat  of  arms,  including 
a  bloody  hand,  was  observed  emblazoned  over  the  porte  cochere. 
The  indignant  community  assumed,  probably  without  good 
grounds,  that  this  apparent  impropriety,  for  which  the  Surveyor 
General  (Ch.  St.  J.  Cleverly)  was  responsible,  was  due  to  instruc- 
tions left  by  Sir  J.  Davis.  The  building  was  neatly  fitted  up. 
As  the  cost  of  erection,  even  after  kaving  the  tower  without 
a  steeple,  exceeded  the  funds  available  (£4,000),  power  was 
given  to  the  Trustees  by  a  special  Ordinance  (3  of  ISoO)  to 
raise  a  loan  to  cover  the  deficit  (^2,r)00).  Advantage  was  taken 
of  this  Ordinance  to  transfer  the  management  of  the  Church 
from  the  Colonial  Chaplain  to  the  Lord  Bishop  of  Victoria. 
For  letters  patent  had  meanwhile  been  issued  (May  11,  1849) 


280  ;CH AFTER   XV. 

declaring*  the  Colony  to  be  the  diocese  of  a  Lord  Bishop  and 
constituting  St.  John's  chnrch  as  a  cathedral  church  and  bishop's 
see.  It  appeared  that  a  fund  of  £1H,000  had  been  raised  in 
England  for  the  endowment  of  a  Hongkong  bishopric,  that  an 
annual  grant  of  £0,000  from  the  Colonial  Bishoprics'  Fund  had 
been  promised  by  the  Bishop  of  London,  and  that  an  additional 
sum  of  £2,000  was  available  for  the  special  purposes  of  St.  Paul's 
College.  The  latter  institution  was  to  be  (like  Dr.  Legge's 
Anglo-Chinese  College)  a  school  for  the  training  of  Chinese 
ministers,  and  the  Bishop  was  appointed  its  warden  under 
statutes  approved  (October  15,  1840)  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury.  The  College  received  later  on  also  a  small  Parlia- 
mentary grant  to  train  interpreters  for  the  public  service. 

With  the  arrival  (March  29,  1850)  of  the  Bishop,  G.  Smith, 
who  consecrated  the  new  cathedral  in  September,  1850,  a  period 
of  increased  missionary  and  educational  activity  set  in,  for  Bishop 
Smith  possessed  stimulating  energy  and  looked  upon  the  whole 
of  (3hina,  as  well  as  Hongkong,  as  his  diocese.  The  Jewish 
Colony  at  Kaifungfoo  (in  Xorth-China)  received  a  share  of 
the  Bishop's  attention,  a  curious  testimony  of  which  is  exhibited 
in  the  City  Hall  Library  in  the  shape  of  a  portion  of  the  Hebrew 
pentateuch  recovered  from  Kaifungfoo.  The  Taiping  rebellion 
and  the  missionary  politics  connected  with  it  occupied  much 
of  the  Bishop's  time.  For  the  benefit  of  seamen  passing  through 
Hongkong,  the  lorcha  Amie  was  converted  into  a  floating  Bethel 
ill  charge  of  a  seamen's  chaplain  (Mr.  Holdermann).  The 
Government  Grant-in-Aid  Schools  were  soon  brought  under  the 
supervision  of  the  Bishop  as  chairman  of  the  Educational 
Committee,  and  worked  as  feeders  of  St.  Paul's  College.  The 
latter  was  taught  (until  1841))  by  Mr.  J.  Summers  (afterwards 
Professor  of  Chinese  Literature  at  King's  College,  London)  and 
subsequently  by  the  Bishop  himself  and  his  chaplains.  Though 
the  College  produced  not  a  single  native  minister,  nor  any 
official  interpreter,  many  of  the  best  educated  native  residents 
of  the  Colony  received  their  training  there.  The  same  may 
be  said  of  Dr.  Legge's  An2:lo-Chinese  College  which  also  failed 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  G.  BONHAM.  281 

to  produce  any  native  preacher  or  teacher  but  trained  some 
eminent  English-speaking  Chinese.  AVhile  Bishop  Smith  was 
great  in  religious  politics,  Dr.  Legge  made  himself  a  European 
reputation  as  the  translator  of  the  Chinese  classics.  On  the 
other  hand,  some  of  the  scholars  of  the  Morrison  Institution, 
of  the  Anglo-Chinese  College  and  of  St.  Paul's  College,  gained 
-at  different  times  an  unenviable  notoriety  in  Police  Court  cases. 
Hence  the  public  drew  the  inference  that,  in  the  case  of  Chinese 
youths,  an  English  education,  even  when  conducted  on  a  religious 
basis,  fails  to  effect  any  moral  reform,  and  rather  tends  to  draw 
out  the  vicious  elements  inherent  in  the  Chinese  character.  The 
mercantile  community,  which  had  hitherto  munificently  supported 
missionary  institutions,  commenced  about  this  time  to  withdraw 
their  sympathies  from  the  missionary  cause  altogether.  The 
Morrison  Education  Society's  School  on  Morrison  Hill  had 
to  be  closed,  in  spring  1849,  for  want  of  public  support. 
Mr.  Stanton's  English  Children's  School,  under  Mr.  Drake, 
also  collapsed  in  1849  and  the  attempt  made  by  Miss  Mitchell 
to  revive  it  resulted,  in  1853,  in  complete  failure.  Dr.  Giitzlaff's 
Chinese  Union  of  native  colporteurs,  which  had  for  many  years 
made  a  greater  stir  in  Europe  than  in  China,  ended  in  October 
1849,  during  the  temporary  absence  of  Dr.  Giitzlaff,  in  a 
miserable  fiasco.  The  London  Mission  Hospital  for  Chinese, 
having  for  some  years  past  lost  its  hold  on  public  sympathy, 
was  closed  in  October,  1850.  The  London  Missionary  Society 
opened,  however,  a  chapel  in  Queen's  Road  (May,  1851)  where 
out-patients  were  occasionally  attended  to.  As  the  mercantile 
public  became  severe  critics  of  the  labours  of  the  missionaries, 
the  latter  now  came  to  look  upon  Hongkong  as  'a  stumbling- 
block  to  the  progress  of  Christianity  and  civilization  in  China.* 
The  Roman  Catholic  Missions,  seeking  on  the  quiet  the  support 
of  Government  rather  than  of  the  public,  continued  the  even 
tenor  of  their  way.  They  started  several  small  schools  which 
gave  to  Portuguese  youths  an  elementary  English  education 
and  thus  commenced  the  work  which  eventually  filled  commercial 
and  Government  offices  with  Portuguese  clerks.     The   Chinese 

UNIVERSITT 


282  CHAPTER   XV. 

popnlabion,  who  were  still  in  the  habit  of  sending  their  sons 
to  be  educated  outside  the  Colony,  in  Canton  or  in  their 
respeetive  native  villages,  cared  little  for  local  education.  Public 
spirit  among  the  Chinese  vented  itself  in  guild  meetings, 
processions  and  temple-committees.  Among  the  latter,  the- 
Committee  of  the  Man-moo  temple  (rebuilt  and  enlarged  in 
May,  1851)  now  I'ose  into  eminence  as  a  sort  of  unrecognized 
and  unofficial  local-government  board  (principally  made  up  by 
Nampak-hong  or  export  merchants).  This  Committee  secretly 
controlled  native  affairs,  acted  as  commercial  arbitrators,  arranged 
for  the  due  reception  of  mandarins  passing  through  the  Colony, 
negotiated  the  sale  of  official  titles,  and  formed  an  unofficial 
link  between  the  Chinese  residents  of  Hongkong  and  the  Canton 
Authorities. 

With  the  advent  of  Sir  G.  Bonham,  who  possessed  the 
secret  of  making  himself  thoroughly  popular  without  surrendering 
a  vestige  of  his  dignity  as  Her  Majesty's  Representative,  and 
who  was  fortunate  in  having  for  his  co-ad jutors  popular  and 
hospitable  men  like  the  Major-Generals  Staveley  and  Jervois, 
a  great  change  camo  over  the  social  life  of  the  Colony.  From 
the  very  commencement  of  this  administration,  Hongkong  society 
began  to  take  its  tone  from,  and  was  thenceforth  held  together 
by,  the  spirit  that  prevailed  at  GovernmeuD  House.  The 
transition,  from  the  state  of  things  in  the  davs  of  Sir 
H.  Pottinger  and  Sir  J.  Davis,  when  Government  House  was 
virtually  under  a  self-imposed  ban  of  social  ostracism,  to  the 
time  of  Sir  G.  Boiiham,  when  the  social  life  of  the  Colony 
gathered  round  Government  House  as  its  pivot,  was  too  sudden 
and  too  great  to  pass  off  smoothly.  When  Sir  George  (November, 
1819)  selected  fifteen  of  the  unofficial  Justices  of  the  Peace,, 
summoned  them  to  a  conference,  and  thenceforth  frequently 
consulted  them  collectively  or  individually,  he  virtually  created, 
in  succession  to  the  merchant  princes  of  former  days,  an  untitled 
commercial  aristocracy.  Unfortunately,  this  select  company 
had  no  natural  basis  of  demarcation.  Merchants,  formerly  of 
equal  standing  with  some  of  the  chosen  fifteen,  resented  their 


THE  ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  G.  BONHAM.  283 

exclusion  from  the  charmed  circle.  Hence  (particularly  in 
summer  1850)  the  epithets  of  flunkyism  and  toadyism  were 
freely  applied  to  the  attitude  of  the  Governor's  commercial 
friends.  Even  among  the  latter,  there  arose  occasionally 
acrimonious  questions  of  precedence  at  the  gubernatorial  dinner 
table.  Moreover  the  o-radations  of  social  rank  thus  orisfinated 
in  the  upper  circles  reproduced  themselves  in  the  middle  and' 
lower  strata  of  local  society,  which  accordingly  became  subdivided 
into  mutually  exclusive  cliques  and  sets.  The  revival  of  the 
Amateur  Dramatic  Corps  (December  2,  184:8),  the  formation 
of  the  Victoria  Regatta  Club  (October  25,  1849)  and  the 
establishment  of  a  Cricket  Club  (June,  1851),  served,  together 
with  the  annual  race  meetings  (transferred  since  1850  from 
January  to  February),  and  the  growing  popularity  of  the  Masonic 
fraternity  (which  gave  its  first  ball  on  February  ],  1853),  to 
contribute  some  powerful  elements  of  social  redintegration.  The 
presence,  in  1852  and  1853,  of  the  U.  S.  Squadron,  consisting 
of  seven  vessels,  under  Commodore  Perry,  was  also  helpful  to 
level  down  invidious  social  distinctions.  The  sympathy  which 
always  interconnected  the  mercantile  community  and  the  local 
garrison,  became  specially  conspicuous  when,  in  1848,  sickness 
made  such  frightful  ravages  among  the  troops.  The  kindness 
then  shown,  particularly  by  the  firm  of  Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co., 
to  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  men  of  the  95th  Regiment, 
was  acknowledged  on  the  part  of  the  latter  by  the  presentation, 
to  the  head  of  that  firm,  of  a  memorial  cup  (February,  1849). 
The  growingly  cosmopolitan  tone  of  public  feeling  in  Hongkong 
was  evidenced  by  the  universal  approval  given  to  the  salute 
which  the  British  men-of-war  in  harbour  fired  on  July  4,  1851, 
in  memory  of  the  Declaration  of  the  Independence  of  the 
United  States. 

At  the  beginning  of  Sir  (I.  Bonham's  administration,  a 
Colonial  Hospital  was  organised  (October  1,  1848)  and  the 
new  Government  offices  (close  to  the  Cathedral)  completed 
(November  10,  1848).  But  with  the  exception  of  the  erection 
of  a   new  Government  House  (1850  to  1853),  no  other  public 


"284  CHAPTER    XY. 

Avorks  of  any  pretension  were  undertaken.  On  Angnst  8,  1848, 
a  stirring  paper  from  the  pen  of  Dr.  Giitzlaff  was  read  at  a 
meeting  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  advocating  'the  advantages 
to  be  derived  from  the  establishment  of  a  Botanical  Garden 
in  Hongkong.'  A  Committee  was  forthwith  appointed  to  make 
inquiries  as  to  the  best  site  and  cost  of  the  undertaking.  The 
Government  was  also  approached  on  the  subject  which  was 
warmly  applauded  on  all  sides.  But  financial  considerations 
caused  Sir  G.  Bonham  to  postpone  the  execution  of  the  scheme. 
The  private  organisation  (August,  1848)  of  the  Victoria  Library 
and  Reading  Rooms  (which  laid  the  foundation  for  a  future 
public  librai-y)  and  the  existence  throughout  this  period  of  three 
local  newspapers  and  two  advertisers,  testified  to  the  continuance 
of  a  literary  as  well  as  commercial  spirit  in  the  Colony.  The 
temporary  stay  of  Dr.  Bowring  in  Hongkong  (1852  to  1858) 
fanned  the  languishing  energies  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 
into  a  new  flame.  Masonic  pursuits  were  popularized  by  the 
•elaborate  solemnity  of  laying  the  foundation  stone  (February 
1,  1853)  of  the  Masonic  Hall,  under  the  direction  of  the 
Provincial  Grand  Master  (S.  Rawson)  of  British  Masons  in 
China. 

Few  but  serious  calamities  marred  the  general  prosperity 
which  characterized  this  jDeriod.  A  storm  of  unusual  violence, 
the  severest  since  1841,  swept  over  Hongkong  on  August  81 
and  September  1,  1848.  The  barometer  fell  as  low  as  28*84 
but  the  wind  did  not  attain  to  full  typhoon  force.  Although 
timely  warning  had  been  given  by  the  Harbour  Master,  the 
shipping  suffered  severely.  Thirteen  vessels  in  harbour  were 
damaged  or  wrecked  and  a  considerable  loss  of  life  and  pro|XTty 
ensued.  House  property  on  shore,  and  the  troop-ships  in  the 
harbour  (tilled  with  men  who  had  been  removed  on  board  to 
€scape  the  fever),  suffered  but  little  damage.  The  storm  Avas 
far  more  destructive  in  Macao  and  Canton  than  in  Hongkong. 
On  December  28,  1851,  one  of  the  greatest  conflagrations 
occurred  that  Hongkong  ever  experienced.  During  a  strong 
gale,  a  fire  broke  out  near  the  Sheungwan  market  and,  in  spite 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  G.  BONHAM.  285' 

of  heroic  efforts  made  by  the  Royal  Engineers  under  the  personal 
direction  of  Major-General  Jervois  to  stay  the  fire,  472  Chinese 
honses,  north  of  Qneen's  Road,  between  the  present  Fire  Brigade 
Station  in  the  East  and  the  P.  &  0.  Company's  godowns  in 
the  AVest,  were  entirely  destroyed  and  thirty  lives  lost.  Liberal 
aid  was  afforded  by  Governor  Bonham  in  housing^  the  burnt- 
out  people  and  the  crown  rents  of  properties  concerned  were 
temporarily  abated.  The  whole  district  was  speedily  rebuilt  with 
considerable  improvements.  A  new  town  sprang  np  in  the  place 
and  the  most  eastern  and  the  most  western  of  the  new  streets 
were  respectively  named  Jervois  Street  and  Bonham  Strand,  the 
latter  being  laid  out  on  land  newly  reclaimed  from  the  sea. 

The  obituary  of  this  period  includes,  among  others,  the 
names  of  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Jam.es  (April,  1848),  Rear- Admiral  Sir 
Francis  A.  Collier,  C.B.  (October  28,  1849),  Captain  Troubridge 
(above  mentioned),  Macao's  famous  painter  Chinnerey  (May  30, 
1852),  Mrs.  J.  T.  M.  Legge  (October  17,  1852)  and  Dr.  Giitzlaff 
(August  9,  1854). 

A  survey  of  Sir  George  Bonham's  administration  clearly 
marks  him  out  as  the  fii-st  model  Governor  of  Honorkonof.  The 
renewed  prosperity  of  the  Colony,  that  set  in  with  his  regime, 
was  indeed  principally  due  to  a  fortunate  combination  of  events 
quite  beyond  his  control.  But  whilst  it  never  is  in  the  power- 
of  a  Governor  to  create  prosperity,  he  has  it  in  his  power  to 
hinder,  mar  and  destroy  it.  Sir  George,  when  convinced  that 
he  might  gain  for  himself  the  glory  of  making  the  Colony  for 
the  first  time  financially  self-supporting  by  an  increase  of 
taxation  which  he  knew  to  be  practicable,  refrained  from  forcing 
his  views  upon  the  community  in  deference  to  public  feeling. 
He  was  the  first  Governor  of  Hongkong  who,  basing  his  action 
on  the  programme  sketched  out  by  the  Parliamentary  Committee 
of  1847,  administered  the  government  of  this  Crown  Colony  on 
popularly  recognized  principles,  systematically  sacrificing  his 
individual  views  and  his  personal  advancement  to  the  welfare 
of  the  common  weal.  Both  as  a  diplomatist  and  as  a  governor, 
Sir  George  was  an  nncpialified  success. 


286  CHAPTER  XV. 

Detractoi-s  of  his  merits  were  not  wanting.  The  Hongkong 
public  man  is  nothing  if  not  severely  critical.  A  small  opposition 
party  in  the  Colony,  whilst  fully  admitting  the  affability, 
hospitality,  liberality  and  gentlemanly  bearing  of  Governor 
Bonham,  alleged — that  he  systematically  favoured  Consular 
€onrts  at  the  expense  of  the  local  Supreme  Court ;  that  he  lost 
no  opportunity  of  curtailing  the  powers  of  the  latter  and  did 
nothing  to  make  good  the  glaring  deficiencies  of  Court  inter- 
pretation; that  his  ignorance  of  the  shipping  resources  of  the 
Colony  was  on  a  par  with  his  perfect  indifference  regarding 
•them ;  that  he  arbitrarily  created  a  set  of  pampered  aristocrats 
and,  whilst  cajoling  them  by  pretending  to  consult  their  views 
in  minor  affairs,  ignored  them  concerning  more  weighty  mattei*s 
such  as  the  regulation  of  emigration ;  that  his  conduct  regarding 
the  currency  was  impolitic  and  disgraceful,  violating  a 
Government  proclamation  (May  5,  1845)  that  had  regulated 
the  currency  since  the  Island  was  ceded,  because  forsooth 
the  Chief  Justice  expressed  an  opinion  that  the  proclamation 
was  illegal ;  that  his  constant  endeavour  was  to  do  away  with  the 
Commissariat  Treasury  department,  because  it  was  not  under  his 
control ;  that  he  did  nothing  to  assist  the  Post  Office  because 
it  was  independent  of  him,  though  the  Postmaster  did  good 
service  by  establishing  branch-offices  at  the  Treaty  ports ;  that 
he  allowed  the  Police  Force  to  sink  into  the  most  wretched 
and  ineffective  condition  such  as  admitted  of  robberies  occurring 
nightly  and  people  being  often  knocked  down  in  the  centre 
of  the  town  in  the  middle  of  the  day ;  that  the  place  had  been 
.blockaded  by  pirates  and  nothing  hud  been  done  except  by  fits 
and  starts  when  a  smart  man-of-war  happened  to  be  here; 
that  in  fine  Sir  George  had  been  a  useless  governor,  purely 
ornamental,  highly  decorated  and  extravagantly  paid. 

On  the  other  hand,  when  Sir  George  Bonham  went  on 
furlough  (March  2b,  ]  852),  the  leading  merchants  of  the  Colony 
(David  Jardine,  Wilkinson  Dent,  C.  J.  F.  Stuart,  and  George 
Lyall)  presented  him  with  an  address  signed  by  all  the  lociil 
British  firms  of  any  standing  (35  in    number).     This  address 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  G.   BONHAM.  287 

expressed  the  satisfaction  felt  by  the  community  with  the 
Governor's  general  administration  and  stated  that  the  changes 
made  in  the  administration  of  justice  had  gained  him  the 
confidence  of  all  and  particularly  of  the  Chinese  community, 
improving  the  latter  and  increasing  native  trade.  The  address 
also  acknowledged  that  Sir  George's  social  qualities  had  produced 
general  harmony  and  confidence.  Again,  in  1854,  when  Sir 
George  Bonham  finally  left  the  Colony,  another  public  address, 
as  numerously  signed  as  the  previous  one,  was  presented  to  him 
(April  7,  1854).  This  farew^ell  memorial  gave  Sir  George  the 
renewed  assurance  of  the  general  confidence  reposed  in  his 
administration,  and  referred  to  important  and  beneficial  changes, 
introduced  by  him,  which  had  promoted  the  general  interest. 
The  same  merchants  who  six  years  before  had  assured  Sir  J. 
Davis  that  the  Colony  was  ruined,  lauded  Sir  G.  Bonham  on 
the  ground  that  the  evidence  of  the  increased  prosperity  of  the 
<volony  was  now  quite  apparent.  They  pointed  to  the  new  town 
(Bonham  Strand)  which  had  sprung  up  with  remarkable  rapidity 
and  contributed  to  the  large  increase  of  the  native  population. 
In  conclusion  this  address  stated  that  the  friendly  iutercoursd 
-which  had  subsisted  between  Governor  Bonham  and  the  com- 
munity would  leave  a  lasting  memorial  of  the  high  estimation 
in  which  he  had  been  held. 

Xevertheless  this  model  Governor,  the  first  really  popular 
and  successful  one  of  the  Colony's  rulers,  was  soon  forgotten 
by  the  fluctuating  community.  In  modern  Hongkong,  Sir 
George  Bonham  is  about  the  least  known  of  its  former  governors. 
Her  Majesty's  Government  also  bestowed  no  further  honours 
•on  the  man  who  had  done  such  credit  to  Lord  Palmerston's 
selection.  Sir  George  Bonham  died  in  1803,  leaving  his  greatness 
•to  appeal  to  the  future  for  the  recognition  it  deserves. 


(2 . 9, 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


A  Brief  Survey. 
A.D.  1634  to  1854. 


f  HE  i^riod  covered  by  the  administration  of  Sir  G.  Bonham 
W  clearly  marks,  when  compared  with  the  preceding  epochs, 
a  turning  point  in  the  history  of  Hongkong.  The  reader  who 
cares  only  for  a  detailed  record  of  the  most  noteworthy  facts  and 
events  connected  with  the  history  of  Hongkong,  will  readily 
dispense  with  this  chapter  and  hnrry  on  to  the  next.  But  he 
who  would  understand  that  history  in  itself,  discern  its  inner 
workings  and  decipher  its  deeper  import,  so  as  to  study  the. 
history  of  Hongkong  in  the  light  of  cause  and  effect,  may  well 
pause  at  this  point  for  a  brief  survey  of  the  facts  presented  in 
the  preceding  chapters. 

The  Island  of  Hongkong,  it  will  have  been  observed,  was 
even  in  its  pre-British  times  an  eccentric  vantage  point.  It 
never  was  so  much  of  an  integral  portion  of  Asia  as  to  be  of 
any  practical  moment  to  the  Chinese  political  or  social  organism. 
Its  very  name  was  unknown  to  the  topographers  or  statesmen 
of  China  and  men  had  to  come  from  the  Far  West  to  s:ive  it  a 
name  in  the  history  of  the  East.  Its  situation  at  the  farthest 
south-east  point  of  the  Chinese  Empire,  in  line  with  the  British 
Possessions  in  Africa,  India  and  North-America,  constituted  it  a 
natural  Anglo-Chinese  outstation  in  the  Pacific.  Hongkong 
never  belonged  naturally  either  to  Asia  or  to  Europe,  but  was 
plainly  destined  in  God's  providence  to  form  the  connecting 
link  for  both. 

As  the  place  so  its  people.  Ever  since  the  first  dawning 
of  its  known  history,  Hongkong  was  the  refuge  of  the  oppressed 
from  among  the  nations.    The  Hakkas  ill-treated  by  the  Puntis, 


A  BRIEF  SURVEY.  289' 

the  Puiitis  Tie-chins  and  Tan-ka  people  weary  of  the  yoke  of 
maudai'indom,  as  well  as  the  Chinese  Emperor  fleeing  before 
the  rnthless  Tartar  invaders,  the  indnstrions  Chinese  settler  as 
well  as  the  roving  pirate,  and  finally  the  British  merchant 
self-exiled  from  Europe  finding  his  personal  and  national  self- 
respect  trampled  under  foot  by  Manchu-Chinese  tyrants — all 
turned,  with  hesitating  reluctance  but  impelled  by  resistless  fate, 
to  the  Tslaud  of  Hongkong  as  the  haven  of  refuge,  the  home 
of  the  free. 

It  was  not  in  the  nature  of  things  that  Hongkong  should 
at  once  become  a  paradise  of  liberty.  It  was  not  to  be  expected 
that  the  seekers  of  liberty,  self-expatriated  from  the  antipodes 
of  the  AVest  and  the  East  yet  with  the  love  of  their  respective 
national  homes  fresh  in  their  hearts,  would  either  be  left 
undisturbed  from  without  or  consolidate  otherwise  than  by  years 
of  internal  friction  into  one  political  and  social  organism  within 
the  Colony.  A  stormy  career,  war  without  and  dissensions 
within,  yet  real  though  slow  growth  withal  and  eventual  power 
radiating  from  a  healthful  centre  of  innate  Anglo-Saxon  vitality, 
was  what  the  seer  gifted  with  power  to  look  into  the  future  might 
have  predicted  as  the  fate  in  store  for  this  phenomenal  Anglo- 
Chinese  Colony  in  the  Far  East.  <^ 

Searching  deeper  still  into  the  underlying  causes  of  this 
Eurasian  phenomenon,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  evolution  of 
the  Colony  of  Hongkong  was  in  reality  the  product  of  a  quasi 
marriage-alliance  between  Europe  and  Asia,  concluded  at  Canton 
(after  lOS-t  A.T>.)  between  the  East  India  Company  and  the 
Chinese  Government.  But  this  international  union  carelessly 
entered  upon  was  characterized,  in  the  course  of  the  next  two 
centuries,  by  a  deep-seated  and  growingly  manifested  incompati- 
bility of  temper,  such  as  made  Anglo-Chinese  international  life 
at  Canton  a  burden  too  heavy  to  be  borne  by  either  nation. 
British  free  trade  notions  based  on  the  assumption  of  international 
equality  could  not  remain  in  wedlock  with  China's  iron  rule 
of  monopoly  based  on  the  claim  of  political  supremacy  over 
the  universe.     The  crisis  came  when  that  claim  was  confronted 

^9 


290  CHAPTER  XVI. 

(A.D.  1833)  by  an  Act  of  Parliament  establishing  British 
authority  in  the  East  and  by  the  substitution  (A.D.  1834) 
of  an  independent  community  of  lusty  free  traders  for  the  servile 
and  effete  East  India  Company.  The  domestic  alliance  contracted 
after  A.D.  1G34  between  Europe  and  Asia  on  terms  so 
hurailiatina:  for  the  former,  was  bound  to  result  in  a  temporary 
divorce.  That  divorce  was  solemnly  and  emphatically  pro- 
nounced, though  with  patent  unwillingness,  by  Commissioner 
Lin  (A.D.  1839)  acting  on  behalf  of  Asia,  whereupon  Captain 
Elliot,  acting  as  the  representative  of  Europe,  secured  Hongkong 
as  a  cradle  for  the  offspring  of  that  unhappy  union  (born  A.D. 
1841),  that  is  to  say  for  the  Colony  whose  divine  destiny  it 
is  to  reconcile  its  parents  hereafter  in  a  happier  reunion  by  a 
due  subordination  of  Asia  to  Europe.  The  elder  shall  serve 
the  younger  and  be  taught  to  love  and  obey — such  is  the 
historic  problem  which  Hongkong  has  to  solve  in  the  dim 
future. 

This  conception  of  Hongkong  as  the  vantage  point  from 
which  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  has  to  work  out  its  divine  mission  of 
promoting  the  civilization  of  Europe  in  the  East,  and  establishing 
the  rule  of  constitutional  liberty  on  the  continent  of  Asia  and 
on  the  main  of  the  Pacific,  is  not  a  mere  fancy.  However 
imperfectly  the  problem  may  have  been  stated  here,  the  foregoing 
remarks  undoubtedly  contain  an  approximate  formulation  of  a 
true  historic  lesson  which  he  who  runs  mav  read.  Now  this 
lesson,  however  it  may  be  modified  and  amended  by  a  critical 
reader,  provides  the  student  of  the  history  of  Hongkong  with 
a  definite  standard  by  which  he  can  measure  the  progress  of 
the  Colony  and  judge  the  merits  of  its  Governors  at  any 
successive  period.  If  the  reader  is  once  clear  as  to  what  it 
is  that  the  past  history  of  Hongkong  shews  the  purport  of  the 
establishment  of  Hongkong  to  have  been  in  the  providence  of 
(iod,  liKi  will  have  no  difficulty  in  determining,  with  regard 
to  the  public  measures  or  public  men  of  any  period,  w^hether 
they  marred  or  promoted  the  Colony's  progress  towards  fulfilling 
its  divine  mission. 


A  BRIEF  SURVEY.  291 

It  appears  then  from  this  point  of  view  that  the  Colony 
of  Hongkong,  the  offspring  of  a  union  batween  Europe  and  Asia, 
ushered  into  the  world  in  the  year  1841,  was  nursed  by  brave 
Captain  Elliot  in  the  cradle  of  liberty  and  free  trade,  solemnly 
christened  at  Nanking,  in  1842,  by  the  despotic  autocrat,  Sir 
H.  Pottinger,  weaned  from  1844  to  1848  by  pedantic  Sir 
J.  Davis  amid  an  amount  of  tempest  and  strife  which  made 
the  empoverished  Colonial  nursery  resound  with  cries  for 
representative  government  and  with  groans  condemnatory  of 
monopoly,  until  Parliament  stepped  in  (in  1847)  and  laid  down 
the  programme  on  which  the  schooling  of  the  young  fledgeling 
Avas  accordingly  conducted  by  Sir  G.  Bonham,  who  gave  the 
Colony  its  first  common-sense  instructions  in  the  A-B-C  of 
constitutional  government.  In  other  words,  of  the  first  four 
Governors  of  Hongkong  only  Captain  Elliot  and  Sir  G.  Bonham 
appear  to  have  read  aright  the  lessons  of  the  past  history  of 
British  intercourse  with  China  and  to  have  applied  those  lessons 
correctly  to  the  establishment  of  the  Colony  of  Hongkong. 

To  begin  with  Captain  Elhot,  he  seems  to  have  recognized 
or  at  any  rate  acted  upon  the  following  principles — (1)  that 
Hongkong  must  be  regarded  in  the  first  instance  as  a  point  from 
which  should  radiate  the  general  influence  of  Europe  upon  Asia ; 

(2)  that  it  is  therefore  of  primary  importance  to  maintain  at 
Hongkong  British  supremacy  vis  a  vis  Chinese  mandarindom ; 

(3)  that  the  settlement  on  Hongkong  must  be  treated  rather 
as  a  station  for  the  protection  of  British  trade  in  the  Far  East 
in  general  than  as  a  Colony  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  word, 
that  is  to  say  that  Hono-kono*  is  in  truth  neither  a  mere  Crown 
Colony  ac(]uired  by  war  nor  a  Colony  formed  by  productive 
settlement ;  (4)  that  the  Colony  of  Hongkong  can  be  made 
to  prosper  only  by  keeping:  sacredly  inviolate  its  free  trade 
palladium  and  by  governing  the  colonists  on  principles  of 
constitutional  liberty.  Unfortunately  Captain  Elliot  was  recalled 
before  he  could  give  full  effect  to  these  fundamental  principles. 
But  that  he  estabhshed  the  Colony  on  this  basis  redounds  to 
-his  honour. 


292  CHAPTER  XVI. 

It  was  even  more  unfortunate  that  Captain  Elliot's  successors,. 
Sir  H.  Pottinger  and  Sir  J.  Davis,  pursued  a  policy  whiclv 
while  theoretically  accepting*  the  first  of  those  propositions, 
virtually  ran  counter  to  all  of  them.  It  is  quite  possible  that 
the  recall  of  Captain  Elliot  implied  a  condemnation  on  the 
part  of  the  Colonial  Office  of  the  above  stated  propositions  rather 
than  of  his  Palmerstonian  war  policy,  and  that  the  contrary 
principles  adopted  by  Elliot's  successors  originated  with  the- 
Downing  vStreet  Authorities  rather  than  with  themselves.  But 
if  so,  it  is  remarkable  that  both  Sir  H.  Pottinger  and  Sir  J. 
Davis  apixiar  to  have  carried  out  con  amore  those  pernicious 
instructions  and  to  have  personally  identified  themselves  with 
the  autocratic  and  protectionist  spirit  that  must  have  governed 
the  authors  of  those  instructions  whoever  they  were.  Sir  H. 
Pottinger,  indeed,  gloriously  maintained,  while  the  British  army 
and  navy  were  at  work,  the  ascendancy  of  Europe  in  Asia, 
but,  the  moment  the  sword  was  sheathed,  he  allowed  Mandarin 
duplicity  and  arrogance  to  cajole  him  so  as  to  surrender  one 
and  all  of  the  principles  established  by  Captain  Elliot.  Sir 
H.  Pottinger  thought  so  highly  of  Chinese  officials  and  so  badly 
of  British  merchants  that,  for  verv  fear  of  furtherino-  the 
interests  of  opium  dealers  and  smugglers,  he  shrank  from 
maintaining  free  trade  principles.  In  result,  he  preferred  to 
allow  the  Cantonese  Authorities  to  frame  regulations  for 
Hongkong's  commerce  which  effectually  strangled  it.  Moreover, 
whilst  thus  sacrificing  the  liberty  and  prosperity  of  British 
commerce,  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  though  in  the  Nanking  Treaty  he 
had  defined  Hongkong  as  a  mere  naval  station  for  careening  and 
refitting  British  ships,  governed  the  settlers  as  if  Hongkong 
were  a  regular  Colony  bound  to  maintain  by  taxes  an  extrav- 
agantly expensive  official  establishment,  and  yet  refused  to  give 
them  any  representation  or  voice  whatsoever  in  a  Council  which 
autocratically  disposed  of  the  taxpayer'  money.  Sir  J.  Davis, 
specially  selected  as  the  trained  tool  of  ISIandarin  autocracy 
and  monopoly,  not  only  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  his 
predecessor,  but  went  even  farther  in  violation  of  the  principles 


A  BRIEF  SURVEY.  293 

which  had  guided  Captain  Elliot.  By  his  Triad  Society's 
'Ordinance  he  sacrificed  the  rndiineiitary  principles  of  European 
•civilization  and  the  British  axiom  of  the  liberty  of  the  subject 
:to  a  cringino-  subservience  of  the  aims  of  Mandarin  tyranny 
in  its  most  barbaric  aspects.  By  his  buccaneering  expedition 
•of  April,  1847,  he  injured  British  prestige  in  the  East  even 
more  than  his  predecessor  had  ever  done.  By  his  monopolies 
and  farms  and  petty  regulations  he  hampered  and  injured  the 
foreign  and  native  commerce  of  the  Colony  and  nullified  the 
freedom  of  the  port.  The  result  of  the  misgovernment,  initiated 
•by  Sir  H.  Pottinger  and  contiimed  by  Sir  J.  Davis,  was  that 
Parliament  had  to  step  in  to  warn  the  Colonial  Office  against 
'the  mischievous  policy  pursued  at  Hongkong,  and  to  rescue  the 
Colony  from  plaiidy  and  imminently  impending  ruin  by  a  return 
'to  the  principles  established  by  Captain  Elliot.  Let  the  reader 
who  doubts  the  soundness  of  the  above  analysis  of  Hongkong's 
early  history  ponder  the  incontrovertible  fact  that  the  policy 
of  autocracy,  monopoly  and  protectionism,  pursued  by  Sir  H. 
Pottinger  and  Sii*  -J.  Davis,  not  only  drove  commerce  away  from 
Hongkong  and  made  the  Colony  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Cliinese,  but  brought  the  settlement  to  the  verge  of  commercial 
and  financial  ruin  and  delivered  l^ritish  commerce  at  Hongkong, 
under  the  shadow  of  the  British  flag,  into  a  bondage  of  Chinese 
mandarindom,  as  effective,  as  despicable  and  as  galling  as  that 
under  which  the  East  India  Company  and  the  British  free 
traders  ever  groaned  whilst  located  at  Canton.  AVhat  staved  off 
the  impending  rniu  was  a  reversion  to  the  principles  of  Elliot. 

The  foregoing  remarks  mav  serve  to  show  that  the  formula- 
tion,  by  the  Parliamentary  Committee  of  1847,  of  the  programme 
essential  for  Hongkong's  prosperity,  was  but  a  comprehensive 
re-statement  of  the  principles  which  led  to  and  guided  the 
original  establishment  of  the  Colony.  Those  principles,  discarded 
for  a  while  by  Sir  H.  Pottinger  and  Sir  J.  Davis  to  the  Colony's 
manifest  injury,  were  re-introduced  l)y  Sir  G.  Bonham  who 
conformed  his  administration  to  those  principles,  though  he 
vdid  not  agree  with  all  the  propositions  which  the  Parliamentary 


294  CHAPTER  XVI. 

Committee  had  deduced  therefrom.  Sir  G.  Bonham's  administra- 
tion stands  thus  connected  positively  with  tliat  of  Captain  Elliot 
and  neo:atively  with  that  of  Sir  H.  Pottinger  and  Sir  J.  Davis. 
This  view  comprehends,  in  one  organic  process,  the  whole  period 
from  1841  to  1854  as  the  first  epoch  in  the  pragmatic  history 
of  Hongkong.  It  also  gives  its  due  importance  to  the 
administration  of  Sir  G.  Bonham  which,  as  it  was  with  regard 
to  the  misrule  of  his  two  predecessors,  the  grave  of  the  past, 
"was  at  the  same  time,  by  the  restoration  of  Elliot's  .vital 
principles,  the  cradle  of  the  future. 

What  constitutes,  therefore,  tbe  close  of  Sir  G.  Bonham's 
administration  as  one  of  the  great  turning  points  in  the  history 
of  the  Colony  is  this,  that  by  this  time  both  the  colonists  and 
■  the  Colonial  Office  had  attained  to  the  clear  consciousness  of" 
j  Hongkong's  mission  as  the  representative  of  free  trade  in  the 
iEast  and  of  the  need  of  some  sort  of  representative  government. 
An  eqnally  clear  apprehension  of  the  difficulties  standing  in 
the  way  of  a  practical  realisation  of  this  ideal  was  not  wanting. 
But  the  recognition  of  the  ideal  itself  was  now  established. 
This  was  for  the  young  Colony  what  the  first  effulgence  of 
personal  self-consciousness  is  in  the  evokition  of  the  human 
mind.  Autocratic  despotism,  protectionism  and  monopoly,  were 
now  doomed,  in  principle  at  least.  The  commercial  and  financial 
prosperity  of  Hongkong  was  now,  though  not  perfected  yet, 
virtually  established.  A  definite  prospect  of  the  Colony  becom- 
ing soon  absolutely  self-supporting,  Wiis  now  looming  within 
measurable  distance.  And  as  to  Hong-kono-'s  exercisinof,  on 
behalf  of  Europe,  a  civilizing  influence  upon  the  adjoining 
continent  of  x\sia,  the  colonists  and  their  rulers  could  well 
trust  to  the  natural  course  of  events  to  work  out  that  problem. 
A  British  Colony  thus  firmly  established  in  Asia,  on  the  root 
principles  of  European  liberty,  was  and  is  sure  to  play,  in  the 
drama  of  the  future,  such  a  part  as  will  illustrate,  in  the  sight  of 
Asia,  the  superiority  of  British  over  Chinese  forms  of  civilization 
and  government  and  make  Hongkong  for  all  times  the  bulwark 
"of  the  cause  of  Europe  in  the  East. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


The  Administration  of  Sir  John  Bowring. 
A2)rU  IS,  1854,  to  May  5,  1859. 

\URING  the  ten  months  of  Sir  G.  Bonham's  absence  on 
furlough  (1852  to  1853),  while  Major-General  Jervois 
administered  the  government  of  the  Colony,  the  affairs  of  the 
Superintendencj  of  Trade  were,  as  mentioned  above,  separately 
attended  to  by  H.M.  Consul  of  Canton  who,  for  this  purpose, 
temporarily  resided  at  Government  House,  Hongkong.  That 
Consul  and  Acting  Chief-Superintendent  of  British  Trade  in 
China  was  Dr.  Bowring. 

He  had  previously  gained  for  himself  a  measure  of  Euro^Dean 
renown  and  the  verdict  of  public  opinion  was,  to  use  the  words 
of  his  own  epigrammatic  critique  of  Byron,  that  more  could  be 
said  of  his  genius  than  of  his  character.  Dr.  Bowring's  natural 
abilities  were  marked  by  great  versatility  but  appeared  to  lack  in 
depth.  Starting  in  commercial  life  and  having  occupied  several 
responsible  posts  on  the  Continent,  he  distinguished  himself  as 
a  linguist,  as  a  racy  translator  of  foreign  literature,  as  the  author 
of  promiscuous  pamphlets  on  commerce,  ifinance,  and  political 
economy,  and  as  a  member  of  numerous  Literary  Societies. 
So  great  was  his  literary  and  political  i-eputation,  that,  when 
the  Westminster  Review  was  started  (1824)  to  expound  the 
doctrines  of  the  so-called  philosophical  radicals,  headed  by 
Jeremv  Bentham,  and  to  advocate  the  views  of  the  advanced 
liberal  party,  he  was  chosen  as  first  editor  and  successfully  held 
the  office  for  many  years  in  conjunction  with  H.  Southern. 
During  Earl  Grey's  Ministry,  the  Government  also  recognized 
his  abilities  and  employed  him  repeatedly,  firat  as  Secretary 
to   a   Commission   for  investigating   the    public    accounts,   and 


296  CHAPTER   XVII. 

on  snbsaquent  occasions  in  connection  with  Commercial  Treaties 
concluded  with  France,  the  Zoll-Verein,  the  Levant  and  Holland. 
Whilst  in  Holland,  he  received  (1829)  from  the  Academy  of 
•Groningen  the  honorary  title  of  Doctor  Literarum  Humanioriim. 
In  the  year  1833  he  entered  Parliament  as  Member  for 
Kilmarnock  (1833  to  1837)  and,  after  three  unsuccessful  contests 
for  Blackburn  and  Kirkcaldy,  sat  for  seven  years  for  Bolton. 
(1841  to  1840).  During  this  period  he  directed  (in  1846) 
the  attention  of  the  Ministry  to  alleged  illegal  flogging  in 
Hongkong  and  took,  as  a  member  of  the  Parliamentary 
•Committee  of  1847,  a  prominent  part  in  the  inquiry  into 
Hono^kono^  affairs  and  British  relations  with  China.  He  was 
also  for  a  number  of  years  President  of  the  Peace  Society 
(established  since  1816)  which  labours  to  procure  universal 
disarmament  and  the  substitution  of  international  arbitration 
for  war.  Earl  Clarendon  and  Lord  Palmerston  thought  highly 
of  Dr.  Bowring  and  always  remained  his  staunch  supporters. 
Owing  to  financial  reverses,  however,  Dr.  Bowring  had  to  seek 
a  lucrative  post  and  accepted,  in  January  1849,  a  Consular 
appointment.  '  Lord  Palmerston,'  he  says  in  his  autobiography, 
*  offered  me  the  Consulship  of  Canton  where  diplomatic  questions 
with  the  Central  Kingdom  were  discussed.'  His  actual  occu- 
j)ations  in  Canton  were,  however,  of  a  disenchantiugly  humble 
<lescription  and  even  during  his  short  tenure  of  the  Acting 
Superintendency  in  1852,  he  disdained  the  limits  of  his  little 
reign  and  considered  himself  a  disappointed  man.  However, 
lie  adhered  to  Sir  G.  Bonham's  policy,  ruled  in  peace  over 
the  few  Consular  stations  and  abstained,  while  in  Hongkong, 
from  all  interference  with  the  affairs  of  the  Colony,  beyond 
resuscitating  by  sundry  sinological  contributions  and  by  the 
inspiration  of  his  personal  presence  the  moribund  Hongkong 
Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society.  One  of  the  most  valuable 
papers  he  wrote  at  this  time  is  his  dispatch  to  Lord  Clarendon 
of  April  19,  1852,  in  which  he  correctly  and  lucidly  summed 
np  the  policy  of  the  Chinese  Government,  during  the  preceding 
len    years,  as   one   of    unflinching    hostility    and    shewed    the 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BO  WRING.  297 

-essential    incompatibility   of   British   and   Chinese   aims   in   the 
Far  East. 

On  the  return  of  Sir  Gr.  Bonham,  Dr.  Bowrino^,  instead  of 
resuming  his  duties  at  Canton,  went  on  furlouirh  (February  16, 
1858)  and  returned  by  way  of  Java  to  England.  There  he 
secure:!  for  himself  the  long  coveted  appointment  to  the  double 
office  of  H.M.  Plenipotentiary  in  Cliina  and  Governor  of 
Hongkong.  On  December  24,  1853,  he  was  created  by  Her 
Majesty  a  Knight  Bachelor  and  a  warrant  issued  which,  while 
making  provision  for  the  eventual  separation  of  the  office  of 
Chief-Superintendent  of  Trade  from  the  Governorship  of  Hong- 
kong, appointed  Sir  John  Bowring  to  be  H.M.  Plenipotentiary 
and  Chief-Superintendent  of  Trade,  as  well  as  Governor  of 
Hongkong  and  its  Dependencies  and  Commander-in-Chief  and 
Vice- Admiral  of  the  same.  When  Sir  John  received  (February 
13,  1854)  his  instructions  under  this  warrant,  and  found  himself 
also  authorized  to  arrange  for  a  commercial  treaty  with  Siam, 
he  felt  his  greatness  overpo^vering  him.  '  To  China  I  went,' 
says  Sir  John,  'as  the  representative  of  the  Queen,  and  was 
accredited  not  to  Peking  alone  but  to  Japan,  Siam,  China  and 
Corea,  I  beh'eve  to  a  greater  number  of  beings  (indeed  no  less 
than  a  third  of  the  race  of  man)  than  any  individual  had  been 
accredited  before.'  Thus,  bearing  his  blushing  honours  thick 
npon  him,  he  sailed  to  China  with  the  sound  of  glory  ringing 
in  his  ears. 

When  he  arrived  in  Hongkong  (April  13,  1854),  where  he 
had  Colonel  W.  Caine  for  his  Lieutenant-Governor  and  the  Hon. 
W.  T.  Mercer  for  his  Colonial  Secretary,  he  found  the  community 
•contented  and  the  Civil  Service  still  free  from  any  dissension. 
The  residents  were  certainly  not  enamoured  with  their  new 
Governor  but,  though  they  attributed  to  him  an  inordinate 
anxiety  for  self-glorification,  humorously  saying  that  he  had 
come  back  big  with  the  fate  of  China  and  himself,  there  was  no 
ill-will  against  him.     Stirring  times  were  certainly  approaching. 

Within  a  fortnight  of  his  arrival  in  Hongkong,  Sir  John 
received  the  news  of  the  declaration  of  war  (March  28,  1854) 


298  CHAPTER  XVII. 

againsb  Russia.  Immediately  he  started  off,  with  the  Admiral 
(Sir  James  Stirling)  for  Chiisan,  hoping  to  intercept  the  Russian 
fleet  under  the  command  of  Count  Pontiatin.  It  was  a  wild 
goose  chase.  Tlje  Russians  had  left  for  regions  unknown. 
Meanwhile  the  fear  of  a  Russian  descent  upon  Hongkong  grew 
apace  among  the  residents.  Indeed  fear  developed  into  panic 
(June  3,  1854)  when  the  Lieutenant-Governor  announced  the 
defenceless  condition  of  the  Colony  and  in  hot  haste  ordered 
batteries  to  be  erected.  Nothing  came  of  it,  however,  as  the 
combined  Anglo-French  squadron  kept  the  Russians  at  bay  on 
the  Siberian  coast.  The  port  of  Petropaulowsky  was  bombarded 
(September  1,  1854)  but  the  land  attack  failed.  The  allied  fleet, 
consisting  only  of  six  vessels,  was  too  weak  for  any  purpose 
but  that  of  harrassing  the  Russian  outposts.  The  Governor 
returned  inglorious.  But  Hongkong  patriotism  vented  itself 
in  a  pubhc  meeting  (February  2],  1855)  which  resulted  in  an 
amalgamation  of  sundry  private  subscriptions  that  had  been 
commenced,  and  sums  of  money  eventually  aggregating  £2,500 
were  forwarded  to  the  Patriotic  Fund  in  London.  This  was 
done  as  a  testimony  of  the  admiration  felt  in  the  Colony  for 
the  heroic  deeds  of  the  British  Army  and  Navy  engaged  in  what 
was  called  '  the  noble  struggle  against  Russian  aggression '  and 
of  Hongkong's  sympathy  with  the  sufferings  consequent  thereon. 
In  addition  to  this,  a  patriotic  address  to  the  Queen  was 
dispatched  (March  15,  1855)  declaring  the  approval  of  the 
community  of  the  war  against  Russia  and  of  the  alliance  entered 
into  with  '  the  great  French  Empire,'  and  expressing  a  hope 
that  this  contest  so  unavoidably  taken  up  would  be  vigorously 
pursued.  The  excitement  was  renewed  when  news  came  that 
the  Hon.  Ch.  G.  J.  B.  Elliot,  in  command  of  H.M.  Ships  Sihjlle, 
Hornet,  and  Bittern,  having  discovered  five  Russian  vessels  in 
hiding  in  Castries  Bay,  had  sneaked  away,  to  the  disgust  of  his 
subordinate  officers,  not  daring  to  engage  the  Russians.  The 
matter  became  afterwards  the  subject  of  a  court  martial  in 
England  which  exculpated  the  commander  of  the  squadron. 
The  only  event  in   the  Russian  war  that  affected   Hongkong: 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  299 

directly  was  the  arrival  in  the  harbour  (September  21,  1855) 
of  the  German  brig  GrpM  in  charge  of  a  prize  crew  of  H.M.S. 
Barracouta  with  270  Russian  prisoners  of  war  and  among  them 
Prince  Michaeloff.  These  were  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
.Russian  frigate  Diana  which  had  been  wrecked  at  Japan.  The 
Greta,  having  been  chartered  to  convey  the  Russians  from  Simoda 
to  Ayeu  was  captured  by  Admiral  Stirling.  In  November 
(1855),  the  Yice-Admiralty  Court  of  Hongkong  condemned  the 
vessel  as  a  lawful  prize  to  H.M.S.  Barracouta.  Great  was  the 
rejoicing  when  the  news  of  the  restoration  of  peace  with  Russia 
was  received  (June  2G,  185G).  All  the  ships  in  harbour  were 
dressed  in  their  gayest,  salutes  were  fired,  and  thanksgiving 
services  were  held  in  Union  Church  (July  2,  1850)  and  on  the 
followino"  Sunday  in  the  Cathedral. 

Siam  next  claimed  the  attention  of  Sir  J.  Bowring.  The 
British  Government  had  long  been  anxious,  in  the  interests  of 
commerce,  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Siam,  but  repeated  attempts 
made  in  this  direction  by  the  Governor-General  of  India  and 
subsequently  (1850)  by  Sir  James  Brooke  of  Sarawak  had  failed. 
The  United  States  of  America  also  had  been  foiled  in  their 
endeavour  to  open  up  Siam  to  foreign  trade.  Sir  J.  Bo  wring 
now  tried  his  hand  and  succeeded  where  greater  men  had  signally 
failed.  He  began  by  opening  up  a  private  literary  correspondence 
with  the  young  King  who  had  received  a  European  education 
and,  being  a  kindred  spirit  likewise  endowed  with  belletristic 
aspirations,  was  fascinated  by  the  learned  doctor's  fame  as  a 
literary  genius.  Consequently,  in  reply  to  Sir  John's  overtures 
of  literary  brotherhood,  there  arrived  in  Hongkong  (August  12, 
1854)  two  envoys  from  Siam,  bearers  of  a  royal  dispatch.  Sir 
John  adroitly  arranged  through  these  envoys  an  official  visit 
as  a  proper  compliment  in  return  for  the  favour  of  a  royal 
missive.  Fortunate  as  he  had  been  so  far,  he  was  even  more 
favoured  by  fortune  in  securing  for  this  delicate  mission,  the 
utter  failure  of  which  was  confidently  predicted  on  all  sides, 
the  services  of  that  astute  young  diplomatist,  Mr.  (subsequently 
Sir)    Harry   Parkes  of  the   Canton   Consulate.     Great   was   the 


300  CHAPTER  XVII. 

need  for  diplomacy.  There  was  a  strong  party  at  the  Siamese 
Court,  determined  to  make  no  concessions  to  foreign  commerce. 
♦Sir  John,  therefore,  starting  for  Siam  in  February,  ISbb,  with 
but  two  vessels  of  war,  avoided  all  display  and  went  to  work 
with  the  utmost  caution.  But  the  promptitude  with  which 
every  obstacle,  that  the  opposition  party  placed  in  the  way  of 
the  mission,  was  astutely  brushed  away,  was  partly  owing  to  the 
resource  and  acumen  displayed  by  Sir  Harry  Parkes.  Within 
an  unexpectedly  short  period  all  preliminaries  were  settled  and 
an  important  commercial  treaty  solemnly  concluded  (April  18, 
1855).  Sir  J.  Bowring  returned  to  Hongkong  victorious  (May 
11,  1855)  while  Sir  Harry  Parkes  proceeded  to  England  to 
obtain  Her  Majesty's  signature  and  a  year  later  the  ratified 
treaties  were  exchanged  (April  5,  1856)  and  supplementary 
articles  signed  (May  ]3,  185G).  The  great  progress  which  Siam 
thenceforth  made  in  commerce  and  civilization  and  the  annually 
increasing  trade  which  at  once  sprang  up  between  Siam  and 
Hongkong,  date  from  the  conclusion  of  these  treaties,  the  success 
of  which  is  in  the  first  instance  due  to  Sir  John  Bowring. 

'  During  his  brief  tenure  of  the  Superintendency  of  Trade, 
Sir  John  devised,  and  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon  (in  1854)  to  adopt,  a  scheme  which  has  not  only 
endured  to  the  present  day  but  formed  the  model  of  Consular 
organization  followed  by  other  nations,  and  was  finally  introduced 
in  Hongkong  (by  Sir  H.  Robinson)  as  a  Cadet  scheme.  It 
was  a  scheme  for  supplying  the  British  Consular  Service  in 
China  with  Student  Interpreters  who,  while  studying  the 
Mandarin  dialect  and  the  written  language  of  China,  should  make 
themselves  acquainted  with  the  routine  of  Consular  business. 
In  sanctioning  the  immediate  adoption  of  Sir  J.  Bowring's  plan, 
^the  Earl  of  Clarendon  forthwith  presented  one  nomination  to 
King's  College,  London,  and  one  to  each  of  the  three  Queen's 
•Colleges  in  Ireland. 

In  his  relations  with  the  Chhiese  Government  the  learned 
doctor  was  unfortunate.  His  experience  in  the  negotiation  and 
formulation    of    commercial    treaties,    which    had     proved     so 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.   BOWRING.  301' 

eminently  successful  in  Siam,  gave  him  no  advantage  in  contact 
with   a   nation   that  despised   trade.      As   to   literary   affinities, 
there   was   nothing   but   contempt   on   the   Chinese   side.      The 
doctor's    gown    of    Groningen,    which    captivated   the    Siamese 
King,   appeared   ridiculous   in    the   eyes   of   Chinese    Mandarins 
whenever   he   displayed   it   before   tliem.      The    most   ingenious 
and  pei'sistent  eiforts  which  he  put  forth  to  open  up  personal 
relations  with  high  Chinese  officials  invariablv  met  with  a  stolid 
rebuff.     Sir  John  saw  this  very  soon  but,  ignorant  yet  of  the 
utter   futility   of    peaceful   measures,   he  attempted  to    gain  by 
direct  intercourse  with  the  Court  at  Peking  what  he  had  failed 
to  obtain  at  the  hands  of  provincial  dignitaries.     Accordingly 
he  started  (September  10,  1854)  in  H.M.S.  Rattler  for  Shanghai, 
in   company  with  the  Fi-ench  Minister  M.  Bourbillon,  leaving 
Mr.  D.  B.  Kobertson  in  charge  of  the  Superintendency  of  Trade 
at    Hongkong,   while    Colonel    W.    Caine    acted,    as   before,    as 
Lieutenant-Governor.    After  some  consultations  held  at  Shano'hai, 
Sir    John,   the    U.S.    Minister    McLane    and    M,    Bourbillon's 
Secrei^ary  proceeded,  with  PT.M.S.  Rattler  and  U.S.S.  Powhattan, 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho  where  a  conference,  vainly  expected 
to  result  in  the  opening  up  of  direct  negotiations  with  Peking, 
had   been   arranged   with   deputies  of    the    Viceroy   of    Chihli. 
Beyond  the  opportunity  which  the  foreign  Ministers  here  had 
of  stating  their  wishes,  ventilating  their  grievances  and  hinting 
at  intervention  in  aid  of  the  suppression  of  the  Taiping  rebellion, 
this  move  was  absolutely  futile.     On  their  return  to  Shanghai, 
the  Ministers  observed  the  strictest  silence  as  to  the  results  of 
their  conference  at  the  Peiho.     Undeterred  bv  this  failure,  Sir 
John   was,  two   years   later   (October,   1850),   on   the   point   of 
starting  on  a  second  visit  to  the  Gulf  of  Pehchihli,  when  troubles 
arose  at  Canton.     But  of  these  later  on. 

Sir  John  and  the  other  Ministers  had  thought  they  might 
possibly  succeed  in  securing  direct  diplomatic  intercourse  with 
Peking,  without  the  pressure  of  an  armed  demonstration,  because 
the  Imperial  Government  was  at  this  time  hardly  pressed  by 
the  progress  of  the  Taiping  rebellion  and  supposed  to  be  secretly 


302  CHAPTER  XVII. 

desirous  of  foreign  intervention.  Sir  John,  following  the  example 
of  his  predecessor,  and  having  sent  Consular  Officers  to  Chinkiang 
and  Nanking  (September,  1854)  to  report  to  him  upon  the 
stability,  resources  and  prospects  of  the  Rebel  Dynasty,  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  Rebel  Government  v\^as  a  gigantic 
imposture.  Hence  he  concluded  that  the  interests  of  British 
commerce  in  the  East  demanded  ati  abandonment  of  the 
neutrality  insisted  upon  by  the  Foreign  Office  and  he  vainly 
hoped  to  secure  the  opening  up  of  China  to  foreign  trade  by 
the  offer  of  foreign  intervention.  In  taking  this  view,  Sir  John 
ran  counter  to  a  party  powerfully  represented  in  China  and  in 
England  by  Bishop  Smith  and  the  Missionary  Societies  whose 
views  were  at  the  time  efficiently  advocated  by  a  Consular 
Officer  (T.  T.  Meadows).  '  If  the  Taipings,'  wrote  Mr.  Meadows, 
were  to  succeed,  then  480  millions  of  human  beings  out  of  900 
millions  that  inhabit  the  earth  would  profess  Christianity  and 
take  the  Bible  as  the  standard  of  their  belief.'  That  Sir  John, 
with  his  conviction  of  being  accredited,  as  the  Queen's 
representative,  to  so  great  a  portion  of  the  human  race,  resisted 
the  temptation  of  posing  as  the  apostle  of  the  much  belauded 
Taiping  cause  does  credit  to  his  sagacity.  But  that  the  ex- 
President  of  the  Peace  Society  should  think  of  putting  the 
sword  of  (h*eat  Britain  into  the  scale  against  the  so-called 
Christian  Taipings  and  eventually  draw  the  sword  against  the 
ruling  Manchus,  was  an  anomaly  which,  while  it  caused  his 
fanatical  opponents  in  China  to  slander  him  as  being  an  atheist, 
alienated  from  him  the  attachment  of  his  calm  political  friends 
in  England. 

Meanwhile  the  Taiping  rebels  continued  their  depredations 
in  the  central  and  southern  provinces  of  Cliina.  In  July,  1854, 
the  city  of  Fatshan  (the  Birmingham  of  South-China)  fell  into 
their  hands  and  a  panic  broke  out  in  Canton  (July  20,  1854) 
resulting  in  a  general  exodus  of  the  wealthier  classes.  Crowds 
of  fugitives  took  refuge  in  Hongkong.  Kowloon  city,  opposite 
Hongkong,  was  at  the  end  of  September,  1854,  repeatedly 
taken  and  retaken  by  the  Rebels  and  the  Imperialists.      The 


THB  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  303 

former  closed  in  upon  Canton  from  all  sides  and  commenced 
a  blockade  of  the  Canton  River  whicli  caused  the  junk  trade  of 
Canton  city  to  migrate  for  a  time  to  Hongkong-.  Owing  to 
the  general  increase  of  piracy  and  the  facilities  for  smuggling 
afforded  by  the  general  paralysis  of  the  Imperial  revenue  service, 
there  sprang  up  in  Hongkong  a  strong  demand  for  small 
European  vessels  (lorchas)  which  were  chartered  or  purchased 
by  local  Chinese  firms  to  convoy  fleets  of  junks  or  to  engage 
in  an  irresrular  coastino:  trade.  Sir  J.  Bowrinof  fostered  this 
movement  by  passing  two  Ordinances  (N"o.  4  of  1855  and  No.  9 
of  1856)  which  granted  a  Colonial  register,  and  the  use  of  the 
British  flag,  to  vessels  owned  by  such  Chinese  residents  as  were 
registered  lessees  of  Crown  lands  within  the  Colony.  The 
capture,  by  the  Taipings,  of  the  Hoifung  and  Lukfung  district 
cities  (in  the  N.E.  of  Hongkong)  in  September,  1854,  seriously 
interfered,  for  a  time,  with  the  market  supplies  of  the  Colony. 
Armed  bands  of  Taipings  also  paraded  the  streets  occasionally, 
until  the  police  (December  21,  1854)  stopped  it  by  arresting, 
in  the  Lower  Bazaar,  several  hundred  armed  Rebels  who  were 
about  to  embark  to  attack  Kowloon  city.  About  the  same 
time,  the  Governor  issued  a  Neutrality  Ordinance  (No.  1  of 
1855)  to  regulate  ^  the  exclusion  from  the  harbour  of  armed 
vessels  under  the  contending  Chinese  flags  and  the  manufacture 
and  sale  of  arms  and  ammunition.  Since  Septembei",  1854, 
there  was  at  anchor  in  the  harbour  a  fleet  of  war-junks  under 
the  command  of  an  alleged  prince  (Hung  Seu-tsung)  of  the 
Taiping  Dynasty  who,  with  his  officers,  fraternized  with  the 
local  Chinese  Christians  and  some  of  the  Missionaries.  More 
than  a  week  elapsed  after  the  passing  of  that  Ordinance  without 
its  being  acted  upon  and  meanwhile  the  Colony  narrowly  escaped 
(January  23,  1855)  the  danger  of  a  naval  battle  being  waged 
in  the  liarbour,  as  nine  war- junks,  carrying  2,000  Imjxirialisfc 
soldiers,  arrived  and  anchoi'ed  west  of  the  Lower  Bazaar  whilst 
A  large  number  of  Taiping  war-junks  were  lying  close  to  the 
Hospital-ship  Mliiden.  After  much  delay,  however,  both  parties 
were  ordered  off  and  peacefully  departed  in  different  directions. 


304  CHAPTER  XVII. 

The  Taipiag  fleet  returned  to  Hongkong  in  September,  1856,. 
when  Hung  Seu-tsung  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Governor,  stating 
that  he  had  been  commissioned  by  the  Taiping  Emperor  to 
reduce  the  Kwangtung  province,  and  asking  for  permission  to 
charter  in  Hongkong  steamers  and  junks  to  convey  his  troops 
to  Poklo  whence  they  would  start  operations  against  the  Manchu 
troops.  Sir  John  Bowring  sent  a  copy  of  the  letter  to  Viceroy 
Yeh  and  vainly  claimed  some  credit  for  having  declined  the- 
proposcd  alliance. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the  Ions;  continued  successes 
of  the  Taipingsdid  not  induce  the  Manchu  Government  to  relax 
its  anti-European  policy  in  the  slightest  degree.  Repeatedly 
did  Sir  John  hint  to  the  Canton  Viceroy  how  valuable  the^ 
friendsliip  of  England  might  be  to  him.  Again  and  again  he 
reminded  the  stolid  Mandarin  of  an  accumulation  of  unredressed. 
grievances  owing  to  his  incessant  disregard  of  Treaty  rights, 
and  pressed  him  to  concede  at  least  a  friendly  interview  for  an 
informal  discussion  of  tlie  situation.  It  was  all  in  vain.  When 
Mr.  (subsequently  Sir)  Rutherford  Alcock  was  to  be  installed' 
in  his  office  as  H.M.  Consul  in  Canton,  Sir  John  wrote  to 
Viceroy  Yeh  (June  11,  185-1)  and  proposed  to  introduce  the 
Consul  to  him.  Yeh  left  the  dispatch  unacknowledged  for  a 
month  and  then  informed  Sir  John  unceremoniously  that  there 
was  no  precedent  for  granting  his  request.  At  the  close  of 
the  same  year,  when  the  Taipings  blockaded  the  Canton  river 
and  defeated  tlie  Imperialist  fleet  (December  29,  18r>4)  in  a 
pitched  battle  at  Whampoa,  the  proud  Viceroy,  in  liis  hour  of 
distress,  condescended  lo  ask  Sir  John  to  protect  Canton  city 
against  the  impending  assault  of  the  Taipings.  Sir  John 
hastened  to  Canton  with  Admiral  Stirling  (January,  1855) 
and,  under  the  pretext  of  protecting  the  lives  and  property  of 
British  residents  at  Canton,  took  with  him  a  larue  force 
(H.M.  Ships  Winchester^  Ikirracouta,  Comiis,  .  Battler  and 
Sti/x).  This  move  had  the  desired  effect  of  over-awing  the 
Taiping  fleet  which  forthwith  retired.  But  when  Sir  John 
jiow  once  more  asked  Yeh  for  an  interview  and  alluded  to  the 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BO  WRING.  305 

unfulfilled  promise  of  the  opening  of  Canton  city,  the  nngratefnl 
Viceroy  was  as  intractable  as  ever.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon  had. 
when  giving  Sir  John  his  instructions  (February  13,  1854-)^ 
specially  warned  him,  '  to  treat  all  questions  of  unrestricted  inter- 
course with  the  Chinese  with  much  caution,  so  as  not  to  imperil 
commercial  interests  which,  with  temperate  management,  would 
daily  acquire  greater  extension.'  But  this  policy  of  waiving  at 
Canton  the  rights  granted  to  British  residents  and  condoning 
the  insults  incessantly  offered  to  them  by  that  proud  city,  did 
no  good  with  people  like  the  Cantonese  gentry.  It  merely 
postponed  the  impending  crisis  and  put  off  for  a  brief  interval! 
the  day  of  reckoning  for  years  of  continued  breaches  of  Treaty 
rights.  Canton  was  now  the  only  j)ort  in  China  where  the 
Nanking  Treaty  was  systematically  disregarded,  and  this  was 
done  at  Canton  simply  on  account  of  the  proximity  of  Hongkong. 
The  establishment  of  a  British  Colony  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Canton  river  was  to  the  haughty  Cantonese  what  German  Alsatia 
is  to  sensitive  Frenchmen  :  a  festering  wound  in  their  side,  a 
source  of  constant  irritation. 

Yell  Ming-shen,  the  successor  of  Sen  Kwang-tsin  in  the 
Imperial  Commissionership  and  Viceroyalty  at  Canton  and  the 
most  faithful  exponent  of  that  Manchu  policy  which  heeds  none 
but  forcible  lessons  and  is  bound  by  none  but  material 
guarantees,  was  the  very  man  to  bring  the  existing  popular 
irritation  to  a  crisis.  He  was  the  idol  of  the  gentry  and  literati 
of  Canton  who  had  (in  1848)  erected,  in  honour  of  Sen  and 
Yeh,  a  stone  tablet  recording  their  anthropophagous  hatred  of 
Europeans  in  the  following  memorable  words,  'whilst  all  the 
common  people  yielded,  as  if  bewitched,  to  all  the  inclinations  of 
the  barbarians,  only  we  of  Canton,  at  Samyuenli  (1841)  have  ever 
destroyed  them,  and  at  Wongchukee  (1847)  cut  them  in  pieces : 
even  our  tender  children  are  desirous  to  devour  their  flesh  and 
to  sleep  upon  their  skins.'  Viceroy  Yeh,  the  representative  of  this 
party,  hated  the  power,  the  commerce,  the  civilization  of  Europe 
even  more  than  any  of  his  predecessors.  He  was  not. aggressive, 
however,  nor  did  he   think  it   worth   while   to   strengthen  his 

20 


;^06  CHAPTER  XVII. 

•defeuces  or  his  aniiv.  Yet  he  was  determined  to  maintain  the 
supremacy  of  China  over  all  barbarians.  He  blamed  Sen  for 
having  had  too  much  parleying  with  Plenipotentiaries  and 
Oousnls.  He  would  have  no  interviews  of  any  sort.  He  would 
simply  dictate  his  terms  to  them.  As  a  matter  of  Jfact  he  never 
granted  an  interview  to  any  foreigner,  though  Sir  John  plied 
him  with  arguments  and  Sir  M.  Seymour  bombarded  his 
residence  to  obtain  one,  and  he  never  met  a  European  face  to 
face  until  that  memorable  day  (January  5,  IHoS)  when  his 
apartments  were  unceremoniously  burst  into  by  the  blue-jackets 
of  H.M.S.  SaiisjuiTpil  and  he  was,  while  climbing  over  a  wall, 
caught  in  the  strong  arms  of  Sir  Astley  Cooper  Key  whilst 
Commodore  Elliot's  coxswain  'twisted  the  august  tail  of  the 
Imperial  Commissioner  round  his  fist.'     But  I  am  anticipating. 

From  the  time  of  Yeh's  assumption  of  office,  the  anti- 
foreign  attitude  of  the  literati  at  Canton  became  more  and  more 
pronounced.  There  was  a  brief  lull  in  1855  and  1856  Avhile 
the  Taipings  hovered  around  Canton  city.  But  when  the  rebels 
retreated,  the  gentry  of  Canton  resumed  their  hostile  demeanour. 
Inflammatory  anti- European  placards  and  handbills  were 
distributed  broadcast  over  the  city  and  suburbs  in  summer 
185G.  Englishmen  w^ere  stoned  if  they  shewed  themselves 
anywhere  outside  the  factories.  It  was  felt  on  both  sides  that 
an  explosion  was  imminent.  Yet  neither  side  prepared  for  the 
<3oming  struggle. 

Such  was  the  position  of  affairs  when,  on  8th  October, 
185C,  the  little  incident  occurred  which  gave  rise  to  the  famous 
Arrow  War.  The  Chinese  Annalist  tells  the  story  in  the  following 
words.  *The  difficulty  arose  through  a  lorcha  (named  the 
.-Irro/r),  having  an  English  captain  and  a  Chinese  crew,. anchoring 
off  Canton  with  the  Russian  (sic)  flag  flying.  Now  the  Nanking 
Treaty  provided  for  the  surrender  of  such  Chinese  as  shall  take 
refuge  in  Hongkong  or  on  board  English  ships.  When  the 
Chinese  Naval  Authorities  became  aware  that  the  crew  was 
Chinese,  a.  charge  of  being  in  collusion  with  barbarians  was 
preferred  and  twelve  Chinese  seamen  were  taken  in  chains  into 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  307 

^Oautoii.'     Ill  reality,  the  facts  were  briefly  these.     Some  Cliineso 

•CTOwn-lessees   of    Hongkong    had   legally  purchased   in   Chinese 

territory  and  from  Chinese  officials  a  small  clipper-bnilt  vessel 

v(lorcha)    which   those   officials   had    re-captured    from    Chinese 

pirates.     The  j)urchasers,   residents  of  Hongkong,  brought  the 

■vessel  to  the  Colony,  gave  her  the  name  Arrow,  and  in  due  form 

•obtained  for  her   (in  October,  1855)   a   Colonial  register  under 

•Ordinance  Xo.  4  of  1855.     As  the  original  owners  of  the  vessel 

(whose  rights  the   Chinese  officials  had  set  aside)   brought   an 

-nction  against  the  purchasers  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  Hongkong, 

the   ownership   of  the   vessel   was   judicially  established.      The 

Arrow    was    then   employed   in   the   legitimate   coasting   trade, 

open  to  British  ships,  and  thus  visited  the  port  of  Canton,  flying 

the  British  flag,  on  8th  October,  1850.     Although  the  renewal 

of  her  register  happened  to  be  several  days  over-due,  that  did 

^lot  in  law  deprive  her  of  her  privileges  as  a  British  vessel.     Xor 

<lid  the   Chinese   Authorities  know  of   it.     The  unceremonious 

iirresb  of  her  crew  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese  Authorities  on 

the    charge   of  'collusion  with  barbarians'  and  their  refusal  of 

Consul  Parkes'  demand  that  the  men  be  surrendered  to  him  for 

•trial  in  the  Consular  Court  (as  required  by  the  Treaty),  constitute 

ithe  indisputed  facts  of  the  case.     The  only  point  in  which  this 

violation  of  Treaty  rights  differed  from  numerous  previous  acts 

of   the  Cantonese  Authorities  was   the  fact   that  the   arrest   of 

the  crew  involved  in  this  case  a  deliberate  insult  to  the  British 

41ag. 

To  the  Chinese  merchants  and  shipowners  residing  in 
Hongkong,  the  point  in  dispute  appeared  to  be  the  question 
whether  their  owning  vessels,  lawfully  registered  under  a  Hong- 
kong Ordinance,  made  them  liable  to  a  charge  of  being  in 
-collusion  with  barbarians.  The  Admiral  on  the  station,  Sir 
^Michael  Seymour,  rightly  looked  upon  the  case  as  an  unprovoked 
.insult  to  the  British  flag,  such  as  demanded  an  immediate 
apology  or  redress.  Sir  John  Bowring  saw  in  this  move  of 
the  insolent  Viceroy  a  good  opportunity  for  settling  the  question 
-of    official   intercourse    dear    to    himself   and    for   securing  the 


308  CHAPTER  XVII. 

promised  opening  of  Canton  city  demanded  by  the  merchants.- 
His  Chinese  advisers,  Consal  Parkes  and  Secretary  Wade,  saw- 
deeper  and  recognized  in  the  case,  not  merely  the  old  foolish 
assumption  of  Chinese  supremacy,  but  the  unavoidable  conflict 
between  Europe  and  Asia  or  (as  Parkes  put  it  at  the  time) 
between  Christian  civilization  and  semi-civilized  paganism.  At 
any  rate,  this  much  is  perfectly  clear,  that,  even  if  the  Arrotr 
case  had  never  occurred,  hostilities  would  have  broken  out  all 
the  same. 

Sir  J.  Bowring  commenced  action  by  demanding  (October 
10,  185G)  a  public  suirender  of  the  crew.  This  was  refused. 
He  next  demanded  (October  12th)  an  apology.  This  was  also 
refused.  Sir  John  then  authorized  the  seizure  (October  14th).  of 
a  Chinese  gunboat.  Yeh  ridiculed  such  petty  retribution  and  sent 
Avord  that  the  gunboat  was  not  his  at  all.  At  last  (October  21st) 
Sir  John  solemnly  threatened  warlike  operations  unless  an 
apology  was  tendered  and  the  crew  restored  to  their  vessel  within 
24  hours.  Yeh  sent  the  twelve  men  to  the  Consul  with  a 
message  that  two  of  the  men  must  be  returned  to  him  as  they 
were  wanted,  and  refused  an  apology.  Admiral  Seymour  now 
stepped  in  and  undertook  to  avenge  the  insult  to  the  British  flag. 
He  commenced  by  demanding  of  Yeh  a  formal  apology  and 
access,  for  that  purpose,  into  the  city.  AVhen  Y"eh  curtly  refused 
this  demand,  there  connnenced  what  was  thenceforth  known  as 
the  Arrow  AVar. 

The  Admiral  demolished  forthwith  some  Chinese  forts 
(October  2ord  and  24th),  and,  when  this  failed  to  impress  the 
stubborn  Alceroy,  the  Admiral  bombarded  (October  27th  to  29th) 
his  official  residence.  Contrary  to  all  expectation  this  measure 
also  failed  to  elicit  an  apology.  Next  the  city  wall  opposite 
Yell's  residence  was  breached  (October  29th),  but  Yeh,  having 
removed  to  a  safe  distance  within  the  citv,  defied  the  Admiral 
to  do  bis  worst,  feeling  sure  that  the  handful  of  men  under  the 
Admiral's  order  would  not  venture  inside  Canton  city  which  the 
literati  and  their  trainbands  had  declared  safe  from  invasion. 
To  move  Yeh's  colleagues,  the  Admiral  bombarded  (November 


Tin:  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  309 

:U'd  to  ofch)  the  official  vesideiioes  of  the  Civil  Governor  and  of 
the  Tartar  General.  Yeh  still  held  out.  The  Admiral  destroyed 
another  fort  (Xoveniber  0th)  and  dismantled  the  Bogue  forts 
(Xovember  12tli  and  loth).  But,  when  these  measures  also 
left  the  Vieerov  as  indomitable  and  intractable  as  ever,  the 
Admiral  informed  Sir  John  that,  in  the  absence  of  troops, 
nothing-  more  could  be  done  and  retired  to  Hongkong,  whence 
he  wrote  home  asking  for  a  reinforcement  of  at  least  r),000  men. 
Chinese  and  European  residents  of  Hongkong  were  dismayed. 

Now  it  was  Yeh's  turn  to  commence  hostilities  in  his 
■own  way.  He  had  previously  (October  2>>,  185G)  put  a  price 
of  §30  on  English  heads.  He  now  raised  the  rcwaixl  to  taels 
100  per  head,  called  upon  the  Chinese  population  of  Hongkong- 
'to  leave  the  Colony  immediately,  and  placarded  the  streets  of 
Hongkong-  and  Canton  with  appeals  to  the  people  to  avenge 
his  wrongs  by  any  means  wliatever.  In  response  to  this  appeal, 
Avhich  had  at  lii'st  no  effect  in  Hongkong,  the  Canton  mob  set 
tire  to  the  European  factories  at  Canton  (December  14,  1850) 
and  later  on  (January,  1857)  to  the  British  docks  and  stores 
at  Whampoa. 

In  Hongkong,  where  Taiping-  rebels  and  professional  pirates 
and  brigands  had  been  making  common  cause  under  the  aegis 
of  the  local  Triad  societies,  the  European  community  was,  ever 
since  the  Arroir  incident,  pervaded  by  a  growing  sense  of 
insecurity.  On  10th  October,  1850,  a  public  meeting,  summoned 
to  consider  matters  seriously  affecting  the  interests  of  the  Colony, 
bitterly  complained  of  the  total  inefficiency  of  the  Police  Force 
for  the  protection  of  life  and  property.  Vai'ious  forms  of 
registering  the  Chinese  residents,  so  as  to  exclude  all  Chinese 
whose  honesty  was  not  vouched  for,  were  proposed  and  urged 
upon  the  Government  with  the  utmost  confidence.  Sir  John, 
however,  put  no  trust  in  the  vouchers  that  would  have  been 
produced  and  shraidv  from  a  measure  the  thorough  execution 
•of  which  would  have  involved  the  forcible  deportation  of  the 
vast  majority  of  the  local  Chinese  residents.  His  refusal  to 
-sanction  any  of  the  popular  measures  proposed  by  the  British. 


310  CHAPTER  XVII. 

coinmnnity  gave  great  offence  and  the  irritation  increased  when:' 
the  fleet  retreated  from  Canton,  foiled  by  Yeh's  obstinacy,  and 
more   particularly  when   his  placards   apj^eared   at   every  street 
corner  calling  upon  all  loyal  Chinese  residents  of  Hongkong  to 
avenge  his  wrongs  and  to  make  war  against  all  Europeans  which 
they  could   do  only  by  dagger,  poison   or   incendiarism.      The 
European  community  now  felt  the  enemy  lurking  in  their  midst,  . 
the    British  flag    successfully  insulted,  the    navy  defeated,  the 
Governor    indifferent    to    their    danger.      What   measures    the 
Governor  did  take,  served  only  to  increase  the  excitement  which 
now  commenced   to   take    hold   of    the   community.     On    oOth- 
December,  1850,  a  general  rising  of  the  mob  being  apprehended. 
H.M.S.  Aeojvi  was  anchored  near  the  Central  ^larket  to  overawe 
the  Chinese  rowdies  congregating  in  that  neighbourhood.      On 
the  same  day  an  auxiliarv  Police  Force  was  ori>-anized  and  an 
attempt  was  made  to  enrol  volunteers  as  special  constables.     The 
new-year  opened  with  the  news  that  the  S.S.  Feima,  having  been 
attacked  by  Chinese  soldiers,  was  hulled  in  several  places,  and 
that   in(;endaries   had   been   at   work  in   different   parts  of  the 
town.      The  Governor  now  issued  (January  0,  1857)   in  great 
haste  a  draft   Ordinance  for  better  securing  the  peace   of  the 
Colony.      But  the   measures   it  resorted  to,  greater   stringency 
as  to  night-pass  regulations,  deportation  of  suspected  emissaries 
or    abettors   of    enemies   and   compulsory  co-operation    for   the 
extinction    of  fires,  gave  no  satisfaction  to   the   community  in 
the  absei}ce  of  a  Draconic  form  of  compulsory  registration.     It 
was  once  more  suggested  that  every  Chinaman  not  carrying  on 
his  person  an  official  badge  and  registered  voucher  of  his  honesty 
should  be  deported.    The  feeling  of  insecurity  increased.    Jardine 
Matheson  and  Company  found  it  necessary  to  obtain  a  detachment 
of  blue-jackets  and  marines  to  guard  their  premises,  and  the  local 
papers  now  jmblished  a  'daily  chronicle  of  Chinese   atrocities.' 
Within  the  first  fortnight  of  1857  this  chronicle  contained  daily 
items  of  local  outraores  such  as  'shootins;  of  four  men  with  fire 
balls  upon    them  ;   temporary  stupefaction  of   three   Europeans- 
after  eating  poisoned  soup ;  discovery  of  a  headless  body  in  the- 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BOWRIXG.  3.11 

Wongnaicliang  valley  ;  firing  matsheds  on  Crosby's  premises  in 
Queen's  Road  Central ;  capture  of  S.S.  Thistle  (January  13, 
1857)  by  Chinese  soldiers  disguised  as  passengers,  who  murdered 
eleven  Europeans  and  several  Chinese  and  burned  the  vessel.' 

On  the  morning  of  January  15th,  1857,  a  few  hours  before 
the  mail  carrying  to  England  the  foregoing  budget  of  news  left 
the  harbour,  the  foreion  communitv  was  seized  bv  a  general 
panic,  as  at  every  European  breakfast  table  there  arose  the- 
simultaneous  cry  of  'poison  in  the  bread.'  Some  400  Europeans,, 
partaking  that  morning  of  bread  supplied  by  the  E-sing  bakeiy, 
owned  by  a  Heungshan  man  called  Ah-lum,  suffered  more  or 
less  from  arsenical  poisoning.  Every  4  lb.  loaf  of  white  bread, 
subsequently  analysed  at  Woolwich  (by  F.  A.  Abel),  contained 
grains  '92  per  cent,  of  white  arsenic.  Toasted  bread  contained 
the  smallest  proportion  (-15  grains  per  cent.)  of  poison,  yet 
4  ounces  of  it  were  found  to  contain  2^  grains  of  arsenious  acid. 
Brown  bread  contained  abont  2^  times  and  Avliite  bread  about 
6  times  the  quantity  found  in  the  toast.  Those  Avho  ate  least 
suffered  the  most.  Some,  Lady  Bowiing  for  one,  were  delirious 
for  a  time  ;  many  had  their  health  permanently  injured  ;  all 
received  a  severe  nervons  shock  by  the  sudden  consciousness 
of  being  surrounded  bv  assassins.  No  immediate  death  was 
caused  by  this  poisoning  incident  but  some,  as  for  instance 
Lady  Bowring,  who  had  to  return  to  England  and  failed  to 
recover,  were  evidently  hurried  into  the  grave  by  it.  Even 
after  the  lapse  of  a  year  (January  17,  1858)  the  local  papers 
asserted,  with  reference  to  the  death  of  a  Mr.  S.  Drinker  and 
Captain  Williams  of  the  S.S.  LiJ//,  that  their  deaths  had  been 
medically  traced  to  the  arsenic  swallowed  by  them  on  the  great 
day  of  poisoning.  On  that  memorable  morning  the  excitement 
was  of  coarse  most  intense.  The  medical  men  of  the  Colonv, 
whilst  personally  in  agonies  through  the  effects  of  the  poison, 
were  hurrying  from  house  to  house,  interrupted  at  every  step 
by  frantic  summons  from  all  directions.  Emetics  were  in  urgent 
request  in  every  European  family.  Ah-lum,  the  baker,  who 
for  some  weeks  previous  had  been  worried  by  messages  from  the 


312  CHAPTER  XVIT. 

Heungsliau  Mandarins  to  remove  from  Hongkong,  bad  left 
for  Macao  that  morning  with  bis  wife  and  children,  but  they  also 
found  themselves  poisoned,  and  Ah-lum  was  returning  voluntarily 
to  Hongkong  when  he  was  arrested.  Strange  to  say,  his  work- 
men did  not  run  away  even  after  the  poison  had  taken  effect, 
but  remained  at  the  bakery  until  the  police,  after  a  delay  of 
many  hours,  came  and  arrested  51  men.  As  many  as  42  of  them 
were  kept  for  20  consecutive  days  and  nights  on  remand,  in  an 
underground  police  cell,  15  feet  square  by  12  feet  high.  It  was 
thenceforth  justly  termed  'the  Black  Hole  of  Hongkong.'  The 
local  papers  seriously  urged  the  Governor  '  to  have  tbe  whole 
of  the  poisoning  crew  of  E-sing's  bakery  strung  up  in  front  of 
the  shop  where  tbe  scheme  was  concocted.'  Justices  of  the 
Peace,  sbrinking  from  the  application  of  lynch  law,  entreated 
the  Governor  to  proclaim  forthwith  martial  law  and  to  deport 
<3very  Chinaman  whose  loyalty  could  not  be  vouched  for. 
Though  every  member  of  his  family  suffered  from  the  poison, 
Sir  John  remained  calm  and  rejected  all  suggestions  of  hasty 
measures.  But  to  the  eyes  of  the  terror-stricken  community 
his  firmness  bore  at  the  time  the  aspect  of  callous  indifference. 
AVhen,  by  the  end  of  the  month,  the  excitement  had  somewhat 
abated,  the  .European  residents  still  complained  that  nothing  was 
done  by  the  Governor  to  assure  public  confidence  against  the 
recurrence  of  a  similar  or  worse  catastrophe,  aiid  that  the 
deportation  (to  Hainan)  of  123  prisoners,  released  owing  to 
the  overcrowded  state  of  the  gaol,  increased  the  general  feeling 
of  insecurity. 

The  result  of  the  criminal  prosecution  instituted  against 
Ah-lum  and  his  workmen  was  equally  unsatisfactory  to  the 
public  mind.  There  was  no  evidence  incriminating  the  persons 
arrested,  and  Ah-lum,  who  was  defended  by  the  Acting  Colonial 
Secretary  (])r.  \V.  T.  Bridges),  was  acquitted  by  the  verdict 
of  an  impartial  jury.  He  was,  however,  re-arrested  as  a 
suspicious  character  and  detained  in  gaol  until  July  31st,  1857, 
when  he  was  released,  by  order  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  on 
condition   of   his   not    resorting    to    the  Colony  for  five  years. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF   SIR    J.   BOWRING.  313 

A  civil  action  had  meanwhile  been  brought  against  Ah-kim  by  the 
editor  of  the  Friend  of  China  (W.  Tarrant)  who  obtained  (June 
:?4,  1857)  1 1,000  damages  for  specific  injuries,  that  resulted  from 
eating  the  poisoned  bread  sold  to  him  by  Ah-lum.  The  latter 
was,  however,  by  this  time  reduced  from  affluence  to  bankruptcy. 
He  may  have  been  innocent  of  any  direct  complicity,  but  the 
community,  which  unanimously  attributed  the  crime  to  the 
instigations  of  Cantonese  Mandarins,  would  not  believe  otherwise 
but  that  Ah-lum  had,  in  some  measure,  connived  at  the  diabolical 
attempt  to  poison  the  whole  of  the  foreign  residents  of  Hongkong. 
When  the  news  of  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  at  Canton 
reached  England,  the  several  political  parties  in  opposition 
formed  a  coalition  with  a  view  to  censure  the  Ministry.  Lord 
Derby,  supported  by  Lord  Lyndhurst  in  the  House  of  Lords 
(February  24,  1857),  and  Mr.  Cobden,  supported  by  Mr.  Gladstone 
and  Mr.  Disraeli  in  the  House  of  Commons  (February  26,  1857), 
heroically  espoused  the  cause  of  that  innocent  lamb-like  Yeh 
and  condemned  the  proceedings  initiated  by  Sir  John  Bowring 
in  the  most  unsparing  terms.  It  was  said  that  the  Goverimient 
had  one  rule  for  the  weak  and  another  for  the  strong,  and  that 
the  conduct  of  Sir  John  Bowring  had  been  characterized  by 
overbearing  insolence  towards  the  Chinese  Authorities.  Lord 
Falmerston  warmly  defended  the  action  of  Sir  John  but,  as  the 
debate  proceeded,  it  soon  became  evident  that  the  question 
involved  was  not  merely  the  proposed  appointment  of  a 
Committee  to  investigate  British  relations  with  China,  nor  even 
the  recall  of  Sir  John,  but  the  fate  of  the  Ministry.  However, 
Avhen  Mr.  Cobden's  vote  of  censure  was  carried  in  the  Commons 
by  a  majority  of  IG  votes,  the  Ministers,  instead  of  resigning, 
announced  (March  5,  1857)  that,  after  passing  certain  urgent 
measures,  they  would  dissolve  Parliament  in  order  to  appeal, 
on  the  Chinese  question,  to  the  nation.  They  added  that  mean- 
while the  policy  of  the  Government  with  regard  to  China  would 
continue  to  be  what  it  always  had  been,  viz.  a  policy  for  the 
protection  of  British  commercial  interests,  and  that  the  question 
of  the  continuance  or  recall  of  Sir  John  Bowring  was  one  that 


314  CHAPTER  XVII. 

had  been  and  still  was  under  the  grave  consideration  of  the 
Cabinet.  Without  waiting  for  the  result  of  the  coming  elections^ 
Lord  Palmerston  sent  orders  to  Mauritius  and  Madras  to  mobilize 
troops  for  service  in  China,  and  forthwith  selected  the  Earl  of 
Elgin  and  Kinkarrline  to  proceed  bj  the  mail  of  April  2G,  1857, 
as  special  Plenipotentiary  to  China.  A  supplementary  force  of 
troops,  steam -vessels  and  gun-boats  was  immediately  dispatched 
from  England.  The  Viceroy's  placards  and  the  poisoning  of  the 
Hongkong  community,  which  the  Cantonese  Mandarins  had 
considered  a  master  stroke  of  their  policy,  exercised,  at  the 
general  elections,  a  considerable  influence  towards  bringing 
about  tlie  deliberate  adoption  by  the  nation  of  the  warlike- 
policy  of  Lord  Palmerston.  He  returned  to  power  stronger 
than  ever.  However,  so  far  as  Sir  John  Bowring  was  concerned, 
the  debate  in  Parliament  blasted  in  one  fell  swoop  all  his> 
ambitious  hopes.  Lord  Clarendon  indeed  wrote  to  him  sym- 
pathetically, saying,  '  I  think  that  you  have  been  most  unjustly 
treated  and  that  in  defiance  of  reason  and  common  sense  the- 
whole  blame  of  events  which  could  not  have  been  foreseen  and 
which  had  got  beyond  your  control  was  cast  upon  you.'  But 
there  was  no  comfort  to  Sir  John  in  such  a  private  declaration 
of  his  innocence,  seeing  that  it  was  accompanied  by  the  official 
announcement  that  he  had  been  superseded  in  his  office  as 
H.^L  Plenipotentiary  in  China.  This  measure  virtually  left  him 
hut  the  Governorship  of  Hongkong.  But  what  was  that  in 
the  eyes  of  the  man  who  had  been  accustomed  to  say.  '  I  have 
China,  I  have  Siam,  I  have  no  time  for  Hongkong'  ?  Moreover, 
the  loss  of  personal  friends  like  Cobden  and  others,  who  could 
not  get  over  the  fact  that  the  late  President  of  the  Peace 
Society  had  been  the  originator  of  the  latest  war,  cut  him  to 
the  (juick.  Fame  now  seemed  to  him  but  a  glorious  bubble  and 
honour  the  darling  of  but  one  short  day. 

Owing  to  the  outbreak  of  the  Lidian  Mutiny  (May,  1857) 
nearly  a  year  passed  by  before  the  troops  sent  out  to  China 
and  ()pi)ortnnely  diverted  to  India,  were  ready  to  recall  the 
Chinese  Government  to  a  sense  of  Treaty  obligations.     Meanwhile 


THE  ADMIXISTRATIOX  OF  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  315 

Vicerov  Yeli  continued  bis  irregular  warfare.  The  S.S.  Queen 
suffered  (February  2o,  1857)  the  same  fate  as  tbe  Thistle  and 
her  captain  and*  European  crew  were  assassinated.  Incendiarism 
flourished  in  a  petty  way  in  Hongkong-,  and  Duddell's  bakery, 
inaccessible  to  poisoners,  was  fired  (February  28,  1857).  Man- 
darin proclamations  once  more  (March,  1857)  peremptorily 
ordered  all  Chinese  to  leave  Hongkong  on  pain  of  expatriation, 
but  as  yet  with  little  result.  A  vast  conspiracy  was  discovered 
(April  ]5,  1857)  to  have  been  organized  in  Canton  to  make 
war  in  Hongkong  against  British  lives  and  property.  Attacks 
on  British  shipping  and  even  on  British  gunboats  were  of 
frequent  occurrence  until  Commodores  Elliot  and  Keppel  (May 
to  June,  1857),  by  a  series  of  dashing  exploits,  drove  Yeh's 
war-junks  out  of  the  delta  of  the  Canton  River  and,  by  a  brilliant 
action  near  Hyacinth  Island,  destroyed  Yeh's  naval  headquarters 
in  the  Fatshan  creek. 

On  2nd  July,  1857,  Lord  Elgin  arrived  in  Hongkong. 
Reluctantlv  he  condescended  to  i-eceive  an  address  from  the 
British  community,  but  departed  presently  for  Calcutta.  He 
left  upon  Sir  John  and  the  leading  residents,  whose  suggestions 
he  treated  in  supine  cavalier  fashion,  the  impression  that  his 
sympathies  were  rather  with  poor  old  Y"eh  than  with  his  own 
countrymen.  He  shewed  plainly  that  he  looked  w^on  iXia  Arrow 
incident  as  a  wretched  blunder.  Hongkong  residents  rejoiced 
to  learn  that  his  instructions  (of  Api-il  20,  1857)  included, 
besides  the  demands  for  compensation,  for  a  restoration  of  Treaty 
rights  and  the  establishment  of  a  British  Minister  at  Peking, 
also  'permission  to  be  secured  for  Chinese  vessels  to  resort  to 
Hongkong  from  all  parts  of  the  Chinese  Empire  without 
distinction.'  But  this  hope,  like  every  other  local  expectation 
centering  in  Lord  Elgin,  was  doomed  to  disappointment.  Before 
his  departure  he  would  not  even  listen  to  Sir  John's  urgent 
advice  that  the  reduction  of  Canton  was  a  necessary  preliminary 
to  an  expedition  to  the  Peiho.  But  when  he  returned  from 
Calcutta  (September  20,  1857),  together  with  Major-General 
C.   van   Straubenzee  and  his  staff,  he  yielded  the  point   as   it 


316  CHAPTER   XVII. 

was  then  too  late  in  the  year  for  operations  in  the  Nortli.  A 
further  delay  was  necessary  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  French 
Plenipotentiary,  Baron  Gros,  and  his  forces,  as  the  French, 
under  the  pretext  of  having  the  murder  of  a  missionary  to  avenge, 
•desired  to  co-operate  in  the  humiliation  of  China.  Meanwhile 
the  Canton  River  had  been  blockaded  (August  7,  1857)  by  the 
British  fleet  and  a  Chinese  coolie-corps  of  750  Hakkas  had 
been  organized.  When  all  was  ready  at  last,  fully  a  year  had 
passed  by  since  the  British  retreat  from  Canton.  At  last  the 
formulated  demands  of  the  Allied  Plenipotentiaries  were  forwarded 
(December  12,  1857)  to  Yeh.  After  ten  days'  consideration, 
Yeh  calmly  replied  by  a  lengthy  dispatch,  full  of  what  even 
his  friend  Lord  Elgin  characterized  as  sheer  twaddle.  He 
promised  nothing  buD  was  willing  to  go  on  as  of  yore.  An 
ultimatum  was  now  presented  (December  24,  1857)  giving  him 
48  hours  to  yield  or  refuse  the  demands  of  the  Allies.  Meanwhile 
5,000  English  and  1,000  French  troops  moved  into  position 
in  front  of  Canton  city  without  02:)position.  Yeh  had  notified 
the  people  that,  as  the  rebellious  English  had  seduced  the  French 
to  join  them  in  their  mutinous  proceedings,  it  was  now  necessary 
to  stop  the  trade  altogether  and  utterly  to  annihilate  the 
barbarians.  But  this  appeal  to  a  people  without  popular  leaders 
was  fruitless.  Yeh  replied  to  the  ukimatum  by  a  reiteration 
of  his  trite  arguments.  So  the  bombardment  of  Canton,  or 
the  '  Massacre  af  the  Innocents '  as  Lord  Elgin  termed  it, 
commenced  (December  28,  1857).  The  lire  w^as,  as  on  former 
occasions,  exclusively  directed  against  the  (untenanted)  official 
buildings  and  Tartar  quarters  and  against  the  city  wall  and 
forts.  Lin's  fort  blew  up  by  accident.  Yeh  quietly  continued 
ordering  wholesale  executions  of  (Chinese  rebels.  Next  day 
(December  29,  1857)  Magazine  Hill,  which  commands  the  whole 
town,  was  captured  and  the  city  walls  occupied  without  much 
loss.  Yeh  remained  obstinate.  At  last,  after  a  strange  pause 
in  the  proceedings,  detachments  of  British  and  French  troops 
entered  the  city  simultaneously  from  different  points  (January 
5,  1858)  and,  after  a  few  hours  of  unopposed  search,  Yeh  as 


THE    ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  J.    BOWRING.  317 

well  as  the  Civil  Governor  (Pih  Kwei)  fell  into  the  hands  of 
British  marines,  while  the  French  captured  the  Tartar  General. 
Tlie  question  now  arose  what  to  do  with  Canton  citj  and  its 
captured  officials.  Lord  Elgin  rehictantly  admitted  that  a 
successful  organisation  of  the  government  of  Canton  city  was 
impossible  so  long  as  Ych  was  on  the  scene.  So  he  sent  him 
to  Hongkono^  en  route  for  Calcutta  where  he  died  two  vears 
later.  Whilst  Yeh  was  in  Hongkong,  Sir  J.  Bowring  had  at 
last  (February  15,  I808)  the  long  desired  pleasure  of  an  intervicAV 
with  Yeh  on  board  H.M.S.  Inflexible,  but  Yeh  would  not  enter 
into  any  conversation  and  referred  him  to  his  interpreter 
(Ch.  Alabaster).  Meanwhile  the  government  of  Canton  city  had 
been  settled  by  the  appointment  (January  10,  1857)  of  a  Mixed 
Commission  consisting  of  Consul  Parkes,  Colonel  Hollowav  of 
the  Royal  Marine  Light  Infantry,  Captain  Martineau  des  Clienez 
of  the  French  Navy  and  Governor  Pih  Kwei.  This  Commission, 
thanks  to  Sir  IT.  Parkes'  organizing  genius,  succeeded,  with  the 
aid  of  a  small  force  of  Anglo-French  police  and  by  means  of 
re-instating  all  the  executive  and  administrative  officers  under 
Pih  Kwei,  in  restoring  fortlnvith  public  confidence  and  in 
maintaining  perfect  order.  These  arrangements  were  made  by 
Lord  Elgin,  at  the  suggestion  of  Consul  Parkes  Avho  was  the 
head  and  soul  of  the  Commission,  contrary  to  the  advice  of 
Sir  J.  Bowring.  The  latter  opposed  such  a  mixed  form  of 
government  on  the  ground  that  a  dual  administration  of  this 
sort,  containing  so  many  elements  of  discord,  would  fail  to  inspire 
public  confidence,  produce  mutual  distrust  and  clashing  of 
authority,  and  give  the  Chinese  in  other  provinces  the  idea  that 
the  barbarians  did  not  really  conquer  and  govern  Canton  city. 
Events  disproved  these  vaticinations.  For  several  years,  the 
most  turbulent  city  of  the  Empire  was  successfully  and  j^eacefully 
governed  by  the  Allied  Commissioners.  Trade  was  immediately 
resumed  and  the  industries  of  Canton  carried  on  as  usual.  The 
village  volunteers  in  the  adjoining  districts,  with  whom  Pih 
Kwei  was  secretly  in  league,  were  kept  in  check  by  occasional 
military  expeditions,  organized  at  the  suggestion  of  Consul  Parkes 


:318  CHAPTER   XVII. 

and  dispatched  to  Fatsban  and  Kongtsun  (January  18,  18.")8), 
to  Fayen  (February  8tb)  and  far  up  the  West  River  to  a  distance 
of  200  miles  (February  19th  to  March  Srd).  The  government  of 
Canton  city  and  these  mihtary  expeditions  into  the  interior 
of  Kwang-tnng  Province  were  indeed  the  only  operations  in 
the  whole  Arrow  War  that  made  a  good  and  lasting  impression 
upon  the  Chinese  people.  These  measures  shewed  conclusively 
■the  ease  with  which  lar<>:e  masses  of  Chinese  can  be  controlled 
by  a  moderate  but  firm  display  of  European  power.  They 
demonstrated  also  the  benefits  that  would  accrue  to  the  Chinese 
tis  well  as  to  foreign  trade  by  a  real  opening  up  of  South-China 
to  the  civilizing  influences  of  British  power. 

Lord  Elgin,  with  his  maudlin  misconception  of  the  true 
(character  of  the  Manchu  Government,  proved  a  signal  failure. 
Like  Sir  H.  Pottinger,  he  did  well  so  long  as  warlike  operations 
proceeded,  but  the  moment  parleying  commenced  he  allowed 
himself  to  be  duped.  After  sending  the  demands  of  the  Allies 
to  Peking  (February  11,  1858)  and  finding  them  to  his  surprise 
\/'  treated  with  contempt,  he  took  the  Taku  forts  (May  20,  1858) 
and  occupied  Tientsin  with  ease.  But,  instead  of  pushing  on  to 
Peking  and  dictating  his  terms  there,  he  stopped  at  Tientsin  and 
negotiate;!  a  Treaty  (June  2G,  1858)  void  of  any  material 
guarantees  apart  from  money  payments.  Instead  of  retaining 
at  least  possession  of  Tientsin  until  the  ratification  of  this 
■compact,  he  retreated  forthwith  to  Shanghai  to  settle  commercial 
regulations.  Xext  he  yielded  the  main  point  of  his  own  Treaty 
(permanent  representation  of  Europe  in  Peking)  and  returned  to 
England  (March,  1850)  only  to  find,  three  months  later,  when 
the  Treaty  ratifications  came  to  be  exchanged,  that  the  wily 
('hinese  had  fooled  him.  The  success  with  which  Yeh  had  for 
years  disregarded  the  Nanking  Treaty  in  the  South,  naturally 
encouraged  the  xVIandarins  in  the  North  to  signalize  their 
disregard  of  the  Tientsin  Treaty  by  their  action  at  Taku  (June 
25,  1851))  which  permanently  injured  British  prestige  in  China. 

In  Hongkong  the  turmoil  continued  in  one  way  or  other 
to  the  end  of  Sir  J.  Bowring's  administration.     On  the  day  when 


THE  ADMINISTRATION   OP   SIR   J.   BOWRING.  319 

the  bombardment  of  Canton  commenced  (December  28,  1857), 
there  was  among  Europeans  in  Hongkong  a  serious  apprehension 
of  an  emeute  which  found  expression  in  a  startling  Government 
notification  to  the  effect  that  'in  case  of  fire  or  serious  dis- 
turbance'notice  would  be  given  by  beat  of  drum  and  residents 
would  find  100  stand  of  arms  ready  for  volunteers  willing  to 
•assist  the  police.  Owing  to  the  freijuency  of  conflagrations, 
ascribed  to  a  gang  of  incendiaries  headed  by  the  famous  pirate 
chief  Chu  A-kwai,  the  Governor  offered  (May  17,  1858)  rewards 
■of  ^500  for  the  arrest  of  the  man  and  JlOO  for  each  of  his 
accomplices.  This  appeal  to  sordid  cupidity  in  order  to  further 
the  ends  of  justice  naturally  appeared  to  the  Chinese  as  on  a 
par  Avith  Yeh's  system  of  retaliating  for  the  bombardment  of 
C^anton  by  offers  of  head-money  to  private  assassins  and  patriotic 
incendiaries  in  Hono-kon":.  That  barbarous  mode  of  warfare 
against  the  Colony  was  steadily  continued  by  the  Mandai'ins  of 
-the  neighbouring  districts  who,  in  spite  of  the  occupation 
of  Canton  by  the  Allies  and  even  after  the  conclusion  of  the 
Tientsin  Treaty,  continued  to  worry  Chinese  residents  of 
Hongkong  into  hostile  attitude  against  Europeans.  In  January, 
1858,  the  Legislative  Council  had  represented  to  Lord  Elgin 
the  continued  exactions  practised  by  the  Chinese  Authorities  at 
Heungshan  and  especially  at  Casa  Branca  '(near  Macao)  on  the 
Chinese  in  the  employ  of  Europeans  in  Hongkong,  but  Lord 
Elgin  would  not  listen  to  the  suo-gestion  of  the  Council  that  a 
forcible  demonstration  be  made  against  those  Authorities.  When 
the  Mandarins  found  how  comparatively  fruitless  their  pro- 
clamations were,  they  moved  the  rural  militia-associations  to 
<.'Oinpel  all  village  elders  to  cut  off  the  market  supplies  of  tbo 
Colony  and  to  send  word  to  their  respective  clansmen  in 
Hongkong  to  leave  the  Colony  immediately  on  pain  of  their 
relatives  in  the  country  being  treated  as  rebels  (including  muti- 
lation and  forfeiture  of  property).  This  popular  measure  had 
its  effect.  Many  Chinese  in  the  Colony  now  resigned  lucrative 
employment  for  very  fear.  A  sensible  exodus  of  individuals  of 
all   classes  commenced   and   by   the   middle   of   July   European 


320  CHAPTER  XVir. 

residents  began  to  feel  themselves  boycotted.  A  public  meetinf]^ 
was  therefore  held  (July  29,  1858)  to  discuss  the  extensive 
departure  of  Chinese  from  the  Colony  and  the  stoppage  of  food 
supplies.  In  accordance  with  the  urgent  resolutions  unanimously 
passed  by  this  meeting,  Sir  John  boldly  departed  from  Lord 
Elgin's  line  of  policy  and  issued  (July  31,  1858)  a  proclamation 
emphatically  threatening  the  Heungshan  and  Sanon  Districts^ 
with  the  retributive  vengeance  of  the  British  Government  if 
servants  and  food  supplies  were  withheld  any  longer.  Copiea 
of  this  proclamation  were  successfully  delivered  at  Heungshan 
by  a  party  of  British  marines,  but  when  H.M.S.  Starling  conveyed 
copies  of  the  same  proclamation  to  Sanon,  a  boat's  crew,  while 
under  a  flag  of  truce,  were  fired  upon  by  the  braves  of  Xamtao. 
Thereupon  General  C.  van  Straubenzee  and  the  Commodore 
(Hon.  Keith  Stewart)  proceeded  to  Sanon  with  a  small  military 
and  naval  force  and  took  the  walled  town  of  Xamtao  by  assault, 
with  the  loss  of  two  officers  and  three  men.  This  measure  had 
its  effect  in  an  immediate  restoration  of  the  market  supplies  of 
the  Colony  and  an  altered  attitude  of  the  Mandarins. 

In  addition  to  all  the  excitement  which  the  Arrow  War 
and  its  by-play  of  poisoning,  incendiarism  and  boycotting 
involved,  the  public  life  of  Hongkong  was,  throughout  this 
administration,  convulsed  by  an  internal  chronic  warfare  the 
acerbities  of  which  beggared  all  description.  It  is  not  the  duty 
of  the  historian  to  drag  before  the  public  eye  the  private  failings 
of  individuals  nor  is  it  proposed  here  to  enter  upon  all  the  details 
of  the  mutual  criminations  and  recriminations  in  which  the 
public  men  of  the  Colony  and  the  local  newspapers  indulged 
during  this  liveliest  period  in  the  history  of  Hongkong.  But  as- 
the  eruptions  of  volcanoes  reveal  to  us  the  secrets  of  the  interior 
of  the  earth,  so  these  periodical  explosions  of  feeling  in  the 
Colony  give  us  an  insight  into  the  inner  workings  of  local 
public  life.  It  is  necessary  therefore  to  characterize,  and  trace 
the  real  cause  of,  these  dissensions  which  disturbed  the  public 
peace,  the  more  so  as  these  matters  became  subjects  of  debate 
in  Parliament  to  the  great  injury  of  the  reputation  of  Hongkong, 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   J.   BOW  RING.  321 

When  Sir  John  arrived  in  the  Colony  (April,  1854),  the 
public  mind  had  for  some  years  been,  and  still  was,  in  a  state  of 
tolerable  tranquillity,  and  peace  reigned  within  the  Civil  Service. 
The  only  disturbing*  element  was  a  local  newspaper,  the  Friend 
of  China.,  edited  by  a  discharged  Civil  Servant,  who  generally 
criticized  the  Government  and  most  public  officers  with  some 
animus  and  repeatedly  insinuated  that  the  Lieutenant-Governor 
(whilst  Chief  Magistrate)  had  been  in  collusion  with  his  com- 
prador's squeezing  propensities.  The  fact  that  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor  allowed  five  years  to  pass  before  he  stopped  these 
unfounded  cilumnies  by  the  appeal  to  the  Court  which,  as  soon 
as  made,  consigned  that  editor  to  the  ignominious  silence  of  the 
gaol  (September  21,  1859),  encouraged  in  the  Colony  a  vicious 
taste  for  journalistic  personalities.  The  more  wricked  a  paper 
was,  the  greater  now  became  its  popularity.  Soon  another  local 
editor  {Daily  Press)  who,  in  certain  business  transactions  in 
connection  with  emigration,  had  been  crossed  by  the  Registrar 
General,  outstripped  in  scurrility  his  colleague  of  the  Friend  of 
China,  and  commenced  to  insinuate  that  the  Registrar  General 
was  the  tool  of  unscrupulous  Chinese  compradors  and  in  league 
with  pirates.  The  Registrar  General  sent  in  his  resignation 
(June  11,  1855)  but  the  Government,  as  well  as  the  Naval 
Authorities,  having  perfect  confidence  in  him,  he  was  later  on 
(December  6,  1850)   induced  to  resume  his  office. 

The  next  source  of  trouble  was  the  system  of  Petty  Sessions 
devised  by  Sir  G.  Bonham  and  continued  by  Sir  J.  Bowring 
who  appointed  (October  4,  1855)  13  non-official  Justices  of  the 
Peace  (subsequently  increased  to  15)  to  assist  the  stipendiary 
Magistrates.  The  non-official  Justices,  however,  did  not  attend 
the  Sessions  unless  they  were  specially  sent  for  and  the  Chief 
Magistrate,  as  a  rule,  sent  for  them  only  when  he  had  a  difficulty 
with  the  Executive.  In  spring  1856,  the  Governor  several 
times  took  occasion  to  remonstrate  with  the  Chief  Magistrate 
(T.  W.  Davies)  regarding  his  interpretation  of  the. new  Building 
Ordinance  (No.  8  of  1856)  in  cases  of  encroachments  on  Crown 
land.     The  Magistrate,  disregarding  the  minutes  of  the  Executive 

21 


^22  CHAPTER   XVII. 

Council  on  the  subject  of  that  Ordinance,  twice  (May  23rd  and 
June  3rd)  sent  for  non-official  Justices  to  assist  him  in  cases 
in  which  the  Crown  was  prosecutor,  and  these  Justices, 
representino^  the  interest  of  liouse  owners,  emphatically  concurred 
in  his  interpretation  of  the  Buildino-  Ordinance.  Thereupon 
the  Governor  addressed  (August  19,  185G)  a  severe  remonstrance 
to  the  Justices  of  the  Peace,  blaming  all  for  habitual  neglect 
of  their  duties  in  not  giving  regular  attendance  at  the  Petty 
Sessions  (at  which  half  of  them  had  never  attended  at  all)  and 
<;ensuring  four  Justices  with  having  (May  23rd)  concurred  iu 
a  decision  by  which  the  obvious  intent  of  the  law  was  abrogated, 
4ind  with  having  (June  3rd)  supported  the  Magistrate  in  his 
^letermination  not  to  give  effect  to  the  law.  An  angry 
■correspondence  ensued,  in  the  course  of  which  the  Justices, 
alleging  that  they  had  attended  in  Court  whenever  they  were 
requested  to  do  so,  claimed  the  right  to  frame  their  decisions 
according  to  their  own  convictions  and  characterized  the 
ilovernor's  action  as  an  attempt  to  intimidate  the  stipendiary 
Magistrate.  '  The  question  at  issue,'  they  wrote,  '  is  in  effect 
this,  whether  the  law  is  to  be  administered  according  to  the 
judgment  of  the  Magistrates  who  are  sworn  to  dispense  it 
according  to  the  best  of  their  knowledge  and  ability,  subject 
to  correction  by  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court,  or  according  to 
the  dictation  of  the  Governor  and  Executive  Council.'  The 
dispute  culminated  in  a  passionate  public  meeting  (October 
IG,  185G).  This  meeting  complained  of  the  retrospective 
<;haracter  of  the  new  Building  Ordinance  (8  of  18r)G)  and  the 
insufficiency  of  the  Surveyor  General's  staff,  of  the  right  given 
to  the  Crown  to  recover  costs  at  common  law  (Ordinance  1-1- 
of  185G),  of  the  exclusion  of  the  public  from  the  meetings  of 
Legislative  Council  and  of  the  absence  of  a  Municipal  Council. 
Jn  his  reply  the  Governor  clearly  had  the  best  of  the  argument 
but  promised  a  reconstruction  of  the  Legislative  Council.  He 
added,  however,  that  this  reconstruction  would  not  be  based  on 
a  representative  jjrinciple,  'to  which  the  circumstances  of 
Hongkong  are,  in  the  judgment  of  Her  Majesty's  Government 


THE  ADMINISTRATION'   OP  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  o23 

^aiicl  of  a  majority  oi'  the  members  of  the  Executive   Council^ 
I'ar  from  adapted.' 

But  now  a  more  potent  element  of  discord  appeared  on  the 
-scene  in  the  person  of  a  testy  Attorney  General  who  for  some 
i-eason   or  other  had   been  sent  out,  fresh  from   the   House  of 
<^ommons    where   he   had   represented  the   electors   of    Youghal 
(1847   to    1850).     While   considering-   it  his  mission  in   life  to 
set   things   right   in    Hongkong,   he   seemed   to    combine,    with 
thorough   uprightness   of  character,  a  lamentable  want   of   self- 
-restraint.    He  was   hardly   a   month    in    the   Colony    before   be 
(juarrelled   with   both   Magistrates,   and   scenes   of    mutual    re- 
crimination were   enacted   in  the  Supreme  Court  (June,  IHiji)). 
This  was  followed,  two  months  later,  by  an  action  for  defamation 
brought  by  the  junior  Magistrate  against  the  Attorney  (Jeneral. 
With  the  exception  of  an  allegation  of  defalcations  in  the  Colonial 
'I'reasury,  which   had    been   placed    (in    1854)   in   charge  of  its 
-chief  clerk     (R.    Kienacker)   and   necessitated   the   appointment 
(June    18,    1801)   of   a   Commission    of   Inquiry,  there    was    a 
brief  lull    in    this   internal   turmoil,  while   the  public  mind  was 
occupied  with,  and   wrought    up  to   great  nervous   tension   by, 
the  Arrow  War  and  its   local   consequences.     In   spring    1858, 
however,  the  shattered  nerves  of  the  community  were   thrilled 
;anew  with  a  series   of   Civil   Service  disputes.     The   editor  of 
the  Dailt/  J*rfiss^  having  gone  so  far  as  to  accuse  the  Governor 
■of  corruptly  favouring  the  firm  of  Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co.  in  the 
matter  of  public  contracts,  was  ])romptly  brought  to  book  and 
..sent  to  gaol  for  six  months  (April  11),  185S).     About  the  same 
time  the  Acting  (Colonial  Secretary  Avho,  being  a  Imrrister,  had 
taken  over  the  office  ou  condition  of  his  being  allowed  private 
practice,  was  charged  by  the  Attorney  General  with  collusion  with 
the  new  opium  farmer  (an  ex-teacher  of  St.  Paul's  College)  from 
whom  he  had  accepted  a  retainer.     A  Commission  (H.  T.  Davies 
and  J.  Dent)  inquired  into  the  charge  (April,  1858)  but,  though 
.some  slight  blame  was  laid  on  the  Acting  Colonial   Secretary, 
Jiis  honesty   and   honour   were   held    unimpeached.      Xext    the 
Attorney  General  resigned  the  Commission  of  the  Peace  unless 


324  CHAPTER  XVII. 

tlie  Registrar  General  were  excluded  from  it  (May  14,  1858).. 
The  Governor  at  once  asked  the  Justices  to  nominate  a  Committee 
of  Inquiry.  The  Justices  declined  to  do  so  but,  when  the 
Committee  appointed  by  the  Governor  (Ch.  St.  G.  Cleverly, 
H.  T.  Davies,  G,  Lyall,  A.  Fletcher,  John  Scarth)  advised  the 
retention  of  the  Registrar  General  in  office  (July  17,  1858). 
four  of  the  Justices  (J.  D.  Gibb,  P.  Campbell,  J.  Rickett, 
J.  Dent)  published  their  dissent  from  the  verdict  of  the  Com- 
mittee. Now  in  the  course  of  this  inquiry  side-issues  had 
meanwhile  been  raised  which  carried  the  conflict  still  further. 
The  Attorney  General  not  only  impeached  the  Acting  Colonial 
Secretary's  integrity  by  insinuating  that  he  had  burned  the 
account  books  of  a  convicted  pirate  (Machow  Wong)  to  screen 
himself  and  the  Registrar  General  against  a  charge  of  com- 
plicity with  pirates,  but  the  Attorney  General  also,  publicly 
divulged  an  unfavourable  opinion,  as  to  the  character  of  the 
Acting  Colonial  Secretary,  which  the  Governor  had  expressed  in. 
confidential  consultation  with  the  Attorney  General.  Naturally, 
the  Governor  now  suspended  the  Attorney  General,  and  referred 
the  case  to  the  Home  Government.  Although  the  Secretary  of 
State,  in  reply,  expressed  himself  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of 
the  Acting  Colonial  Secretary,  the  latter  voluntarily  resigned 
his  office  (August  28,  1858).  However,  when  he  commenced 
an  action  for  libel  (with  reference  to  the  burning  of  the 
books  of  Machow  Wong)  against  the  editor  of  the  Friend  of 
China,  the  jury  brought  in  a  verdicD  of  not  guilty  and  the 
Court  awarded  costs  against  the  Government  (November,  1858). 
The  conduct  of  the  Governor  who,  to  avoid  a  subpoena 
served  on  him  in  this  case,  had  hurriedly  departed  for  Manila 
(November  29,  1858)  being  too  ill  to  attend,  provoked  much 
criticism  at  the  time.  But  unfortunately  matters  did  not 
stop  here.  Elated  by  this  measure  of  success,  the  editor  of 
the  Friend  of  China,  and  the  suspended  Attorney  General, 
commenced  an  agitation  in  England  which  only  served  to- 
bring  upon  the  Colony  greater  odium  and  the  contempt  of 
the  nation. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.   BO  WRING.  325 

In  January,  1850,  a  public  meetinof  held  at  Xewcastle-on- 
Tyne,  in  the  belief  that  the  books  of  Machow  Wong  had  been 
burned  to  screen  a  public  officer  from  conviction  of  complicity 
with  pirates,  petitioned  Parliament  to  direct  such  an  incjuiry  as 
would  vindicate  the  honour  of  the  British  Crown  and  do  justice. 
This  example  was  followed  by  meetinos  held  at  Tynemouth, 
Macclesfield  and  Birmingham,  and  at  some  other  towns  public 
meetings  were  convened  for  the  same  purpose.  On  March  3rd, 
1850,  Earl  Grey  brought  the  Newcastle  petition  before  the  House 
of  Lords,  while  Sir  E.  Buhver-Lvtton  dealt  with  the  matter 
before  the  Commons.  The  latter  stated,  that  the  documents 
in  the  case  had  been  referred  to  a  legal  and  dispassionate  adviser 
of  the  Crown  ;  that  he  discovered  in  them  hatred,  malice  and 
uncharitableness  in  every  possible  variety  and  aspect;  that  the 
documents  might  consequently  be  considered  a  description  of 
•official  life  in  Hongkong :  that  the  mode  in  which  the  Attorney 
(xeneral  had  originated  and  conducted  the  inquiry,  and  the  breach 
of  official  confidence  which  occurred  in  the  course  of  the  trial, 
had  led  the  Governor  to  suspend  him  ;  that,  after  a  dispassionate 
•consideration  of  the  papers,  he  could  come  to  no  other  conclasion 
than  that  the  Governor's  decision  ought  to  be  confirmed ;  that 
•it  was,  however,  his  intention,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  direct  a 
most  careful  examination  into  the  whole  of  the  facts.  Of  course 
the  public  press  treated  the  whole  case  in  a  variety  of  ways,  but 
the  verdict  of  public  opinion  in  England  was,  no  doubt,  that  to 
which  the  Times  gave  utterance  (March  15,  1850)  in  a  scathing 
article  of  which  the  followino-  is  a  brief  digest. 

'  Hongkong  is  always  connected  with  some  fatal  pestilence, 
,some  doubtful  war,  or  some  discreditable  internal  squabble,  so 
much  so  that,  in  popular  language,  the  name  of  this  noisy, 
bustling,  quarrelsome,  discontented  little  Island  may  not  inaptly 
be  used  as  a  euphenious  synonym  for  a  place  not  mentionable  to 
«ars  ]X)lite.  Every  official's  hand  is  there  against  his  neighbour. 
The  Governor  lias  run  away  to  seek  health  or  quiet  elsewhere. 
The  Lieutenant-Governor  has  been  accused  of  having  allowed 
his  servant  to  squeeze.     The  newspaper  proprietors  were,  of  late. 


326  CHAPTER  XVII. 

all  more  or  less  in  prison  or  going-  to  prison  or  coming  out  of 
prison,  on  prosecntions  by  some  one  or  more  of  the  incriminated 
and  incriminating  officials.  The  heads  of  the  mercantile  houses- 
hold  themselves  quite  aloof  from  local  disputes  and  conduct 
themselves  in  a  highly  dignified  manner,  Avhich  is  one  of  the 
chief  causes  of  the  evil.  But  a  section  of  the  community  deal 
in  private  slander  which  the  newspapers  retail  in  public  abuse. 
The  Hongkong  press,  which  every  one  is  using,  prompting,., 
disavowing  and  prosecuting — the  less  we  say  of  it  the  better.. 
A  dictator  is  needed,  a  sensible  man,  a  man  of  tact  and  firmness. 
AVe  cannot  be  always  investigating  a  storm  in  a  teapot  where 
each  individual  tea-leaf  has  its  dionitv  and  its  o-rievance.' 

Black  as  the  case  thus  put  before  the  home  country  was, 
it  did  not   cover  the  whole  extent  of  Hongkong's  internal  war- 
fare.    The  dissensions  which,  as  above  recounted,  disgraced  the 
])ublic  life  of  the  Colony,  invaded  also  the  Legislative  Council.. 
In   the   first  instance  the  Members  of   Council,  both   unofficial 
and  official,  frequently  overstepped  during  this  period  the  limit 
of  their  proper  functions,   occupying    themselves   with   matter.-^ 
having   no   concern    with   legislation,    and   reallv  trenching   on 
the   powers   of    the    Executive.      Next,    the    official    Membei-s,. 
and   notably   the   Attorney  General  and  the   Chief   Magistrate, 
claimed  an  extraordinary  measure  of  independence.      On  more 
than   one   occasion,   and   without   any    previous   communication 
to  the  Governor  or  Colonial  Secretarv,  these  officials   censured 
the  E.Kecutive  in  strong  terms.       The  Attorney  General,   with 
whose  advent  the  character  of   the  Legislative  Council  under- 
went   a    marked    change,    often    repudiated    the    authority   of 
the  sui)erior   Law  Officers  of   the  Crown  when  their  opinions, 
formally  conveyed  to  the  local  Government,  differed  from  his.. 
With  ecpial  nonchalance  he  declared  that   he  took  his  seat  in 
Council  as  an   independent   legislator,   not  as  a  servant  of  the- 
Crown,  and  that  he   was   there,   if  he  thought  fit,  to  criticize^ 
and  op])08e  the  views  of  the  Executive.     Naturally  the  unofficial 
Members  felt  under  these   circumstances   justified    in   claiming- 
equal  liberties. 


THE    ADMINISTRATION   OF   Sill   J.   BOWKINff.  327 

When  Sir  J.  Bowrino:  became  Governor,  the  Legislative 
Council  was  presided  over  by  the  Lientenant-Governor  and 
consisted  of  0  Members  of  whom  2  were  non-officials.  In  185;> 
Sir  John  submitted  to  the  Secretary  of  State  (Mr.  Labonchere)  a 
proposal  to  enlarcte  the  basis  of  the  Council  by  introducing  4 
additional  official  and  8  non-official  Members,  giving  a  total 
of  13  Members  exclusive  of  the  Governor.  Mr.  Labonchere 
disapproved  of  so  great  an  enlargement  but  sanctioned  a 
moderate  addition.  This  was  given  effect  to  by  the  introduction 
of  the  Colonial  Treasurer,  the  Chief  Magistrate  and  one  non- 
official  Member,  the  relative  pro^^ortions  being  thus  preserved 
and  the  Legislative  Council  then  consisted  of  (I  officei's  of  the 
Government  and  8  members  of  the  connnunity.  Sir  John 
however  added  (in  1857)  the  Surveyor  General  and  in  November. 
1858,  probably  with  a  view  to  secure  the  passing  of  the  Praya 
Ordinance,  he  further  introduced  the  Auditor  General,  so  that 
there  were  8  official  to  8  non-official  Members.  Against  tiiis^ 
measure  the  '  unofficial  Members  at  the  bottom  of  the  table.^ 
as  Sir  John  humorously  styled  them,  put  in  a  formal  protest 
(November  20,  1858)  and  suggested  that  the  nomination  of 
the  Auditor  General  should  remain  in  abeyance  until  the  original 
number  of  (5  offi2ials  be  returned  to  by  the  occurrence  of 
vacancies  or  that  the  original  proposition  of  Sir  J.  Bowring  as 
to  the  number  of  non-official  Members  should  also  be  carried 
out.  A  memorial  impeaching  the  Governor  was  talked  of,  just 
before  he  left  for  Manila,  but  after  furtlier  consideration  the 
idea  was  abandoned.  From  after  the  close  of  the  session  of 
1857  the  proceedings  of  the  Council  were  regularly  published 
and  from  March  25th,  1858,  the  Governor  allowed  the  public 
to  be  present  at  the  debates. 

The  principal  bone  of  contention  between  the  Governor 
and  his  liCgislative  Council  was  the  construction  (^f  a  Prava 
or  sea-wall  which  was  to  extend  along  the  whole  front  of  the 
town  from  Navy  Bay  to  Causeway  Bay  and  to  be  named  Bowring 
Praya.  The  Council  heartily  approved  of  the  (jompletion 
(October  1,  1855)  of   the  new  Government   House  (at  a  total 


328  CHAPTER  XVII. 

<30st  of  £15,318  spread  over  many  yeai-s),  tb€  erection  of  a 
number  of  water  tanks  (1855)  and  the  completion  (in  1857) 
of  two  Police  Stations  (Central  and  Westpoint  Stations)  and 
four  new  Markets.  But  the  projected  Praya  and  particularly 
its  proposed  name  aroused  determined  opposition.  Sir  John's 
scheme  had  the  support  of  an  official  Commission  appointed 
by  him  to  weigh  all  the  objections  which  could  be  urged  against 
it,  and  he  assiduously  hoarded  the  surplus  funds  of  several  years 
to  provide  the  means  for  carrying  out  his  pet  scheme.  The 
scheme  was  published  (November  10,  1855)  with  the  announce- 
ment that  the  Governor  had  power  to  enforce  it  under  the 
alternative,  offered  to  unwilling  lot-holders,  of  resumption 
according  to  terms  of  lease.  Most  of  the  Chinese  lot-holders 
appeared  to  be  willing  to  come  to  terms  with  the  Government, 
but  a  public  meeting  of  European  owners  passed  (December 
5,  1855)  resolutions  to  the  effect  that  the  Governor's  plan  was 
<lefective  and  inadequate  as  a  public  measure,  onerous  upon 
individuals  and  infrino-ino^  on  the  ritjhts  of  holders  of  marine-lots. 
The  opposition  view  thus  formulated  was  ably  maintained  and 
put  before  the  Colonial  Office  by  the  Hon.  J.  Dent  with  the 
support  of  the  other  unofficial  Members  of  Council.  The 
(lovernor's  contention  was  that  many  marine-lot  holders  had, 
for  years  past,  recovered  from  the  sea  and  appropriated  to  their 
own  use,  against  the  rights  of  the  Crown,  land  measuring 
298,085  s;][uare  feet  which  had  been  arbitrarily  superadded  to 
the  respective  leases  granting  in  the  aggregate  other  200,326 
square  feet.  The  owners  of  marine-lots,  having  thus  doubled 
their  respective  properties,  were  naturally  opposed  to  a  scheme 
intended  to  re-establish  the  rights  of  the  Crown.  However, 
the  Secretary  of  State  (Mr.  Labouchere),  after  considering  the 
objections  raised  by  Mr.  Dent,  decided  against  the  marine-lot 
liolders  and  instructed  the  Governor  to  proceed  with  the 
reclamation  work  as  soon  as  the  needful  funds  were  available. 
The  Chinese  owners  of  marine-lots  consented  (in  1857)  to 
reclaim,  under  Government  supervision,  and  to  pay  rent  for 
a  large  portion  of  the  Praya  in  front  of   their  holdings.     As 


UNIVERSITT^ 

THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  329 

their  work  proceeded,  the  Governor  succeeded  in  mukiug  amicable 
arrangements  also  with  most  of  the  European  holders  of  marine- 
lots  in  front  of  the  city,  and  that  part  of  the  Praya  the  frontage 
•of  which  properly  belonged  to  the  (xovernnient  was  forthwith 
taken  in  hand.  But  two  British  firms  (Dent  and  Lindsay), 
holding  the  small  portion  of  land  situated  between  the  parade- 
ground  and  Pedder's  wharf,  obstinately  resisted,  though  the 
estimates  for  the  sea-wall  and  piers  for  this  section  amounted 
to  less  than  £14,000.  Finding,  in  1858,  that  a  sum  of  £20,000 
of  hoarded  surplus  funds  was  available  for  public  works,  the 
Governor,  who  had  been  advised  by  the  Acting  Attorney  General 
(J.  Day  succeeded  by  F.  W.  Green)  to  proceed  by  Ordinance, 
had  a  draft  Bill  prepared  by  a  Committee  consisting  of  the 
Acting  Attorney  General,  the  Colonial  Treasurer  (F.  Forth)  and 
the  Surveyor  General  (Ch.  St.  G.  Cleverly).  These  officers 
fissured  the  Governor  that  they  were  satisfied  with  the  Bill  which 
they  prepared  and  which  was  published  in  the  Gazette  (October 
23,  1858).  The  tirst  reading  of  the  Bill  was  opposed  by 
Mr.  Dent,  voting  alone.  Owning  to  the  Governor's  absence  on 
a  trip  to  the  Philippine  Islands,  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill 
was  delayed  until  4th  February,  1859.  On  that  day  the 
Governor  was  confident  of  success.  The  Acting  Attorney  General 
had  assured  him  that  the  Bill  would  pass  and  would  even  have 
the  support  of  one  of  the  unofficial  Members.  But  when  the 
Council  met,  to  consider  this  Bill  on  which  the  leading  merchants 
were  at  issue  with  the  Governor,  the  Chief  Justice  and  the 
Lieutenant-Governor  were  absent,  and  Mr.  Dent's  motion  that 
the  Praya  question  be  adjourned  sine  die  was,  to  the  intense 
surprise  of  the  Governor,  carried  by  six  votes  against  three. 
The  effect  on  the  audience  was  startling.  There  was  a  tragico- 
-coniical  tableau,  which  a  local  artist  forthwith  perpetuated  by 
some  woodcuts  published  in  the  Daily  Press.  It  appeared 
that  none  voted  in  favour  of  the  Bill  except  the  Acting  Attorney 
General,  the  Colonial  Treasurer  and  the  Auditor  General.  The 
■Colonial  Secretary  (W.  T.  Mercer)  had  quite  lately  returned 
from  furlough  and  thought  the  Bill  might  be  considered  later 


330  CHAPTER  XYII. 

on ;  the  Cijief  Magistrate  (H.  T.  Davies)  had  not  been  consulted 
and  thought  water- works  more  urgent;  the  Surveyor  General 
(Ch.  St.  G.  Cleverly)  said  he  had  changed  his  mind :  and  all 
of  them  claimed  the  right  of  voting  against  the  Government. 

It  must  be  said  to  the  credit  of  Sir  John  that  he  did  not 
dispute  the  right  of  the  official  Members  of  Council  to  vote^ 
according  to  their  conscientious  convictions.  But  he  had  not 
exi3ected  them  to  vote  against  his  darling  scheme  without  giving 
him  previous  notice.  Sir  John,  however,  drew  one  important 
lesson  from  this  painful  fiasco  of  his  Praya  Bill,  viz.  that  the 
leading  firms  can  defeat  a  Governor  and  that  the  public  service^ 
must  sufi^er  if  functionaries  and  especially  the  higher  ones 
(Attorney  General  and  Surveyor  General)  are  allowed  to  accept 
private  practice.  'The  enormous  power  and  influence  of  the 
great  commercial  houses  in  China,  when  associated  directly  or 
indirectly  with  personal  pecuniary  advantages  which  they  are  able 
to  confer  on  public  officers,  who  are  permitted  to  be  employed 
and  engaged  by  them,  cannot  but  create  a  conflict  between  duties 
not  always  compatible... One  of  the  peculiar  difficulties  against 
which  this  Government  has  to  struo^gle  is  the  enormous  influence 
wielded  by  the  great  and  opulent  commercial  Houses  against 
whose  power  and  in  opposition  to  whose  personal  views  it  is 
hnrd  to  contend.'  These  words  of  Sir  John,  as  well  as  the  whole 
storv  of  this  first  Prava  Bill,  indicate  a  recoo:nition  of  the  fact 
that  the  commercial  aristocracy  created  by  his  predecessor  had 
by  this  time  commenced  to  exercise  a  political  influence  liable 
to  be  inspired,  occasionally,  by  the  interests  of  individual  firms 
rather  than  by  unselfish  consideration  of  the  public  good. 

The  legislative  activity  of  the  Council  was,  particularly 
after  the  arrival  (in  spring  1856)  of  the  Hon.  Chisholm  Anstey. 
the  Attorney  General,  somewhat  excessive.  He  had  a  passion 
for  reform  and  set  to  work,  revising  local  procedure  in  civil  and 
criminal  cases  (Ordinance  5  of  185G)  and  in  Chancery  (Ordinance 
7  of  1850),  limiting  the  admission  of  candidates  to  the  rolls 
of  practitionei-s  in  the  Supreme  Court  (Ordinance  13  of 
1850),  regulating  the  summary  jurisdiction   of  the  Police  Court 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.   BO  WRING.  331 

and  appeals  to  the  Supreme  Court  (Ordiuance  4  of  1858)  and 
declaring  sundry  Acts  of  Parliament  to  be  in  force  in  the  Colony 
(Ordinances  3  of  185G  and  3  and  4  of  1857).  As  many  as  15 
Ordinances  were  passed  by  the  Council  in  the  year  185(5  and 
12  Ordinances  in  1857.  Mr.  Austey  received,  however,  small 
thanks  for  his  zeal.  Shortly  after  his  departure  a  Colonial  Office 
dispatch  was  read  in  Council  (January  20,  1850)  stating  that 
the  legal  advisers  of  the  Crown  had  severely  commented  on  the 
careless  manner  in  which  British  Acts  of  Parliament  had  been 
adopted  in  Hongkong.  A  lamentable  state  of  affairs  Avas  revealed 
when  Mr.  Anstey's  successor,  in  admitting  the  justice  of  the 
censure,  stated  that  his  own  tenure  of  the  office  was  too  uncertain 
to  admit  of  his  commencing  any  new  system  of  legislation  or 
correcting  mistakes  for  which  he  was  not  responsible. 

Among  the  Ordinances  of  the  year  1857  there  is  one  (No. 
12  of  1857)  which  requires  special  mention  as  it  constitutes- 
the  first  attempt  made  by  a  British  legislature  to  grapple  with 
and  control  the  evils  arising  from  prostitution,  by  the  introduction 
in  Hongkong  of  the  system  of  registration,  compnlsory  medical 
examination  and  the  establishment  of  a  Lock  Hospital.  This 
Ordinance  was  the  work  of  Dr.  W.  T.  Bridges,  the  Acting 
Colonial  Secretary,  who  was  an  enthusiastic  believer  in  the 
philanthropic  virtues  of  Contagious  Diseases  Acts.  Sir  .1. 
Bowring,  with  some  diffidence,  permitted  the  Ordinance  to  pass,, 
stating  that  he  reserved  his  opinion  as  to  its  value;  but,  when 
the  Chinese  communitv  made  an  energetic  stand  against  the 
application  of  the  measure  to  the  inmates  of  houses  visited  by 
Chinese,  Sir  John  yielded  and  thereby  deprived  the  scheme  of 
a  fair  trial  in  Hongkong.  The  problem  involved  in  such  a 
C.  D.  Ordinance  recpiires,  for  a  just  and  charitable  solution. 
that  unbiassed  mind  which  but  few  possess.  Let  it  be  granted 
that,  in  the  ruml  surroundings  of  the  domestic  and  social  life 
of  Christian  England,  where  every  form  of  moral  and  religious 
influence  is  at  full  play,  regulations  of  the  nature  of  the  C.  I). 
Acts  would  fall  under  the  condemnation  of  morality  and  religion 
tis   being    not    onlv   not   renuired    but    distinct    reminders   and 


332  CHAPTER  XVII. 

oncourao-ements  of  immorality.  But  it  must  then  also  be  granted, 
from  the  same  Christian  point  of  view,  that  the  practice  of 
takino-  vouns:  men  awav  from  those  moral  and  religious  influences 
of  their  rural  homes  and  transplanting  them,  in  the  interest 
of  the  nation,  in  an  enervating  climate,  in  the  midst  of  all 
the  demoralising  surroundings  of  sensuous  native  communities, 
is  a  proceeding  equally  to  be  condemned  on  the  score  of  both 
morality  and  religion.  The  correct  thing  would  therefore  be, 
to  abolish  our  army,  our  navy,  and  our  Colonial  commerce. 
This  application  of  the  Christian  ideal  is  practically  impossible. 
If,  then,  we  cannot  nationally  realise  the  hiofher  ideal  of  the 
■Christian  life  and  must  perforce  provide  for  war  and  commerce 
abroad,  it  is  neither  a  consistent  nor  a  moral  or  charitable 
proceeding  to  apply  that  impracticable  ideal  by  withdrawing 
from  the  men  thus  placed,  in  the  interest  of  the  nation,  in 
unnatural  positions,  the  small  measure  of  medical  safeguards 
which  C.  D.  Ordinances  provide. 

The  legislative  work  of  Sir  J.  Bowring's  administration 
is  further  distinguished  by  the  great  attention  paid  to  the 
interests  of  the  Chinese  residents.  In  March,  1855,  Sir  John 
ordered  an  investigation  to  be  instituted  concernino;  the  extensive 
gambling  system  which  had  been  in  vogue  among  the  Chinese 
•employees  of  the  Government.  Strict  regulations  were  made  to 
]n"event  a  recurrence  of  the  evil.  The  right  which  Sir  J.  Bowring 
•gave  to  Chinese  lessees  of  Crown-lands,  to  become  owners  of 
British  ships  and  to  use  the  British  flag  in  Colonially  registered 
vessels  (Ordinances  4  of  1855  and  i)  of  1856),  has  already 
l)een  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Arrow  War.  As  the 
laws  in  force  in  the  Colony  appeared  to  tend  to  the  avoidance 
•of  all  wills  male  in  the  Chinese  manner,  Sir  John  authorized 
(Ordinance  4  of  1850)  the  recognition  in  local  Courts  of  Chinese 
wills  when  made  according  to  Chinese  laws  and  usages.  Chinese 
burials  which  hitherto  studded  the  hill  sides  in  all  sorts  of  places 
with  graves,  were  regulated  by  the  establishment  of  special 
Chinese  cemeteries  (Ordinance  12  of  1850).  Chinese  domiciled 
in   the   Colony    (and   other  alien   residents)   were   granted   (by 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  333 

Ordinance  13  of  1856)  the  privilege  of  seeking  qualification 
as  legal  practitioners.  The  government  of  the  Chinese  people 
by  means  of  officially  recognized  and  salaried  head-men  (Tipos) 
under  the  supervision  of  the  Registrar  General  was  oraanized 
(by  Ordinance  8  of  1858)  and  a  Census  Office  established. 
As  to  the  latter,  Sir  John  all  along  recognized  the  practical 
impossibility  of  individual  Chinese  registration,  but  insisted  upon 
a  registration  of  houses.  He  revised  also  the  night  pass 
regulations  extending  the  time,  when  Chinese  had  to  keep  indoor, 
from  8  to  0  p.m.  The  markets  of  the  Colony  having  hitherto 
been  worked  under  a  system  of  monopoly,  which  augmented 
the  price  of  food  stuffs  in  the  Colony,  Sir  John  introduced  an 
Ordinance  (0  of  1858)  which  to  some  extent  diminished  the 
evils  of  monopoly  and  transferred  to  the  Government,  in  the 
shape  of  augmented  rental,  a  portion  at  least  of  the  profit 
which  Avas  before  in  tlie  hands  of  two  or  three  compradors 
supposed  to  enjoy  special  official  patronage. 

But  the  most  effective  and  beneficial  legislative  act  of  this 
period,  and  one  for  which  Sir  J.  Bowring  deserves  much  credit, 
was  the  so-called  Amalgamation  Ordinance  (No.  12  of  1858). 
This  Ordinance  empowered  barristers  to  act  as  their  own 
attorneys  and  thus  gave  the  public  the  choice  of  engaging  an 
attorney  and  barrister  in  the  pereons  of  two  or  of  one  member 
of  the  legal  profession.  The  evil  which  it  was  intended  to 
counteract  by  this  measure  consisted  in  the  excessive  amount 
of  pettifogging,  needless  litigation  and  worthless  conveyancing 
that  prevailed  in  the  Colony  for  many  years  previous.  This 
evil  was  supported  by  adventurers,  the  riff-raff  of  Australian 
attorneys,  who  had  infested  the  local  Courts.  Indeed  the  legal 
profession  of  this  period  was  in  even  greater  need  of  reform  than 
the  Civil  Service.  The  Courts  were  in  a  continual  ferment 
and  the  lower  one  of  the  two  branches  of  the  legal  profession  was 
a  by-word.  Evidence  was  produced  before  the  Council,  shewing 
not  only  that  the  public  was  systematically  fleeced  by  exorbitant 
attorneys'  bills  for  worthless  work,  but  that  attorneys  kept 
Chinese  runnei-s  whose  dutv  was  to  hunt  up  and   to  stir  up 


.;)34  CHAPTER   XVII. 

.litij^atiou  cases,  and  that  the  percentag-e  payable  to  these  men  was 
sometimes  as  mnch  as  two  hundred  dollars  a  month.  There 
was  among-  the  leading  merchants  as  well  as  amono-  the  principal 
barristers  (Dr.  Bridofes,  J.  Day,  H.  Kincjsmill)  a  stron":  and 
nnanimous  feelinii:  in  favour  of  an  ainaloamation  of  tlie  two 
legal  professions  as  a  permanent  I'emedy  of  the  existino-  state  of 
ihings.  This  proposal  of  an  amali>-amition  was  further  snpported 
by  a  letter  addressed  l^y  ;jO  local  firms  to  the  Attorney  General, 
4ind  even  the  leading  attorneys  (Cooper-Turner,  Hazeland, 
Woods)  were  either  in  favour  of  amalgamation  or  remained 
neutral.  But  the  other  attorneys  raised  a  powerful  opposition. 
The  ([uestion  was  under  the  consideration  of  Sir  J.  Bo  wring  for 
.six  months  and  he  gave  both  sides  full  and  patient  hearing. 
When  the  Amalgamation  Bill  was  considered  by  the  Legislative 
Council  (June  24,  1858),  Mr.  Parsons  was  heard  and  examined 
•  on  behalf  of  the  attorneys  but,  when  he  claimed  to  represent  also 
the  local  Law  Society,  it  was  proved  that  he  had  received  no 
authority  from  that  body.  After  the  most  painstaking  inquiry, 
the  Bill  was  passed  by  seven  votes  against  two  and  exercised 
tliereafter  a  beneficial  influence  as  long  as  it  remained  in 
force. 

The  mimp  celebre  (apart  from  the  actions  for  lil)el   above 

referred  to)    of   this   period    was   a   dispute   I'aised    by   General 

..f.  Keenan  who,  since  Julv  11,  1803,  officiated  in   Hongkons:  as 

U.S.   Consul.     After   some   animated    correspondence    with   the 

Colonial   Secretary    (in   October,    1855),   concerning    his    views 

as  to  Consular  rights  and  jurisdiction  over  American  subjects 

•on  lK)ard  American  ships  in  harbour,  the  gallant  General  forciltly 

took  the  law  into  his  own  hands.     In  result,  he  had  to  answer 

(November  Li,  1855)  a  charge  of  rescuing  a  prisoner  (American) 

from  the  Civil  Authorities  charged  with  assault  and  battery.     The 

-cvse  was,  however,  amicably  arranged  and  General  Keenan  became 

a.  very  popular  man  in  the  Colony. 

The  finances  of  the  Colony  gave  Sir  J.  Bowring  much 
.anxiety.  Finance  was  supposed  to  be  one  of  his  strong  points. 
i^uD  he  was  hampered  in  every  way  and  could  no^  achieve  much. 


THE    ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  J.    BOWHING.  335 

He  succeeded,  indeed,  in  increasing  the  revenue  by  the  sale  of 
<^rown-laud,  principally  marine  lots.  He  was  aided  in  this 
respect  by  the  surrender  (in  18r)4)  of  the  o;round  at  Westpoint 
previously  occupied  by  the  Xavy  Department  for  stores  which 
were  removed  to  Praya  East.  Sir  John  succeeded  in  doubling 
the  revenue  within  the  five  years  of  his  administration  and  the 
ilast  year  of  it,  when  compared  with  the  reveuue  of  the  last  year 
^)f  his  predecessor,  presented  an  increase  of  £o7,77G.  But  he 
could  not  keep  the  expenditure  within  the  limits  of  the  revenue, 
•although  he  restrained  public  works  as  much  as  possible.  Con- 
serpiently  he  had  to  fall  back  once  more  upon  Parliamentary 
grants,  obtaining  £10,000  per  annum  for  the  years  1857  and 
1858.  These  grants  were  made  for  hospital  and  gaol  buildings. 
But  by  an  advantageous  exchange  with  the  Rhenish  and  Berlin 
Missions  he  obtained  a  new  hospital  at  little  cost,  and  by  reducing 
Ihe  proposed  limits  of  gaol  extension  he  made  some  further 
savings,  so  that  the  greater  part  of  the  Parliamentary  grants, 
laid  out  at  interest,  could  be  left  to  accumulate  for  the  purposes 
of  his  great  Praya  scheme,  which  however  broke  down  at  the 
last  moment.  After  raising  the  police  rate  to  10  per  cent..  Sir 
John  reduced  it  again  (in  1857)  to  8 J  per  cent.,  only  to  find 
that  it  after  all  proved  insufhcient  to  pay  the  cost  of  the  police 
and  gaol  departments  owing  to  the  extra  expenses  caused  by  the 
■disturbances  consequent  upon  the  Arrotr  War.  \\\  spring  1858, 
Sir  John  stated  that  he  had  intended  to  claim  from  the  Chinese 
•(jrovernment  compensation  fui"  the  increased  expenditure  caused 
by  the  disturbed  state  of  the  neighbouring  Districts,  but  that 
the  appointment  of  Lord  Elgin  had  taken  the  power  out  of  his 
hands.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Colony  never  received  any 
-compensation  when  the  accounts  between  England  and  China 
were  settled  at  Canton,  at  Nanking  or  Tientsin.  The  Imperial 
Exchequer  ap|)ropriated  in  each  case  the  whole  amount  of  war 
-compensation  paid  by  China.  Sir  John  deserves  credit  for 
having  initiated  the  practice  of  depositing  the  surplus  funds  of 
the  Government  in  local  chartered  Banks,  paying  interest,  instead 
of  leaving  large  sums  of  money  lying  idle  in  the  vaults  of  the 


336  CHAPTER  XVII. 

Treasury.  The  opium  monopoly  was  re-instated  by  Sir  Johtt 
(April  1,  1858)  to  swell  the  revenue,  but  failed  to  fetch  its  true- 
price,  being  let  at  $33,000  a  year.  Sir  John  removed  one  impost, 
the  productiveness  of  which,  he  said,  was  small  whilst  its 
annoyances  and  inconveniences  were  great,  viz.  that  upon  salt. 
Sir  John  claimed  credit  for  having  wholly  freed  salt  from 
taxation,  as  it  became  thereby  an  article  of  increased  commercial 
importance.  He  seems,  however,  to  have  been  oblivious  of  the 
fact  that,  as  salt  is  a  heavily  taxed  Imperial  monopoly  in  China, 
his  action  in  abolishing  the  salt  tax  in  Hongkong  merely  gave 
a  fillip  to  the  Chinese  contraband  trade  carried  on  by  the  salt 
smugglers  in  the  Colony- 

Sir  J.  Bowring  paid  much  attention  to  the  condition  of 
the  Police  Force.  Being  at  first  dissatisfied  with  its  organisation, 
he  appointed  (August,  1855)  a  Commission  to  inquire  into  the 
police  system  of  the  Colony  and  invited  the  public  to  give 
evidence  verbally  or  in  writing.  Some  changes  were  made  in 
the  constitution  of  the  Force  (in  1857)  and  at  the  close  of  his 
administration  Sir  John  considered  the  outward  appearance, 
discipline  and  general  efficiency  of  the  Police  Force  to  have 
greatly  improved.  He  stated  that  the  complaints  under  this 
head,  which  formerly  were  frequently  addressed  to  the  Govern- 
ment, were  in  1858  much  diminished  in  number.  Considering 
the  indifferent  materials  from  which  the  selection,  for  economical 
reasons,  had  necessarily  to  be  made.  Sir  John  considered  the 
state  of  the  Force  to  be  satisfactory  and  creditable  to  its 
Superintendent  (Ch.  May). 

It  could  not  be  expected  that  crime  Av^uld  decrease  during 
a  period  of  such  extraordinary  commotion.  Yet  the  criminal 
record  of  Sir  John's  regime  compares,  with  the  exception  of  the 
unique  attempt  to  poison  the  whole  foreign  community,  by  no 
means  unfavourably  with  that  of  other  periods  of  the  history  of 
Hongkong.  Indeed,  although  Hongkong  was  at  this  time  more 
than  ever  the  recipient  of  the  scum  of  Canton  and  of  the  vilest 
and  fiercest  of  the  population  of  South-China,  the  experienced 
Superintendent  of  Police  (Ch.  May),  himself  an  ex -Inspector  of 


THE   AD^riNISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  337 

Scotland  Yard,  reported  in  1857  that  the  proportionate  number 
and  gravity  of  offences  committed  in  Honokong  was  considerably 
less   than   that   of  the    British   metropolis.     The   execution  (in 
1854)  of  two  Europeans,  who  had  murdered  a  Chinese  boy  on 
the  ship  Alasfiff,  greatly  impressed  the  Ohiuese  residents  with 
the  equality  of  justice  dealt  out  by  British  tribunals.     In  1854 
and  1855,  gangs  of  robbers,  having  their  lairs  on  the  hillside 
or  on  the  Peak,  engaged  in  occasional  skirmishes  with  the  police 
(A])ril  24,  1855)  and  made  a  daring  attack   (November,  1855) 
on    some  shops   in   Aberdeen,    when    several    constables    were 
wounded  while  the  robbers  sailed  away  with  their  booty  in  a 
junk.     The  conviction  (June,  1854)  of  a  Chinese  boatman  and 
his  wife  of  the  murder  of   a  Mr.  Perkis,  the  attack  made  by 
an   armed  gang   on  the   comprador's   office   of   Wardley  &   Co. 
(December,  1855),  a  similar  attack  made  on  shops  at  Jardine's 
Bazaar  (January  1,  185G),  when   several   private  policemen  of 
Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co.  were  wounded,  and  finally  the  murder 
(April  1,  1857)  of  Mr.  Ch.  Markwick  by  his  Chinese  servant, 
were  the   principal   crimes,    unconnected    with    the    war,    that 
attracted  public  attention  during  this  period.     In  the  latter  case, 
the  Registrar  General  (D.  R.  Caldwell)  pursuing  the  murderer 
with  the  assistance  of  a  gunboat  to  his  native  village,  obtained 
his  surrender   by  the   threat   of   bombarding  the  village.     The 
Secretary   of    State   subsequently   expressed    his   disapproval   of 
this  measure.     Nevertheless   the   District   city   of   Namtao   was 
(March  19,  J  859)  actually  bombarded  by  H.M.S.  Cruiser  (Captain 
Bythesea)   to  compel  reparation  for  the  sum  of  ^4,500  which, 
as  the  comprador  of  the  Registrar  General's  Office  alleged,  had 
been  stolen  by  Xamtao  braves  from  a   Hongkong  passage-boat 
in  which  he  had  an  interest.     These  were  high-handed  measures 
inspired  by  the  war-spirit  of  the  time  rather  than  by  justice. 

Sir  J.  Bowring  believed  that  the  spot  where  almost  all 
crime  was  concocted  in  Hongkong  was  to  be  found  in  the 
unlicensed  gambling  houses  of  Taipingshan.  In  conue(;tion 
with  this  belief,  and  in  view  of  the  apparent  impossibility  'of 
finding  constables  who  would  not  wink  at  and  profit  by  existing 

22 


338  CHAPTER  XVII. 

abuses  rooted  in  the  inveterate  Chinese  habit  of  gambling. 
Sir  J.  Bowring  boldly  proposed  to  Lord  John  Russell 
(September  4,  1855)  and  subsequently  to  Mr.  H.  Labouchere 
(February  11,  185())  to  regulate  the  vice  that  could  not  be 
suppressed  and  to  adopt  the  system  in  vogue  at  Macao  of 
•controUinof  Chinese  gambling  houses  bv  licensing  a  limited 
number  of  them.  The  Lieutenant-Governor  (W.  Caine),  the 
Acting  Colonial  Secretary  (Dr.  Bridges)  and  the  Attorney 
General  (T.  Ch.  Anstey),  strongly  supported  the  Governor's 
arguments,  which  were  fortified  by  a  considerable  array  of 
favourable  reports,  received  from  Lidia,  the  Straits,  the  Dutch 
Possessions  and  the  Governor  of  Macao  (L  F.  Guimaraes)  as  to 
the  good  results  of  siich  a  control  of  Chinese  gambling.  Xone 
but  the  Superintendent  of  Police  (Ch.  May)  and  the  Chief 
^lagistrate  (C.  H.  Hillier)  raised  a  voice  of  warning.  Accor- 
dingly a  draft  Ordinance,  'relating  to  public  gaming  houses 
and  for  the  better  suppression  of  crime,'  prepared  by  Dr.  Bridges 
and  assented  to  by  all  the  Members  of  Council  (Mr.  Hillier 
excepted),  was  submitted  to  H.M.  Government  (April  17.  1850). 
Although  the  measure  met  with  a  blank  refusal  on  the  part  of 
Mr.  Labouchere,  who  would  not  even  consider  it.  Sir  J.  Bowring 
again  and  agaiu,  but  in  vain,  represented  to  Mr.  Labouchere's 
successors  (Lord  Stanley  and  Sir  E.  B.  Lytton)  his  ardent 
eonviction  that  the  system  of  licensing  vice  for  the  purpose  of 
controlling  it  was  as  legitimate  in  the  case  of  gambling  as  in 
the  case  of  prostitution  and  opium  smoking,  and  that  the 
existing  state  of  things  resulted  in  general  corruption  of  the 
Police.  The  problem  was  left  to  be  taken  up  ten  yeai-s  later 
by  Sir  Richard  MacDoimell. 

That  piracy  was  specially  rampant  during  this  period  was 
natural.  The  periodical  onslaughts  which  Biitish  men-of-war 
made  on  the  pirates  swarming  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hongkong 
appeared  to  make  little  impression.  Captious  critics,  both  m 
the  Colony  and  in  Parliament,  and  particularly  Euroi^ean  friends 
of  the  Taiping  Government,  occasionally  threw  out  doubts 
whether  all  the  junks  destroyed  by  British  gunboats  were  actually 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  3ol> 

piratical  craft  or  Taiping^  rebels  or  peaceful  but  in  self-protection 
-heavily  armed  traders,  officially  traduced  by  Chinese  informers  as 
pirates.  H.M.S.  Battler  made  a  successful  raid  against  pirates 
at  Taichow  (May  10,  1855).  H.M.  Brig  Bittpni  burned  23 
junks  and  killed  1,200  men  at  Sheifoo  (September,  1855)  with 
the  loss  of  her  own  commander  killed  and  19  men  wounded. 
H.M.S.  Surprise,  assisted  by  boats  of  H.M.S.  Camhrian,  captured 
a  whole  pirate  fleet  at  Lintin  (May,  1858)  and  in  result  of  this 
action  as  many  as  1:54  large  cannons  were  sold  in  the  Colony  by 
public  auction  and  purchased  by  Chinese  (probably  confederates 
of  jMrates)  at  the  rate  of  $'2?A  a  pair.  H.M.S.  Mafjkienne, 
Inflexible,  Plover,  and  Alger ine,  destroyed  (September,  1858) 
40  junks,  oO  snake-boats,  a  stockaded  battery  and  several  piratical 
•villages.  H.M.S.  Fury  and  Bustard  captured  12  junks  near 
Macao  (December,  1858)  and  in  the  same  neighbourhood  H.M.S. 
Nifjer,  Janus,  and  Clown  burned  20  junks  and  killed  some  200 
jmen  (March,  1859).  Mr.  Caldwell,  by  whose  information  and 
guidance  all  these  expeditions  were  undertaken,  enjoyed  the  fullest 
confidence  of  the  Authorities  but  incurred,  at  the  same  time, 
much  obloquy  and  animosity  on  the  part  of  European  friends  of 
.the  Taipings  and  particularly  among  the  Chinese  friends  and 
^abettors  of  the  pirates.  On  1st  June,  1854,  a  foolish  rumour 
gained  credence  among  the  local  Chinese  population  that  an 
immense  piratical  fleet  was  coming  to  attack  and  plunder  the 
-Colonv.     After  the  outbreak  of  the  Arrow  War  such  rumours 

ft/ 

were  frequently  in  circulation  owing  to  the  general  increase  of 
piracy.  As  many  as  o2  piracies  were  reported  in  Hongkong 
between  November  1st,  1850,  and  15th  February,  1857.  After 
that  they  decreased  in  frequency.  Only  5  cases  of  piracy  were 
reported  in  March,  5  more  in  May  and  June,  and  11  cases 
between  June  28th  and  August  17th,  1857.  One  of  the  foreign 
associates  of  pirates,  Eli  M.  Boggs,  an  American,  was  convicted 
(July  7,  1857)  of  piracy  and  sentenced  to  transportation  for 
life,  and  a  notorious  pirate  chief,  Machow  Wong,  was  sentenced 
(September  2,  1857)  to  15  yeai*s'  transportation  (to  Labuan). 
In  October,  1857,  the  schooner  Neva  was  attacked  by  pirates  who 


340  .     CHAPTER  XVII. 

murdered  the  captain  and  two  of  the  crew.  Piracy  continued 
to  worry  the  junk  trade  until  March  18c8,  and  the  capture  of  a 
Hongkong  passage-boat  (Winr/sim)  made  some  stir  (January 
17,  1858),  but  after  that  time  the  number  of  piracies  sensibly 
decreased  and  no  further  attack  on  European  vessels  occurred 
until  the  day  preceding  the  Governor's  departure,  when  the 
S.S.  Cumfa  was  plundered  by  pirates  (May  4,  1859). 

Ovviuf^  to  the  Ion 2:-con tinned  disturbances  in  the  Canton 
Province,  the  population  of  Hongkong  increased,  with  some 
strange  fluctuations  (in  185G  and  1858),  from  5G,011  people  in 
the  year  185-1  to  75,503  people  in  1858,  the  average  annual 
increase,  during  the  five  years  of  Sir  J.  Bowring's  administration, 
being  only  0,915,  though  in  the  years  1851  and  1855  the  annual 
increment  amounted  to  16,954  people.  Sir  John  explained  these 
fluctuations  bv  savin^'  that  the  returns  of  1857  and  1858  were 
under-estimated  by  error  and  that  the  ambulatory  habits  of  the 
Chinese  residents  might  account  for  the  inaccuracies  of  the 
census  of  185G  which  reported  71,730  persons  residing  in 
the  Colony  (exclusive  of  troops).  Referring  to  the  year  185G, 
Sir  John  reported  an  increase  in  the  respectability  of  the  Chinese 
population  and  stated  that  a  better  class  of  people  had  com- 
menced settling  in  Hongkong.  It  was  also  noticed  in  1857 
that  the  average  proportion  of  Chinese  females  residing  in  the 
Colony  was  far  higher  than  it  had  ever  been  before. 

In  his  report  for  the  year  1854,  the  Colonial  Surgeon  (J. 
Carroll  Dempster)  urged  upon  the  Government  the  necessity  of 
securing  drainage  and  ventilation  for  Chinese  dwellings.  He 
stated  that  smallpox  was  the  principal  scourge  of  the  Colony  in 
1854.  In  spring  1855,  fever  raged  among  the  Chinese  population, 
some  800  deaths  being  reported  between  6th  February  and  28th 
April.  Increased  activity  of  the  sanitary  department  caused, 
in  October  1856,  just  after  the  commencement  of  the  Arrow 
War,  much  excitement  among  the  Chinese  residents  owing  to 
the  heavy  fines  imposed  by  the  Magistrates  under  the  new 
Nuisance  Ordinance  (8  of  1856)  and  mobs  of  turbulent  Chinese 
paraded  the  streets.     The  year  1857  was  rejwrted  upon  by  the 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  341 

next  Colonial  Surgeon  (Dr.  Menzies)  as  having  been  distinguished 
by  more  than  average  unhealthiness  consequent  npon  the  faihire 
of  the  nsual  amount  (»('  rain.  But  the  next  year  was  positively 
disastrous.  When  Dr.  Hai-hxnd  (tlie  successor  of  Dr.  Menzies) 
died  of  fever  in  the  year  1858,  it  was  noticed  that  he  was  the 
fourth  Colonial  Surgeon  who  had  fallen  a  victim  to  the  climate. 
His  successor,  Dr.  Chaldecott,  reported,  as  a  novel  appearance  in 
the  Colony,  the  outbreak  of  true  Asiatic  cholera  and  hydro- 
phobia. AVhilst  insisting  upon  the  urgent  need  of  improving  the 
sanitary  condition  of  the  Colony,  repeatedly  pointed  out  by  his 
predecessors.  Dr.  Chaldecott  stated  that  this  first  appearance  of 
Asiatic  cholera  'was,  if  not  entirely  owing  to,  at  least  fearfully 
aggravated  and  extended  by,  the  neglect  of  proper  drainage  and 
■cleanliness,  the  results  of  which  must  act  with  double  force  in 
a  community  so  crowded  together  as  that  of  Victoria,  and  in 
a  climate  so  favourable  to  the  decomposition  of  animal  and 
vegetable  products.'  He  reported  that  Asiatic  cholera  in 
Hongkong  first  attacked  the  worst  lodged  and  worst  fed  part 
of  the  Chinese  community,  then  some  Indian  servants,  next  the 
European  seamen  both  ashore  and  afloat  and  at  the  same  time 
some  of  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison  and  the  prisoners  in  the 
gaol,  and  that  it  finally,  in  three  cases,  attacked  the  higher  class 
of  European  inhabitants  of  the  Colony  and  in  one  of  those  cases 
])roved  fatal.  The  residents  of  Macao  suffered  at  the  same 
time  from  the  disease  and  cases  occurred  among  the  Allied  Forces 
at  Canton  and  in  some  of  the  men-of-war  in  the  River.  The 
•  disease  afterwards  visited  the  East  Coast,  reached  Shanghai  and 
then  raged  with  great  virulence  over  a  large  part  of  the  Japanese 
Empire. 

The  erection  of  waterworks  was  repeatedly  mooted  during 
this  period  and  particularly  in  the  year  1858.  Sir  J.  Bowring 
])ublicly  stated  that  some  of  the  opponents  of  his  Praya  scheme 
(Members  of  Council)  had  openly  avowed  their  purpose  of 
•swamping  the  surplus  revenue,  accumulating  for  Praya  purposes, 
by  diverting  it  to  other  and  hitherto  unauthorized  public  works, 
and  that  it  was  for  this  sinister  purpose  that  the  construction  of 


342  CHAPTER  XVII. 

waterworks  was  prominently  put  forward.  One  of  the  principal, 
advocates  of  the  waterworks  scheme  was  the  Colonial  Secretary 
(W.  T.  Mercer).  Observing  that  the  paucity  of  the  bill  streams, 
on  tlie  northern  side  of  the  Island  renders  the  procural  of  a 
sufficient  water  supply  for  the  city  a  matter  of  extreme  difficulty, 
and  noticing  also  that  this  want  is  specially  felt  in  the  winter 
season  wben  conflagrations  are  most  frequent  among  the  Cbinese 
houses,  he  suggested  to  lead  the  water  from  Pokfulam  round  the 
side  of  the  hill,  attracting  at  tbe  same  time  the  smaller  rivulets 
crossing  the  course  of  the  proposed  aqueduct.  Tbe  Surveyor 
General  estimated  the  cost  of  tbis  undertaking  at  £25,000. 
Sir  J.  Bo  wring,  however,  opined  that  it  was  not  the  business 
of  the  Government  to  furnish  individuals  with  water  any  more 
than  any  other  necessaries  of  life  and  tbat  therefore  tbe  annual 
income  of  the  Colony  was  not  fairly  applicable  to  such  specula- 
tions. Sir  John  suggested  the  formation  of  a  joint-stock 
company,  but  pointed  out,  at  tbe  same  time,  the  difficulty  of 
collecting  a  water  rate  from  the  Cbinese  population. 

In  tbe  sphere  of  commercial  affairs,  Sir  J.  Bowring  was. 
unfortunate  in  comino",  almost  immediatelv  after  bis  arrival  in 
China,  into  collision  with'  the  Sbangbai  Cbamber  of  Commerce. 
Wben  tbe  capture  of  Shanghai  by  tbe  Taipings  brougbt  tbe 
Imperial  customs  office  of  tbat  port  to  a  standstill  (September 
7,  1853,  to  February  9,  1854),  Sir  G.  Bonham  bad  suggested 
tbat  British  merchants  continuing  trade  there  should  deposit,  in 
the  Consulate,  bonds  for  the  eventual  payment  of  customs  dues.. 
The  merchants  demurred,  on  tbe  ground  that  tbe  Cbinese 
Government  could  not  claim  duties,  as  it  had  ceased  to  exercise 
authority  and  to  afford  protection,  and  tbat  American,  Prussian 
and  Austrian  vessels  actually  came  and  went  without  paying  duty 
oil  their  cargoes.  Sir  J.  Bowring  bad,  before  leaving  London,, 
discussed  tbe  matter  with  Earl  Clarendon  and  understood  biin 
to  say  tbat  those  duties  must  be  paid.  By  tbe  time  Sir  Jobn 
reached  Sbangbai,  the  Cbinese  customs  office  bad  been  re- 
establisbed  (February  10,  1854),  but,  after  working  irregularly, 
ceased  again  (March  28,  1854;,  whereupon  the  foreign  Consuls- 


THE    ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.    BOWRING.  343 

agreed  to  collect  duties  by  promissory  notes.  Sir  John  having 
informed  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  Earl  Clarendon's  decision, 
the  British  merchants  handed  in  their  bonds  for  arrears  of  duties 
down  to  July  12,  1854.  After  making  an  arranoement  with  the 
U.S.  ^Unister  that  a  European  Inspector  should  be  appointed 
to  collect  temporarily  the  duties  payable  to  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment, Sir  John  returned  to  Hongkong  (August,  1854)  and, 
to  his  great  surprise,  found  there  a  dispatch  awaiting  him  in 
which  the  Foreign  Office,  acting  under  the  advice  of  the  CroAvn 
Lawyers,  instructed  hirn  to  return  the  bonds  to  the  parties  by 
whom  they  were  given.  Sir  John  forthwith  ordered  restoration 
of  those  bonds  which  covered  the  pei-iod  from  September  to 
February,  but  retained  the  other  bonds,  as  he  interpreted  his 
instructions  to  authorize  his  doing  so.  But  when  the  Shangliai 
Chamber  once  more  appealed  to  the  Foreign  Office,  Earl 
Clarendon  told  a  deputation  of  the  East  India  and  China 
Association  (Xoveinber,  1854)  that  Sir  J.  Bowring  had  received 
positive  instructions  not  to  interfere  in  any  way  with  the  collec- 
tion of  duties.  Sir  John  now  suffered  unmerited  obloquy  as  the 
Shanghai  merchants,  supposing  him  to  have  acted  througliout 
in  a  manner  contrary  to  his  instructions,  censured  his  action  in 
the  matter  as  markedlv  insincere  and  autocratic.  So  much  more 
does  it  redound  to  the  credit  of  those  same  merchants,  that  they, 
as  soon  as  the  news  of  the  Parliamentary  condemnation  of  Sir 
John's  character  and  conduct  in  connection  with  the  Arroir 
War  reached  Shanghai  (April,  1857),  immediately  passed  reso- 
lutions enthusiastically  defending  his  character  and  justifying  his 
general  conduct  and  policy.  • 

The  commerce  of  the  Colony  flourished  throughout  this 
administration.  The  conclusion  of  Sir  John's  treaty  with  Siam 
caused,  since  May,  1855,  large  shipments  of  Siamese  produce 
*to  pour  into  Hongkong.  This  caused  an  immediate  revolution 
of  the  rice  trade  which  now  fell  largely  into  foreign  hands, 
whence  resulted  a  welcome  reduction  of  prices,  as  fann'ne  rates, 
had  been  ruling  in  Canton.  The  opening  of  Japan,  by  the 
Convention  concluded  (October  14,  1854)  by  Admiral  Sir  James 


^44  CHAPTER  XVII. 

Stirling,  had  no  sucli  immediate  effect  upon  the  trade  of 
Hongkong,  but  hiid  the  bdsis  of  an  important  though  slowly 
•developing  branch  of  commerce.  So  also  the  trade  with  the 
Philippine  Islands,  materially  furthered  by  the  opening  (June 
11,  1855)  of  the  ports  of  Saul,  Iloilo,  and  Zamboanga  (on  the 
island  of  Mindanao),  waited  only  for  the  establishment  of  regular 
steam  communication  to  benefit  Hongkong  more  extensively 
by  an  annually  increasing  demand  for  British  manufactures. 
Chinese  emigration  continued  to  develop  from  year  to  year. 
An  emigration  officer  was  appointed  by  Sir  John  (May,  1854) 
with  good  effect.  The  fii*st  ship-load  of  emigrants  to  Jamaica 
was  reported  (Xo  vein  her,  1854)  to  have  arrived  safely  at 
Kingston.  The  efflux  of  emigrants  to  California  and  Australia 
{especially  to  Melbourne)  continued  to  increase.  As  many  as 
14,683  Chinese  emigrants  were  shipped  fiom  Hongkong  in  the 
year  1855,  and  13,856  in  1858.  The  prohibition  placed  at  one 
time  (September  1,  1854)  on  the  coolie  trade  to  the  Chincha 
Islands,  when  that  trade  was  believed  to  result  in  the  most 
aggravated  form  of  slavery,  was  withdrawn  again  (February  3, 
1855)  as  measures  had  meanwhile  been  taken  for  the  better 
treatment  and  regular  supervision  of  Chinese  labourers  on  those 
Islands.  About  the  same  time  new  reo:ulations  concernino:  the 
<liet  and  provisions  of  Chinese  passengers  in  emigrant  ships  were 
made  (March  7,  1855).  Hongkong  continued  to  be  the  port  from 
which  all  South-China  emigrants,  able  to  pay  their  passage, 
preferred  to  embark  for  foreign  countries.  The  existence  at  one 
time  (March,  1857)  of  closed  coolie  barracoons  in  Hongkong 
wiffi  a  shocking  discovery,  and  was  immediately  put  down.  Sir 
John  thought  the  Chinese  Passenger  Ordinance  too  stringent  as 
regards  Chinese  emigmnts  paying  their  own  passage,  though  for 
the  emigration  of  hired  labourers  under  contract  he  considered 
the  Act  much  needed.  The  disturl^ed  condition  of  affaii-s  within 
and  without  the  Colony  did  not  interfere  much  with  the  trade 
of  the  Colony.  The  junk  trade,  indeed,  fell  off  suddenly  in 
1857,  during  the  pause  in  the  hostilities  when  the  Canton  River 
was    virtually    closed    to   Hongkong  junks,   and   decreased   by 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BOWRING.  345 

270,244  tons  in  one  year,  but  it  speedily  recovered  ao^ain.  The 
foreign  shipping  returns  for  the  five  years  of  this  administration 
show  an  average  yearly  increase  of  487  vessels,  representinor 
251,350  tons,  being  OS  per  cent.  The  tonnage  increased  from 
300,000  to  700,000  tons  of  square-rigged  vessels.  The  junk 
trade  improved  on  the  whole  in  similar  proportions.  Aided 
during  this  period  by  a  great  extension  of  the  lines  of  com- 
munication connecting  Hongkong  with  other  parts  of  the  world, 
the  Colony  not  only  continued  to  be  the  headquarters  of  all  the 
great  commercial  establishments  in  China,  but  became  by  this 
time  the  most  extensively  visited  port  in  the  Pacific. 

The  currency  question  w^as  not  advanced  in  any  way  by 
Sir  J.  Bowring.  By  order  of  the  Colonial  Office  he  published 
(July  9,  1857)  a  notification  to  the  effect  that  Australian 
sovereigns  and  half-sovereigns  should  have  legal  currency  in 
Hongkong.  But  he  urged  upon  the  consideration  of  Her 
Majesty's  Government  the  inconvenience  of  making  the  sover- 
eign the  standard  of  exchange  in  a  country  where  gold  is 
not  legal  tender.  He  also  inveiofhed  against  the  absurdity  of 
keeping  the  accounts  of  the  Government  in  Sterling  in  a 
Colony  where  not  a  merchant,  shopkeeper  or  any  individual  has 
any  transaction  except  in  dollars  and  cents.  Sir  J.  Bowrinj^ 
went  even  further  and  urged  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  H.M. 
Treasury  to  sanction  the  introduction  of  a  British  dollar  and 
the  establishment  of  a  Mint  in  Hongkong.  Unfortunately,  this 
sage  proposal  was  rejected  by  the  Treasury  Board  on  the  pleii 
that  the  mercantile  supporters  of  Sir  J.  Bowring's  notions  were 
merely  some  Shanghai  merchants  who  had,  from  dissension 
among  themselves,  prevented  the  introduction  of  Mexican  dollars 
into  that  place  and  whose  obvious  interest  it  was  to  advocate 
any  scheme  whi(;h,  if  it  succeeded,  relieved  them  from  difficulty 
and,  if  it  failed,  would  cost  them  nothing.  Sir  J.  Bowring's 
call  for  a  British  dollar  was  not  only  considered  a  risky 
and  expensive  experiment  but  premature  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  Sterling  money  remained,  under  the  terms  of  the  Royal 
proclamation  of  May  1,  1845,  the  standard  of  value  in  Hongkong, 


346  CHAPTER  XVIL 

In  this,  as  in   some  other  respects,  Sir  John's  ideas  were  in 
advance  of  his  time. 

How  far  behind  the  times  some  worthy  men  in  Honcjkong 
kept  hogging,  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  in  spring  1856  the 
Lieutenant-Governor,  Colonel  W.  Caine,  revived  the  old  sugges- 
tion, firet  made  by  Captain  Elliot  (June  28,  1841)  and  then 
repeated  by  misguided  Hongkong  merchants  (December,  184C), 
that  Parliament  should  impose  a  differential  duty  of  one  penny 
per  pound  in  favour  of  teas  shipped  from  Hongkong.  Colonel 
Caine  thought  that,  if  this  measure  were  adopted,  the  result 
would  need  no  demonstration.  Sir  J.  Bowring,  however, 
incisively  remarked  in  his  covering  dispatch,  that  the  whole 
systcin  of  differential  duties  was,  in  his  view,  obnoxious  in 
principle,  fraudulent  in  practice  and  disappointing  in  result. 
After  this,  no  more  was  heard  of  the  scheme. 

Among  the  minor  commercial  topics  which  ephemerically 
oi!cupied  the  attention  of  the  public,  may  be  mentioned  the 
(complaint  niade  by  the  Postmaster  General  regarding  the  irregular 
arrival  of  mail  steamers  (December  10,  1854),  the  breaking  up 
of  the  Hongkong  and  Canton  Steam  Packet  Company  (December 
1»>,  1854),  and  a  decision  given  by  the  Supreme  Court  (May  2, 
1855)  to  the  effect  that  the  Peninsular  and  Oriental  Steam 
Navigation  Company  must  forward  parcels  without  unnecessary 
delay  and  have  no  right  to  leave  any  of  the  parcels  for  Europe 
behind,  at  any  point  on  their  route,  to  make  room  for  other 
cargo. 

The  fact  that  the  commercial  reputation  of  the  Colony  had, 
even  by  this  time,  not  yet  been  re-established  in  England,  became 
painfully  evident  by  an  article  which  appeared  (December  17, 
1858)  in  the  Times  and  caused  much  comment  in  the  Colony. 
Hongkong  was  there  represented  as  feeling  humiliated  and  dis- 
placed by  the  opening  of  so  many  Treaty  ports  in  China.  It  was 
alleged  that  all  the  success  of  British  arms  in  China,  so  valuable 
to  the  rest  of  the  world  and  so  important  to  the  great  interests 
of  humanity,  was  rather  carped  at  by  Hongkong  merchants, 
owing  to  their   natural  tendency  towards  their  own  individual 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.   BOWRING.  347 

interests.  The  notion  of  the  writer  was  apparently  that  of  Mr. 
M.  ^lartin,  whose  influence  came  here  once  more  (for  the  last 
time  perhaps)  to  the  fore,  that  the  Colony  was  misplaced  at 
Honokontr  and  should  be  removed  to  Chusan,  if  a  British  Colonv 
was  at  all  wanted  in  China.  All  the  advantaoes  of  Hon^kono- 
were  said  to  consist  exclusively  in  its  proximity  to  the  single 
privileged  port  of  Canton,  the  writer  labouring  nnder  the 
supposition  that  Hongkong's  successes  were  merely  derived  from. 
Canton's   difficulties. 

The  educational  history  of  this  period  is  characterized  by 
a  sensible  decline  of  the  voluntary  schools.     The  Anglo-Chinese 
College,  numbering  from  30   to  ^b  scholars,  was  closed  at  the 
end  of  the   year   185G  owing  to  the   results  not   justifying  its 
continuance.       Though   it   had   trained  some   useful   clerks   fur 
mercantile  offices,  it  had  failed  from  a  missionary  and  educational 
point  of  view,  and,  recognizing  the  failure,  Dr.  Legge  courageously 
closed  this  College.     St.  Paul's  College  continued  for  some  years 
longer,  but  Sir  J.  Bowring,  weighing  its  results  in  the  official 
scales,  pronounced  it  likewise  a  failure.     '  For  the  last  six  years' 
he  said,  '  2r)0  pounds  a  year  has  been  voted  by  Parliament  to  the 
Bishop's  College  for  the  education  of  six  persons  destined  to  the 
public  service,  and  not  a  single  individual  from  that  College  hns 
iKien   yet   declared   competent    to   undertake   even    the    meanest 
department  of  an  interpreter's  duty,  though  I  have  no  doubt  of 
the  Bishop's  zeal  and  wish  to  show  some  practical  and  beneficial 
result  from  the  said  Pailiamentarv  orant.     To  the  missionaries 
alone  I  can  at  present  look  for  active  assistance,  and  their  special 
objects  do  not  usually  fit  them  for  the  direction  of  populai-  and 
general  education.'     A  new  educational  movement  was  initiated. 
(March  0,  1855)   by  a  public  meeting  which,  complaining  that 
Hongkong  was  still  without  a  Public  School  for  English  children, 
who   were  educationallv  less  cared  for  than  the  Chinese,  esta- 
blished  amid  general  enthusiasm  a  school  (thenceforth  known  as 
St.  Andrew's  School)  nnder  a  representative  and  highly  popular 
Committee  (the  Hon.  J.   F.  Edger,  A.  Shortredc,  James  Smith, 
B.  C.  Antrobus,  C.  1).  "Williams,  Douglas  Lapraik,  F.  W.  Jil.  Green, 


348  CHAPTER  XVII. 

and   Geo.   Lya!l).      But  thon^'h   this   School   was   well   started 
and   continued  under  the  fosterinir  care  of  Mr.  Shortrede,  tlie 
conviction  soon  forced  itself  upon  public  recognition  that  the 
•Committee's  original  idea  of  confining  the  School  to  the  tuition 
of  the  children  of  British  residents  was  impracticable.     AVeighed 
in  the  popular  scales,  this  School  was  also  found  wanting,  though 
jt  lingered  on  for  a  few  years  longer.     But  while  the  princijial 
voluntary  schools  thus  declined   during    this   period,   and    the 
smaller  day  schools  established  by  the  Protestant  and  Catholic 
missions  for  the  benefit  of  the  Chinese  also  continued  in  a  lan- 
guishing condition,  the  13  Government  Schools,  giving  a  purely 
Chinese  education,  flourished  and  developed  both  in  attendance 
and  in  organisation,  through  the  appointment   (May  12,  1857) 
of  an  Inspector,  the  Rev.  \V.  Lobscheid.     The  Acting  Colonial 
Se(!retary  (Dr.  "W.  T.  Bridges),  while  stating  (March,  1857)  that 
.nothing  could  well  be  at  a  lower  ebb  than  the  local  educational 
movement,  recognized  distinct  signs  of  healthy   vitality  in  the 
Government  Schools  (small  as  they  were)   which  he  personally 
visited. 

There  is  but  little  to  record  concerning  the  religious  affaire 
•of  this  period.  Great  indignation  was  aroused  when  Sir 
J.  Bowring  declined  (May  25,  1855)  the  request  of  Bishop  Smith 
that  the  Governor  should  appoint  the  (Jth  June,  1855,  as  a  day 
of  fast  and  humiliation,  with  reference  to  the  Crimean  War  and 
in  imitation  of  the  popular  action  taken  in  England.  Sir  John 
incurred  the  unjust  condemnation  of  most  religiously  inclined 
jKiople  in  the  Colony,  but  his  action  was  strongly  approved  by 
die  Colonial  Office  because  the  proclamation  of  a  public  fast  day 
is  a  prerogative  which  even  the  Sovereign,  as  the  head  of  the 
'Church  of  England,  may  exercise  only  in  the  form  of  an  Order 
•in  (council.  A  few  years  later,  Bishop  Smith  came  (October  18, 
1858)  again  to  the  front  by  the  ])ublication  of  a  stirring  letter 
addressed  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  in  review  of  the 
Tientsin  Ti*eaty  as  favoumbly  affecting  the  prospects  of  Chris- 
tianity in  the  East.  This  letter,  in  which  the  zealous  Bishop 
Appealed  to  the  Church  for  renewed  missionary  efforts  in  China, 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIK   J.   BOWUING.  34^ 

liuil  considerable  effect  both  in  Eiiglund  and  on  the  Continent. 
In  May,  1858,  a  pnbHc  subscription  was  raised  in  Hongkontr  to- 
obtain,  under  the  advice  of  Sir  F.  G.  Ouselev.  the  Oxford 
Professor  of  Music,  an  organ  (to  cost  £125)  and  a  first-clasa 
organist.  In  result  a  highly  trained  and  taleuted  musician 
(C.  F.  A.  Sangster)  was  sent  out  (in  1800)  and  he  conducted 
the  Cathedi'al  choir  for  35  years  with  great  success. 

While  the  social  life  of  Hongkong  continued  on  the  whole 
to  center  in  Government  House,  Sir  J.  Bowring  occupied  to  some 
extent  the  position  held  by  his  literary  confrere  and  one  of  his 
gnbernatorial  predecessors,  Sir  J,  Davis.  Both  men  were  about 
equal  in  genius  and  equally  unpopular  in  Hongkong.  It  was 
often  remarked  that  the  friends  and  admirers  of  Sir  J.  Bowring — 
and  that  he  had  such,  there  is  ample  testimony — were  mostly 
lion-English.  A  correspondent  of  the  Xew  York  Times  (January 
4,  1859)  represented  in  glowing  coloui-s  Sir  Johu  Bowring's 
sociability  and  intellectuality,  alleging  that  one  secret  of  Sir 
John's  unpopularity  '  iu  the  detestable  society  of  Hongkong  '  was 
the  democratic  simplicity  he  adhered  to  in  his  style  of  living. 
Among  the  occurrences  which  gave  colour  to  the  social  life  of 
this  period,  the  following  incidents  may  be  enumerated,  viz.  the 
arrival  (August  1,  1854)  of  the  U.S.  store-ship  Siqyply,  the 
officei-s  of  which  had  just  surveyed  extensive  coal  beds  iu 
Formosa ;  the  arrival  (August  14,  1854)  of  the  American  ship 
Lady  Pierce  with  her  owner  Silas  E.  Burrows ;  the  strike 
(September  12,  1854)  of  local  washermen  who  demanded  better 
pay  ;  the  presentation  (September  14,  1854)  by  the  American 
community  of  Canton  and  Hongkong  of  a  service  of  plate  to 
Commodore  Perry  in  command  of  the  U.S.  Squadron  ;  the  arrival 
(November  1,  1854)  from  the  Arctic  Ocean  of  the  discovery-ship 
Enterprise  ;  a  public  farewell  dinner  given  (November  20,  1858) 
to  the  officers  of  the  51)th  Regiment  (2nd  Nottinghamshire) 
which  had  been  nine  years  in  China;  the  series  of  theatrical 
entertainments  (since  January,  1859)  given  by  the  officei's  of 
the  1st  or  Roval  Regiment  who  issued  season  tickets  for  the 
purpose. 


350  CHAPTER   XVII. 

The  following  facts  may  be  mentioned  as  indicative  of  the 
progress  made  by  the  Colony  during  this  period,  viz.  the  form- 
ation, at  the  instance  of  Mr.  W.  Gaskell,  of  a  local  Law  Society 
(October  28,  1854)  ;  the  organisation  of  a  volunteer  fire  brigade 
(January  28)  and  a  Chinese  fire-brigade  (March  7,  1856)  ;  the 
improved  lighting  of  the  town,  including  now  also  Praya  East 
and  AVantsai,  100  oil  lamps  being  added  (October  1,  1856)  to 
the  previously  existing  250  oil  lamps,  and  the  lighting  rate 
providing  for  the  whole  expenditure  (Ordinance  11  of  185G)  ; 
the  establishment  at  Pokfnlam  of  a  number  of  villas  for  use  as 
sanatoriums  and  of  farms  laid  out  to  grow  ginger  and  coffee 
(June,  1856)  ;  the  establishment  by  Mr.  Douglas  Lapraik  and 
Captain  J.  Lamont  of  new  docks  at  Aberdeen  (June,  1857). 

The  measure  of  turmoil  which  the  Colony  underwent,  during 
this  i^riod,  through  warfare  without  and  within,  was  added  to  by 
•accidental  calamities.  Even  before  the  emissaries  of  Cantonese 
Mandarins  invaded  Hongkong  as  patriotic  incendiaries,  some 
serious  conflagrations  took  place  in  the  central  part  of  the  town 
(Febrnary  16,  1850),  in  Taipingshan  (January  27,  1856)  and 
at  the  western  market  (February  23,  1856),  A  harmless  shock 
of  earthquake  was  felt  in  Hongkong  (September  28,  1854),  heavy 
rains  did  a  great  amount  of  damage  to  drains,  roads  and  Chinese 
houses  (June  22,  1855),  and  a  typhoon  passed. very  near  to  the 
-Colony  (September.  1855)  causing  much  injury  to  the  shipping 
und  tlie  piers,  besides  burying  a  number  of  houses  at  Queen's 
Uoad  West  by  a  land-slip,  the  immediate  consequence  of  tlie 
heavy  rain  which  accompanied  this  typhoon. 

The  obituary  of  this  period  includes,  among  others,  the 
names  of  Mrs.  Trwin  (July  21,  1857),  Colonel  Lugard 
(December  1,  1857),  Dr.  W.  A.  Harland  (September  12,  1858), 
and  Acting  Attorney  General  J.  Day  (September  21,  1858). 
Since  the  death  of  J.  R.  Morrison  (in  1843),  no  event  in 
Hongkong  was  mourned  so  generally  and  so  deeply  as  the  death 
of  Dr.  Harland,  who  since  1844  had  acted  as  Resident  Surgeon  at 
•Seamen's  Hospital  and  latterly  as  Colonial  Surgeon,  and  died  of 
fever  contracted  while  charitably  attending  on  the  Chinese  poor. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  BO  WRING.  351 

Sir  J.  Bowriiig's  administration  terminated  at  a  time 
(May  5,  1859)  when  the  passionate  comments  of  thej  English 
press,  reviewing  the  Parliamentary  discnssions  of  Hongkong's 
misdeeds,  reached  the  Colony  and  thereby  reproduced  a  consider- 
able amount  of  popular  excitement.  Sir  J.  Bo  wring  departed, 
like  Sir  J.  Davis,  amid  the  execrations  of  a  large  portion  of 
the  European  community  and  the  blustering  roar  of  farewell 
condemnations  poured  forth  by  local  editors.  In  one  respect 
8ir  J.  Bo  wring  fared  even  worse  than  his  predecessors.  Neither 
Sir*  H.  Pottinger,  nor  Sir  J.  Davis,  nor  in  fact  any  Governor 
of  Hongkong  before  or  after  him,  not  even  Sir  J.  Pope  Hennessy, 
was  so  extravagantly  abused  as  Sir  J.  Bo  wring.  The  venomous 
•epithets  and  libellous  accusations,  continuously  hurled  at  him  by 
the  public  press  {China  Mall  excepted)  until  the  very  moment 
of  his  departure,  are  untit  to  be  mentioned.  It  clearly  was 
his  pei*sonal  character  rather  than  his  policy  that  provoked  the 
ire  of  his  political  opponents.  As  in  the  case  of  Sir  J.  Davis, 
so  now  the  European  community  marked  their  dislike  of  the 
Governor  by  lavishing  extra  favours  on  the  departing  Admiral 
while  ignoring  the  Governor's  exit.  On  IGth  March,  1850,  the 
leading  merchants  presented  to  Sir  Michael  Seymour,  K.C.B., 
a  magniloquent  address  and  a  draft  on  London  to  the  amount  of 
:i,000  guineas  for  the  purchase  of  a  service  of  plate,  to  mark  the 
sense  of  the  Hongkong  community  of  his  great  services  and  of 
the  respect  entertained  for  him  personally.  In  his  reply. 
Sir  Michael  gracefully  referred  to  the  advantages  he  had  enjoyed 
.in  having  had,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  Lord  Elgin,  the  advice 
iiud  experience  of  Sir  J.  Bowring  to  aid  him.  But  when,  a 
few  weeks  later,  the  Governor  left  the  Colony,  the  European 
community  pi-esented  neither  address  nor  testimonial,  sullenly 
ignoring  his  departure,  until  the  rare  event  of  a  public  auction 
held  at  Government  House  (May  20,  1859)  drew  the  European 
communitv  together  in  sarcastic  frolics  over  their  ex-Governor's 
goods  and  chattels. 

The   Chinese    community,  however,   stolidly   indifferent   to 
ihe  dissentient  views  of   foreign  public  opinion,  came  forward 


352  CHAPTER  XVII. 

right  loyally.  Two  stately  deputations  of  Chinese  waited  on 
Sir  J.  Bowring  at  the  last  moment  of  his  departure  and  expressed 
the  genuine  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  among  all  classes  of 
the  native  population,  by  presenting  him  with  some  magnificent 
testimonials  including  a  mirror,  a  bronze  vase,  a  porcelain  bowl 
and  a  bale  of  satin  which  bore  the  names  of  200  subscril)ei-s. 
The  spontaneous  character  of  these  presentations  was  undoubted 
and  did  much  to  cheer  the  departing  Governor's  heart. 

On  his  way  home  by  S.S.  Pekin^  Sir  J.  Bowring  had  the^ 
misfortune  of  being  shipwrecked  in  the  Red  Sea,  but  he  reacted 
England  in  safetv.  He,  the  advanced  Liberal,  received  the 
thanks  of  a  Conservative  Ministry  for  his  faithful  and  patient 
services  in  Hongkong,  but  he  was,  on  the  other  hand,  given  the^ 
cold  shoulder  in  the  lobby  of  the  House  of  Commons  by  some^ 
of  his  former  political  friends.  After  his  retirement  from  the 
public  service  on  a  liberal  pension,  he  lectured  frequently  on 
Oriental  topics ;  wrote  papers  on  social,  economical  and  statistical 
questions;  gave  addresses  at  meetings  of  the  Social  Science 
Association,  the  British  Association,  the  Devonshire  and  other 
Societies;  studied  Chinese  and  composed  religious  poems,  some 
of  which  jwssess  enduring  value.  Calmly  looking  back  at  the 
close  of  his  life  over  all  the  varied  events  of  his  chequered  history, 
and  viewing  his  career  in  China  as  but  a  small  portion  of  his 
life  work,  Sir  J.  Bowring  penned,  in  his  auto-biographical 
recollections,  the  following  memorable  words.  'My  career  in 
China  belongs  so  much  to  history,  that  I  do  not  feel  it  needful 
to  recoi*d  its  vicissitudes.  I  have  been  severely  blamed  for  the 
policy  1  pui-sued,  yet  that  ix)licy  has  been  most  beneficial  to 
my  country  and  to  mankind  at  large.  It  is  not  fair  or  just  to 
suppose  that  a  course  of  action,  which  may  be  practicable  or 
prudent  at  home,  will  always  succeed  abroad.'  Sir  J.  Bowring 
died  peacefully  on  2ord  November,  1872,  having  just  completed 
his  eightieth  vear. 

.f» « 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


The  Administratiox  of  Sir  Hercules  Robinson. 
Sepfemher  9,  1859,  to  March  15,  1865. 

ISI'^  the  close  of  Sir  J.  Bowring's  administration,  the  condition 
^^  of  the  Colony  and  its  reputation  in  England  were  such 
that  the  selection  of  a  new  Governor  was  as  difficult  a  matter 
as  it  had  been  when  Sir  H.  Pottinger  or  Sir  J.  Davis  vacated 
the  post.  It  was  evident,  on  the  one  hand,  that  now  a  man 
was  wanted  who  possessed  not  only  common  sense  but  combined 
with  the  firmness  of  a  strict  disciplinarian  the  fine  tact  and 
large  views  of  a  man  whose  mind  is  seasoned  with  humanity  and 
able  to  bring  into  ripening  maturity  what  seeds  of  goodness  had 
been  sown.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  sanitary,  social  and 
moral  reputation  of  Hongkong  was  so  bad  that  the  offer  of  the 
governorship  of  Hongkong  afforded  no  encouragement  to  a  man 
of  such  high  abilities  as  were  required  for  this  office.  Sir 
Hercules  Robinson  was  precisely  the  man  that  was  w-anted  to- 
clear  out  this  redoubtable  Augean  stable  in  China.  Though  he 
occupied  at  the  time  an  insignificant  governorship  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  globe,  he  probably  did  not  feel  in  the  least  flattered 
by  the  offer  of  the  Hongkong  appointment,  unless  he  looked  at 
it  as  implying,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case,  a 
compliment  to  his  abilities.  Sir  Hercules  had  originally  served 
in  the  87th  Fusiliei*s  and,  on  his  retirement  from  the  Army, 
found  civil  employment  during  the  Irish  famine  (184G  to  1849) 
under  the  Commissioners  of  Public  Work  and  Poor-Law  Board 
in  Ireland.  He  had  subsequently  (1852)  acted  as  Chief- 
Commissioner  to  inquire  into  the  fairs  and  markets  of  Ireland 
and,  in  recognition  of  his  services,  been  promoted  to  the 
Presidency  of  Montserrat  (1854).    Then  he  became  Lieutenant- 

2J 


354  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Governor  of  St.  Christopher  (1854)  and  combined  with  the  latter 
post  the  dormant  commission  of  Governor-in-chief  of  the  Leeward 
Islands.  Couseqnent  upon  his  courageous  acceptance  of  the 
governoi-ship  of  Hongkong,*  he  was  created  a  Knight  Bachelor 
in  June,  1859. 

Sir  H.  liobinson,  destined  by  Providence  to  reap  where  his 
predecessoi-s  had  sown,  arrived  in  Hongkong  on  September  9th, 
1859,  and  took  on  the  same  day  the  oaths  of  his  office  as 
Governor  and  Commander-in-chief  and  Vice- Admiral,  being  the 
first  Governor  of  Hongkong  entirely  dissociated  from  the  Super- 
intendency  of  Trade  and  from  the  diplomatic  duties  of  H.^I. 
Plenipotentiary  in  China.  During  his  tenure  of  office.  Sir 
Hercules  was  twice  absent  on  furlough,  first  for  a  brief  visit  to 
Japan  (July  17  to  September  8,  1861),  and  subsequently  for  a 
longer  term  (July  12,  18G2,  to  February  11,  1864),  during  which 
he  visited  England  and  transacted  (in  autumn,  1863)  some 
business  for  the  Colonial  Office  as  a  Member  of  the  Commission 
apjwinted  to  inquire  into  the  financial  condition  of  the  Straits 
Settlements.  On  leaving  Hongkong  on  the  latter  occasion  (July 
1*2,  1862),  after  but  three  years  of  his  administration,  so  great 
was  the  change  already  wrought  in  the  commercial,  financial 
and  administrative  condition  of  Houirkono^  affairs,  that  he  was 
presented  on  his  departure  with  enthusiastic  addresses  from  the 
local  Volunteers,  the  Bishop  and  all  the  Members  of  Council, 
congratulating  him  on  the  undoubted  success  achieved.  During 
his  absence  from  Hongkong,  the  government  of  the  Colony  was 
on  both  occtisions,  as  well  as  after  his  final  departure, 
administered  by  the  Colonial  Secretary  (W.  T.  Mercer)  who 
faithfully  and  successfully  continued  the  line  of  policy  initiated 
by  Sir  Hercules.  The  recognition  of  the  improved  status  which 
the  Colony  had  gained  by  this  time  found  expression  in  the 
permission  now  (January  28,  1863)  given  to  the  Governor  of 
Hongkong  to  wear  the  uniform  of  the  first  class. 

By  the  time  when  Sir  H.  Robinson  arrived  in  Hongkong 
(September-  9,  1859),  the  Superintendency  of  Trade  htwl  already 
been  removed  to  Shanghai  where  Sir  F.  W.  Bruce  (since  June, 


THr:   ADM[XISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.   ROBINSON.  355 

•0,  1859),  as  H.M.  Minister  in  China,  was  waitino-for  instructions, 
after  the  defeat  of  the  British  fleet  at  the  Peiho  (June  25, 
1859).  British  i\\id  French  relations  with  China  were  at  a 
standstill.  The  U.S.  Minister  "Ward  had  attempted  (June  27, 
1859)  to  get  the  start  of  the  Allies  and  to  be  the  first  to  obtain 
^u  audience  of  the  Emperor,  but  found  himself  treated  in  the 
precise  form  of  a  barbarian  tribute  bearer  and  retired  discomfited. 
After  much  delay,  a  plan  of  action  was  agreed  upon  between 
England  and  France,  and  by  order  of  Lord  John  Russell 
(Xovember  10,  1859)  a  mild  form  of  an  ultimatum  was  presented 
to  the  Chinese  Authorities  (December,  1859).  Whilst  this 
ultimatum  was  under  the  consideration  of  the  Chinese  Ministers, 
the  Viceroy  of  the  two  Kiang  Provinces  in  Central  China  (Ho 
Kwei-sin),  pressed  by  the  Taiping  rebellion,  urged  his  Govern- 
ment to  make  peace  with  England  and  France  and  actually  asked 
the  Allies  (March,  18G0)  for  military  assistance  against  the 
Taipings.  But  the  moment  this  became  known  in  Peking,  an 
•order  went  forth  for  his  arrest  and  he  w^as  punished  as  a  ti'aitor. 
A  defiant  reply  to  the  ultimatum  of  the  Allies  was  noAv  issued 
(April  8,  18G()),  such  as  left  no  room  for  further  negotiations. 
The  Chinese  Government  bluntly  declared  that  they  had  never 
intended  to  cari-y  out  the  provisions  of  the  Tientsin  Treaty. 
The  Allies  were  not  prepared  for  an  immediate  I'esumption  of 
the  war,  but  the  Island  of  Chusan  was  meanwhile  (April  21, 
18G0)  occupied  by  the  British  fleet.  Happily,  in  spite  of  renewed 
protests  against  the  war  policy  initiated  by  Lord  Palmerston 
and  regardless  of  the  fresh  denunciations  of  Sir  J.  Bowring's 
action,  hurled  against  him  by  Mr.  Bright  and  Mr.  Sidney  Herbert  y< 
v(March  10,  18G0).  Parliament  decreed  that  the  honour  of  Great 
Britain  was  at  stake.  Lord  Elgin  had  to  return  to  China  with 
a  new  army  to  do  over  again  the  work  he  had  botched  by  his 
misplaced  meekness.  As  soon  as  the  re-inforcements  arrived  in 
"China,  the  Taku  forts  were  carried  by  assault  and  Tientsin  occupied 
(August  2G,  18G0).  Finally,  after  a  shocking  demonstration 
-of  Chinese  official  treachery  and  barbarity,  Peking  was  taken 
^(October  13,  18G0),  the  Imperial  summer  palace  burnt  by  way 


n 


356  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

of  retribution  (October  18,  18G0),  and  the  Peking  Convention 
(October  24,  18G0)  secured  at  last  the  ratification  of  tbe  Ion 
dormant  Treaty  of  Tientsin.  In  accordance  witb  tbe  demand 
of  tbe  AUies,  tbe  conduct  of  international  affairs  was  now 
transferred  from  Canton  to  Peking  and  tbe  TsungU  Yamen  was 
created  (January,  18G1)  as  a  special  department  for  foreign 
affaii's.  After  tbe  deatb  of  tbe  irreconcilably  bostile  Emperor 
Hienfung  (August  22,  1861),  Prince  Kuno:  came  to  tbe  front 
and  by  a  coup  cTetat  (November  1,  1861)  made  bimself  virtually 
Prime  Minister  of  a  new  regency,  tbe  beads  of  wbicb  were  tbe 
Empress  Dowager  and  tbe  Empress  Motber  of  the  infant  Emperor 
Tungcbi.  Next,  Prince  Kung  establisbed  tbe  Foreign  Maritime 
Customs  Service  wbicb  was  ably  organized  by  Mr.  H.  N.  Lay 
witb  tbe  assistance  of  Mr.  (subsequently  Sir)  Robert  Hart. 
During  Mr.  Lay's  absence  in  England  (1862  to  1863)  to  bring 
out  a  flotilla  of  gunboats  under  Captain  Sberard  Osborne,  R.N., 
Sir  R.  Hart  gained  tbe  entire  confidence  of  tbe  Cbinese  Govern- 
ment. Mr.  Lay  was,  owing  to  bis  imperious  refusal  to  place 
tbat  flotilla  under  tbe  orders  of  tbe  Provincial  Autborities, 
dismissed  by  Prince  Kung  (July  19,  1861:)  and  Sir  R.  Hart 
obtained  tbe  supreme  control  of  tbe  Foreign  Customs  Service. 
Witb  tbe  aid  of  tbe  Allied  Forces  (since  February  21,  1862) 
Sbangbai  was  delivered  from  a  threatened  attack  of  tbe  Taipings 
and,  tbanks  to  tbe  services  of  tbe  Ever- Victorious  Army  under 
General  Ob.  Gordon  (January  6,  1863,  to  June  1,  1864),  tbe 
Taiping  rebellion  was  crushed  by  tbe  capture  of  Nanking  (July 
19,  1864)  and  peace  restored  in  tbe  Empire  for  awhile. 

During  this  time  tbe  relations  of  Hongkong  witb  the 
Cbinese  Government  bad  steadily  improved.  As  long  as  the 
occupation  of  Canton  by  tbe  Allied  Forces  continued  (January 
5,  1858,  to  October  21,  1861),  Hongkong  was  virtually  tbe 
port  of  supply  for  Canton  city.  Tbe  renewal  of  tbe  war  witb 
Cbina,  in  1860,  also  gave  a  fresb  stimulus  to  Colonial  activities 
in  various  directions  and  tbe  commissariat  and  transport  services, 
required  by  the  Allied  Forces  from  October,  1859,  to  the  close 
of  the  year  1860,  caused  tbe  shipping  interests  of  tbe  Colony  to» 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  357 

■develop  enormously  for   a  time,  Avliilst  the  war  itself  raged  at 
a  distance. 

The  principal  benefit  of  a  lasting  character  that  Hongkong 
derived  from  this  second  war  with  China  consists  in  the 
acquisition  of  the  Kowloon  Peninsula.  The  first  official  sug- 
gestion of  the  great  importance  attaching  to  Kowloon  appears  to 
have  originated  with  a  naval  officer.  On  2nd  March,  1858, 
four  months  before  the  conclusion  of  the  Tientsin  Treaty, 
Captain  AV.  K.  Hall,  of  H.M.iS.  Calcutta,  forwarded  to  the  local 
Government  copy  of  a  letter  addressed  by  him  to  the  Earl  of 
Hardwicke.  In  this  letter,  Captain  Hall  represented  that  the 
present  opportunity  of  obtaining  the  cession  of  Kowloon  Point 
and  Stonecutters'  Island  should  not  be  lost,  especially  as  another 
Power  might  occupy  these  vantage  points  to  the  great  detriment 
of  Hongkong.  Captain  Hall  argued  that  the  Kowloon  Peninsula 
w^ould  afford  much  needed  sea-frontage  for  commercial  building 
lots  and  additional  barrack  accommodation  ;  that  the  British 
occupation  of  Kowloon  would  remove  the  danger  with  which 
the  mercantile  shipping,  anchored  during  the  typhoon  season  in 
olose  proximity  to  the  settlement  of  lawless  Chinese  vagabonds 
at  Tsimshatsui,  was  threatened  ;  that  H.M.  Naval  Yard  ought 
to  be  transfen-ed  to  Kowloon  and  its  present  side  utilized  for 
barracks ;  and  that  Stonecutters'  Island  would  be  useful  for  a 
(juarantine  establishment  and  for  the  strengthening  of  the  defences 
of  the  Colonv.  It  seems  that  General  Ch.  van  Straubenzee  at 
once  took  up  Captain  Hall's  suggestion  and  reported  to  the  AVar 
Office  (in  March,  1858)  that  he  had  forwarded  to  Lord  Elgin 
a  recommendation  to  include  among  the  claims  to  be  made  at 
the  conclusion  of  the  war  the  cession  of  Kowloon  Peninsula. 
Lord  Elgin,  who  never  did  anything  for  Hongkong  that  he 
could  help  and  did  not  even  take  the  trouble  to  conceal  his 
aversion  to  the  Colony,  refused  to  entertain  the  suggestion  of 
the  annexation  of  Kowloon.  He  said  he  had  no  instructions 
on  the  subject.  Accordingly  the  Treaty  of  Tientsin  (June  28, 
1858)  left  Hongkong  in  the  exact  position  in  which  it  was  under 
'the  Treaty  of  Nanking.     Sir  J.  BowTing,  however,  drew  the 


358  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

attention  of  the  Colonial  Office  to  the  importance  of  Kowloon,. 
and  in  the  following-  year  (March  20,  1859)  distinctly  recom- 
mended its  annexation  by  cession  in  the  following  Avords.  'The 
possession  of  the  small  peninsula  opposite  the  Island  is  become 
of  more  and  more  importance.  To  say  nothing  of  questions  of 
military  and  naval  defence,  it  would  be  of  great  commercial  and 
sanatory  value,, while  to  the  Chinese  it  is  not  only  of  no  value, 
but  a  seat  of  anarchy  and  a  source  of  embarrassment.  I  hope 
therefore  that  measures  will  be  taken  for  obtaining  a  cession 
of  this  tract  of  land.'  In  October,  1850,  the  Downing  Street 
Authorities  urged  this  recommendation  upon  the  consideration 
of  the  "War  Office  in  connection  with  the  renewal  of  the  war 
with  China,  and  on  March  12th,  18G0,  Mr.  Sidney  Herbert 
(then  Secretary  of  State  for  War),  agreeing  with  this  proposal, 
dispatched  to  Hongkong  a  memorandum  on  the  military  oc- 
cupation of  Kowloon.  Strange  to  say,  on  the  very  same  day 
(March  12,  1860)  Sir  H.  Robinson  forwarded  to  Sir  F.  AV.  Bruce, 
at  the  urgent  suggestion  of  Sir  H.  Parkes,  a  memorandum  on. 
the  civil  occupation  of  Kowloon.  Sir  H.  Parkes  had  been 
urging  the  Governor  to  take  the  peninsula  on  a  lease  which  he,_ 
as  Chief  of  the  Commission  in  occupation  of  Canton,  believed 
he  could  easily  obtain  from  the  Cantonese  Viceroy  Lao  Tsung- 
Kwong.  Sir  Hercules  was  at  first  unwilling  to  ask  for  a  lease 
because  the  charter  of  the  Colony  made  no  provision  for  such 
an  arrangement.  He  shrank  from  asking  tbe  Chinese  Govern- 
ment to  grant,  as  a  favour,  ground  which  at  the  moment  was 
needed  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  Indeed  a  part  of  the 
peninsula  had,  with  the  Governor's  sanction,  already  been 
informally  utilized  (since  February,  IHOO)  as  camping  ground. 
Nevertheless  Sir  Hercules  forwarded  Sir  H.  Parkes'  proposition 
to  Sir  F.  Bruce  on  March  12tli,  18G0.  The  next  day  (March 
13,  18G0)  a  new  advocate  of  the  annexation  of  Kowloon,  and 
one  who  afterwards  claimed  to  have  originated  the  idea,  arrived 
in  Hongkong,  in  the  person  of  General  Sir  Hope  Grant,  G.C.B.^ 
the  connnander  of  the  English  expedition.  His  statement  is  as 
follows.     'On  the  opposite  coast,  and  within  three-quarters  of 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  351) 

a  mile,  was  the  promontory  of  Kowloon,  a  spot  of  which  I  was 
most  anxious  to  gain  immediate  possession — fii*stly,  because  its 
occupation  was  absolutely  essential  for  the  defence  of  Hongkong- 
harbour  and  the  town  of  Victoria  ;  secondly,  because  it  was  an 
open  healthy  spot,  admirably  suited  for  a  camping  ground  on 
the  arrival  of  our  troops  ;  thirdly,  because  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  war  it  would  be  a  salubrious  site  for  the  erection  of 
barracks  required  for  the  Hongkong  garrison ;  and  lastly,  because, 
if  we  did  not  take  it,  the  French  probably  would.  This  tract 
was  about  two  miles  in  breadth  and  was  particularly  healthy, 
owing  to  its  being  exposed  to  the  south-west  monsoon.  There 
were,  however,  difficulties  in  the  way.  Mr.  Bruce,  our  Plenipo- 
tentiary, had  sent  an  ultimatum  to  the  Chinese  Government 
allowing  them  a  month  to  reply  and  wjir  had  not  yet  been 
actually  declared  ;  so  the  forcible  seizure  of  the  promontory 
would  not  have  been  quite  legal.'  From  Sir  H.  Parkes'  journal 
it  appears  that  on  March  IGth,  1860,  he  had  a  consultation  with 
Sir  H.  Robinson  and  General  Grant,  and  this  is  what  he  says  of 
it.  'After  hearing  what  I  had  to  say,  both  Sir  H.  Robinson 
and  Sir  Hope  Grant  came  round  to  my  way  of  thinking  as  to 
the  desirability  of  getting  a  lease  of  Kowloon,  although  they  had 
already  begun  to  land  troops... Sir  H.  Robinson  is  all  eagerness 
that  it  should  be  settled  forthwith  and  that  I  should  get  back 
to  Canton  to  arrange  it  as  speedily  as  possible.'  As  soon  as  it 
w^as  found  that  Sir  F.  Bruce  also  approved  of  the  proposed  lease, 
Sir  Hercules  formally  authorized  Sir  H.  Parkes  to  arrange  a 
lease.  Viceroy  Lao  made  no  difficulty  and  on  ^larch  21st,  1860, 
signed,  sealed  and  delivered  a  lease  which  granted  the  Kowloon 
Peninsula  'in  perpetuity  to  Harry  Smith  Parkes,  Esquire,  Com- 
panion of  the  Bath,  a  Member  of  the  Alhcd  Commission  at 
Canton,  on  behalf  of  Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Government.' 
On  March  24th,  1860,  Colonel  Macmahon  gave  notice  to  the 
Chinese  occupants  of  Kowloon  that  no  further  settlere  would 
be  allowed  to  come  there  in  future  but  all  orderly  people  already 
located  there  would  be  protected  and  outlaws  driven  away. 
When  Lord  Elgin  arrived   (June  21,  1860),  the  occupation  of 


360  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Kowloon  was  liappily  an  accomplished  fact  which  he  could  nob 
undo.  Accordingly  he  arranged  in  his  Peking  Convention 
(October  24,  18 GO)  that  the  lease  of  Kowloon  should  be  cancelled 
and  that  the  peninsula  should  '  with  a  view  to  the  maintenance 
of  law  and  order  in  and  about  the  harbour  of  Hongkong,  be 
ceded  to  H.M.  the  Queen  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  Her 
heirs  and  successors,  to  have  and  to  hold  as  a  Dependency  of 
Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Colony  of  Hongkong.'  It  "was  further 
stipulated  in  this  Convention  that  Chinese  claims  to  property  on 
the  peninsula  should  be  duly  investigated  by  a  Mixed  Commission 
and  payment  awarded  to  any  Chinese  (whose  claims  might  be 
established)  if  their  removal  should  be  deemed  necessary.  In 
pursuance  of  these  stipulations  a  Commission  was  appointed 
(December  26,  1800)  and  the  ceremony  of  handing  over  Kowloon 
Peninsula  to  the  British  Crown  was  solemnly  performed  (January 
19,  ]8C1)  in  the  presence  of  a  large  assembly  and  some  2,000 
troops.  One  of  the  Cantonese  Mandarins  delivered  a  paper  full 
of  soil  to  Lord  Elgin  in  token  of  the  cession.  .Sir  Hercules  and 
Lady  Robinson  and  Sir  H.  Parkes  assisted  at  this  function 
and  the  royal  standard  was  hoisted  amid  the  cheers  of  the 
assembly  and  the  thunders  of  salutes  fired  by  the  men-of-war  in 
the  harbour  and  by  a- battery  on  Stonecutters'  Island.  This  was 
the  last  official  act  performed  in  China  by  Lord  Elgin  who  with 
unfeigned  relief  left  Hongkong  forthwith  (January  21,  1861) 
for  England  by  way  of  Manila  and  Batavia.  His  name  was 
perpetuated  in  Hongkong  by  its  being  given  to  a  terrace  which  at 
the  time  was  a  fashionable  quarter  of  the  town.  Sir  H.  Robinson 
had  appointed  Mr.  Ch.  May  to  act  as  British  Commissioner  in 
conjunction  with  some  Chinese  deputies  to  adjust  native  claims 
and  to  mark  out  the  boundary,  for  which  purpose  he  was  assisted 
by  Mr.  Bird  of  the  Royal  Engineers'  Department,  who  surveyed 
and  mapped  out  the  whole  peninsula.  But  now  arose  the 
question  how  to  allot  the  ground  between  the  Colony,  the  Army 
and  Navy.  Sir  Hercules  appointed  for  this  j^urpose  a  Board  in 
which  Mr.  Ch.  St.  G.  Cleverly  represented  the  Civil  Government, 
Colonel  Mann,  R.E.,  the  Army,  and  Captain  Borlase,  R.N.,  the 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  361 

Admiralty.  Bub  this  Board  reported  (March  7,  1861)  their 
inability  to  come  to  any  agreement.  The  matter  had  to  be 
referred  home.  Sir  Hope  Grant  claimed — that  the  idea  of 
appropriating  the  peninsula  had  originated  with  the  Military 
Authorities ;  that  the  Colonial  Office  had  approved  of  the 
occupation  of  Kowloon  for  military  purposes ;  that  the  lease 
had  been  obtained  by  his  own  authority  ;  that  the  peninsula  ceded 
by  the  Peking  Convention  should  therefore  be  converted  into 
a  purely  military  cantonment  separate  and  apart  from  the 
Government  of  Hongkong  ;  that  at  any  rate  the  highest  and 
healthiest  ground  of  the  peninsula  should  immediately  be  utilized 
for  the  erection  of  barracks.  Plans  for  the  latter  were  forwarded 
by  General  Grant  without  delay  (April,  1861)  and  approved,  with 
some  alterations,  by  the  War  Office  (March  13,  18G2).  On  the 
other  hand,  Sir  H.  Robinson  represented  to  the  Colonial  Office 
(February  13,  1861) — that  the  idea  of  appropriating  Kowloon 
did  not  originate  with  the  Military  Authorities ;  that  the 
Hongkong  Government,  in  originally  mooting  the  acquisition 
of  Kowloon,  had  in  view  the  necessity  of  providing  for  the  wants 
of  the  general  population  as  well  as  of  the  military  garrison  ; 
that  the  lease  was  obtained  under  his  own  authority  ;  that  the 
Peking  Convention  expressly  declared  the  peninsula  to  be  ceded 
as  a  Dependency  of  the  Colony  of  Hongkong  ;  that  the  peninsula 
is  indispensable  to  the  welfare  of  the  Colony,  it  being  required 
to  keep  the  Chinese  population  at  some  distance  and  to  preserve 
the  European  and  American  community  from  the  injury  and 
inconvenience  of  intermixture  with  the  Chinese  residents ;  that 
the  peninsula  is  farther  needed  by  the  Colony  to  provide  storage 
accommodation,  room  for  docks,  for  hospitals,  for  private 
residences  and  for  air  and  exercise  ;  that  the  site  specially  claimed 
by  the  Military  Authorities  is  indispensable  for  the  foregoing 
purposes  and  that,  without  that  site,  it  would  be  almost  worthless 
to  the  Colony  to  have  Kowloon  at  all.  Strange  to  say,  these 
incontrovertible  arguments  of  Sir  H.  Robinson,  which  the 
-subsequent  history  of  Kowloon  proved  to  have  been  based  on 
truth,  were  brushed  aside  by  the  simple  fiat  of  the  Imperial 

XTNIVERSITT 


362  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Government.  The  wants,  the  welfare  and  the  development  of 
tlie  Colony  were  mercilessly  sacrificed  to  Imperial  military 
interests  which  after  all  were  soon  found  to  be  ill-served  by  this 
nnrighteons  appropriation.  But  that,  iu  addition  to  the  serious 
and  perminent  injury  thus  inflicted  upon  the  Colony,  an  annual 
military  contribution  was  likewise  demanded,  can  be  explained 
only  by  the  assumption  that  Her  Majesty's  Government  was 
kept  in  i^^norance  of  the  serious  blow  which  the  prosperity  of 
Hongkong  received  by  being  deprived  of  the  advantages  which 
the  civil  occupation  of  Kowloon  would  have  afforded.  The 
dispute  dragged  on  until  1804,  when  the  Military  Authorities 
got  the  lion's  share  and  certain  prescriptive  rights  over  the 
remainder,  which  was  divided  between  the  Colony  and  the  Xavy^ 
At  a  land  sale,  held  in  18G4  (July  25  to  29),  some  2G  marine  and 
;>i)  inland  lots  were  sold,  on  short  leases,  at  a  premium  of  ^4,050 
and  an  nnnual  rent  of  $18,708  (of  which  sum  hardly  one-fourth 
was  ever  paid).  The  one  portion  which  was  of  essential  value 
for  the  Colony  was  retained  by  the  Military  Authorities. 

In  spring,  1860,  a  novel  proposition  was  under  discussion. 
The  idea  was  mooted  of  appointing  a  Governor-General  of 
H.M.  Insular  Possessions  in  the  East,  who  should  combine  the 
civil  and  military  government  of  Mauritius,  Ceylon,  the  Straits 
Settlements  and  Hongkong.  Nothing  further  came  of  this 
amalgamation  scheme,  however,  beyond  the  appointment  of  a 
Colonial  Defence  Commission. 

The  relations  of  the  Colony  with  the  Cantonese  Authorities 
were,  after  the  evacuation  of  Canton  (October  21,  1801),  under 
the  aire  of  H.M.  Consul  at  Canton,  subject  to  the  control  of  the 
IJritish  Minister  at  Peking.  Nevertheless,  when  any  pressing- 
case  occurred,  this  circumlocutory  process  was  occasionally 
set  aside.  To  give  but  one  instance,  it  happened  in  January, 
1805,  that  a  Chinese  resident  of  Hongkong  was  kidnapped  from 
a  boat  in  the  harbour  and  held  for  ransom  in  a  village  near 
►Shamtsiin  in  the  Sun-on  District.  The  new  Registrar  General 
(C.  C.  Smith),  without  loss  of  time,  obtained  the  use  of 
H.M.S.   Woodcock  and  proceeded  to  Deep  Bay.     A  party  of  25- 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   H.  ROBINSON.  363 

blue-jackets,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Boxer,  of  H.M.S. 
Ifesper,  went  inland  with  the  Registrar  General  and  captured, 
happily  without  resistance,  both  the  kidnapper  and  his  prisoner 
who  were  brought  to  Hongkong. 

One  of  the  earliest  subjects  that  engaged  the  attention  of 
Sir  H.  Robinson  in  Hongkong  was  Civil  Service  reform.  Very 
wisely  he  commenced  his  labours  in  this  direction  with  an 
attempt  to  revise  official  salaries.  But  when  the  draft  of  an 
Ordinance  (13  of  18G0)  for  establishing  a  revised  Civil  List  came 
under  discussion  in  Legislative  Council  (December  26,  185t)), 
the  unofficial  Members  (J.  Jardine,  J.  Dent  and  Geo.  Lyall) 
urged  that,  although  the  salaries  of  most  of  the  Civil  Servants 
were  inadequate,  there  were  at  present  no  available  funds  for 
effecting  a  general  increase  of  salaries.  They  recommended, 
however,  to  increase  the  salaries  of  four  subordinate  officers  whom 
they  named.  There  was  also  thrown  out  a  suggestion  that 
Hongkong  officials,  instead  of  having  their  salaries  increased  on 
account  of  length  of  service,  should  liave  a  chance  of  promotion 
to  other  Colonies.  Sir  H.  Robinson,  though  foiled  to  some 
extent  in  his  Civil  List  reforms,  succeeded  in  establishing  a 
Pension  Scheme  (May  T),  18G2)  under  Ordinance  10  of  186*2 
by  which  he  definitely  fixed  the  rate  of  pension  payable  to  officers 
of  long  and  approved  service. 

Several  new  offices  were  established  by  Sir  H.  Robinson. 
For  the  benefit  of  the  mercantile  marine,  the  Governor  established 
a  Marine  Court  of  Inquiry  (Ordinance  11  of  1860)  and  a  Board 
of  Examiners  for  granting  certificates  of  competency  to  masters 
and  mates  (Ordinance  17  of  1860).  The  first  certificate  so  issued 
was  obtained  by  Mr.  Sanuiel  Ashton  of  the  schooner  Viiidex 
(August  31,  1861)  and  between  July,  1863,  and  June,  1864,  as 
many  as  48  masters  and  28  mates  were  passed  by  this  Board  of 
Examiners.  Sir  Hercules  also  re-organized  the  Police  Court 
(Ordinance  6  of  1862)  by  substituting  (July  28,  1862)  two 
magisti'ates  with  equal  power  (Ch.  ^lay  and  J.  Ch.  Whyte) 
for  the  former  chief  magistrate  and  his  assistant.  At  the  same 
time  (July  7,   1862)  a  Court  for  Summary  Jurisdiction,  under 


-364  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

a  Puisne  Jnclo'e  (H.  J.  Ball)  was  established  by  Ordinance  7  of 
J8G2  as  a  branch  of  the  Supreme  Court. 

But  the  principal  and  most  beneficial  addition  to  the  Civil 
Service  machinery,  devised  by  Sir  H.  Robinson,  was  undoubtedly 
the  series  of  reforms,  culminating  in  his  Cadet  Scheme,  which 
he  introduced  for  the  better  government  of  the  Chinese 
population  of  the  Colony.  Sir  Hercules,  who  appeared  to  have 
taken  Sir  Harry  Parkes'  dealings  with  the  Chinese  for  his 
model,  took  special  pains  to  make  sure  of  two  things,  first, 
that  the  Chinese  should  be  fully  and  correctly  informed  of 
the  nature,  purport  and  details  of  every  Government  measure 
affecting  their  interests,  and,  secondly,  that  in  every  case  the 
Governor  should  be  accurately  informed  of  what  the  Chinese 
in  any  case,  public  or  private,  really  wanted  or  needed  or  wished 
to  say.  In  harmony  with  the  first  part  of  this  programme, 
Sir  Hercules  organized  a  translation  office  and  secured  the 
publication  of  correct  translations  of  every  decision  he  made 
in  Chinese  affairs.  He  first  recognized  this  need  in  connection 
with  the  resistance  offered  by  the  Chinese  pawnbrokers  and 
•cargo  boat  |>eople  to  firmer  supervision  by  the  Government  and 
had  forthwith  careful  translations  of  the  respective  Ordinances 
published  (May  5  and  November  24,  18G0).  But  he  went 
farther  and  established  (JMarcli  1,  18G2)  a  separate  Chinese 
issue  of  the  Hongkong  Government  Gazette.  He  not  only 
arranged  that  every  Government  measure  affecting  the  Chinese 
residents  should  be  published  in  this  Gazette,  but  took  great 
pains  personally  to  test  the  fulness  and  correctness  of  the 
translators'  work.  In  pursuance  of  the  second  part  of  this 
programme.  Sir  Hercules  took  a  bold  step.  He  delil)ei*ately 
discarded  the  attempt  to  govern  the  Chinese  directly  through 
their  own  headmen  (Tipous),  summarily  dismissed  all  the  Tipous 
(June  30,  18(11)  and  made  the  Registrar  General  exercise, 
with  regard  to  the  Chinese  population,  the  same  functions 
which  the  Colonial  Secretary  performed  in  relation  to  the 
European  population.  This  measure  was  virtually  a  return  to 
■the   original    bifurcation    of  government   which   Captain   Elliot 


THE    ADMINISTRATION   OP  SIR   H.    ROBINSON.  365 

aimed  at  when  the  Colony  was  formed  in  18-41.  The  first 
number  of  the  Chinese  issue  of  the  Hon<>:kong  Government 
Gazette  (March  1,  1862)  introduced  this  new  policy  by  the 
simple  notification,  which  really  constituted  a  revolution  in  the 
government  of  the  Chinese  population,  that  thenceforth  all 
applications  to  the  Government,  on  the  part  of  Chinese  residents, 
must  be  made  by  petition  (pien)  to  the  Registrar  General. 
Sir  Hercules,  however,  clearly  foresaw  that  for  the  success  of 
this  measure  it  was  indispensable  that  the  Registrar  General's 
office  should  thenceforth  be  entrusted  only  to  men  who  were 
not  only  acquainted  with  the  Chinese  language  and  Chinese 
modes  of  thought  and  life,  but  in  sympathy  and  touch  with 
the  Chinese  people.  It  was,  in  the  first  instance,  for  this  purpose 
that  he  established  his  Cadet  Scheme.  On  the  model  of  the 
system  organized  by  Sir  J.  Bowriug  for  the  training  of  Consular 
interpreters.  Sir  Hercules  launched  (March  23,  1861)  a  scheme 
to  provide  the  Colony  with  a  staff  of  well-educated  interpreters 
who  should  study  the  Chinese  language  in  Hongkong  and  be 
eligible,  when  qualified,  for  promotion  to  the  headship  of  several 
departments.  They  were  not  intended  to  act  as  (^ourt 
interpreters  but  to  fill  eventually  those  of  the  higher  offices 
in  the  Service  in  which  a  knowledge  of  the  Chinese  mind  and 
character  afforded  some  special  advantage.  This  scheme  having 
met  with  the  approval  of  H.M.  Government,  three  such  cadets 
(C.  C.  Smith,  W.  M.  Deane  and  M.  S.  Tunnochy)  were  appointed 
(April  3,  1862)  student  interpreters,  and  underwent  two 
probationary  examinations  in  the  year  1863.  Mr.  (subsequently 
Sir)  C.  C.  Smith  was  the  first  cadet  who  acted  as  Registrar 
General,  that  is  to  say  as  Colonial  Secretary  for  the  Chinese 
population  (October  24,  1864),  Mr.  Tonnochy  taking  his  place 
in  the  same  capacity  later  on  (November  1,  1865). 

The  inquiry  into  the  Civil  Service  abuses  of  the  preceding 
administration  was  entrusted  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to  the 
Governor  in  Executive  Council  and  commenced  on  13tli  August^ 
1860.  As  these  meetings  of  Council  were  held  in  public  and  all 
the  records  and  evidence  were  printed  and  published,  this  terribly 


366  CHAPTER  XYIIL 


O 


protracted  investigation  served  only  to  stir  up  once  more  the 
mud  of  old  animosities  and  produced  renewed  mutual  incrimina- 
tions between  the  Registrar  General  (who  resigned  and  withdrew 
from  his  office)  and  the  Superintendent  of  Police.  Moreover, 
the  excessive  latitude  which  the  Governor  allowed  to  all  parties 
in  the  case  gave  to  the  editor  of  the  Daily  Press  fresh  opportunity 
to  raise  side  issues  and  to  produce  even  prisoners  from  the  gaol 
to  aid  him  in  hunting  down  the  object  of  his  hatred.  The  final 
result  of  this  distressing  inquiry  (continued  until  September  24, 
1861)  was  that  the  Colony  permanently  lost  the  services  of  the 
man  who  Avas  indisputably  the  best  Court  interpreter  the  Colony 
ever  possessed,  and  who  was  never  equalled  in  efficiency  as  a 
detective  police  officer.  i3ut  the  rancour  of  the  editor  of  ^the 
Daily  Press  was  not  satisfied  with  the  scope  of  the  inquiry.  He 
clamoured  for  further  investigations  and  desired  the  former 
Acting  Colonial  Secretary  to  be  impeached.  AVhen  Sir  H. 
Robinson  resisted  any  re-opening  of  the  inquiry,  the  irate  editor 
appealed  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  hurling  various  charges 
against  the  Governor  and  (in  his  absence)  against  the  Adminis- 
trator (W.  T.  Mercer).  After  a  lengthy  correspondence,  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle  at  last  (in  autumn  18G2)  informed  the 
•complainant  that,  as  he  had  five  times  been  prosecuted  for  libel, 
he  was  not  entitled  to  any  consideration  and  that  the  Colonial 
Office  would  henceforth  receive  no  more  communications  from 
him.  The  same  Secretary  of  State  regulated  also,  by  Circular  of 
August  20,  18Go,  the  extent  to  which  public  officers  might  write 
for  or  to  the  public  papers.  The  Duke  of  Newcastle  laid  dow^ii 
the  rule  that,  whilst  there  is  no  objection  to  public  servants 
fnrnisliing  newspapers  with  articles  signed  with  their  names  on 
subjects  of  general  interest,  they  are  not  at  liberty  to  write 
on  questions  which  can  properly  be  called  political,  nor  to  furnish, 
any  articles  whatever  to  newspapers  which,  in  commenting  on 
the  measures  of  the  Government,  habitually  exceed  the  bounds  of 
fair  and  temperate  discussion.   . 

In  the  Legislative  Council,  Sir  H.  Robinson  introduced  an 
important  change  by  the  inhibition  now  put,  by  order  of  the 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  367 

Home  Government,  on  the  independence  of  vote  formerly  allowed 
to  official  ^lembers.  A  set  of  standing-  orders  and  rules  bad 
been  framed  (July  12,  ]858)  and,  using  these  as  a  curb  rein, 
4Sir  Hercules  ruled  his  Council  as  with  a  rod  of  iron,  contininof 
its  functions  strictly  to  legislation,  allowing  no  criticism  of  the 
acts  of  the  Executive,  and  reducing  public  influence  upon 
the  deliberations  of  the  Legislative  Council  to  the  lowest  possible 
minimum.  He  acted  on  the  principle  that  legislation  should  not 
be  influenced  by  the  opinions  of  irresponsible  parties  outside  the 
"Government.  The  only  point  in  which  he  allowed  mucli  latitude 
to  the  unofficial  ^lembers  was  the  discussion  of  questions  of 
expenditure  and  taxation. 

As  to  the  legislative  enactments  of  this  period,  the  regulation 
of  commercial  transactions  received  a  large  share  of  attention. 
Hardly  any  other  Governor  bestowed  so  much  care  on  commercial 
legislation.  Eleven  Ordinances  were  passed  bearing  on  ex- 
clusively commercial  matters,  such  as  Cliinese  passenger  ships 
(6  of  18G0),  fees  to  be  taken  under  the  ^lerchant  Shipping 
Ordinance  (10  of  18G0),  exportation  of  military  stores  (3  of 
18G2),  protection  of  patents  (14  of  18(52)  and  trade  marks  (8 
of  18G8),  the  law'  of  debtor  and  creditor  (4  of  18()8  and  5  of 
18G4),  bills  of  sale  (10  of  18G4),  bills  and  promissory  notes  (12 
of  18G4),  commercial  law  (1:>  of  18G4)  and  finally  the  incor- 
poration, regulation  and  winding  up  of  Ti'ading  Companies  (1  of 
18Gr>).  The  Ordinance  empowering  the  Governor  to  prohibit 
the  export  of  military  stores  was  caused  by  the  abandonment  of 
that  attitude  of  neutralitv  which  the  British  Government  had 
<>ccupied  in  relation  to  the  Manchu  Government  and  the  Taiping 
Rebels  until  February  21,  18G2,  when  (as  above  mentioned)  the 
Tai pings  threatened  Shanghai  once  more.  The  subsequent  issue 
of  a  proclamation  prohibiting  the  export  of  arms  and  ammunition 
Avas  intended  to  stop  the  supplies  which  the  Taipings  had  beeii 
drawing  from  Hongkong,  but  was  bitterly  complained  of  as 
unjust  because  no  similar  prohibition  was  extended  to  ports  in 
England  and  India.  The  consequence  was  a  partial  derangement 
of  the  operations  of  firms  hitherto  connected  with  this  trade  in 


368  CHAPTER  xvni. 

military  stores,  and  niimero'as  confiscations  were  made  by  the 
Harbour  Master  in  February,  1863.  In  1862,  the  discovery  of 
an  extensive  system  of  issuing  false  certificates  for  opium  deposits 
(June  14th)  opened  the  eyes  of  the  public  to  the  imperfect  ^ 
formulation  of  the  law  of  debtor  and  creditor.  The  Attorney 
General  (J.  Smale)  drafted  accordingly  a  Bankruptcy  Ordinance^ 
(November  16,  1863)  specially  adapted  to  local  circumstances, 
but  it  was  set  aside  by  the  advisers  of  the  Colonial  Office  who 
sent  out  another  (5  of  1864)  for  acceptance  by  the  Council.  In 
connection  with  that  same  opium  case,  it  was  decided  by  a  jury 
(August  7,  1863)  that  a  delivery  order,  though  sold  and  paid 
for,  does  not  free  the  vendor  from  risk  in  case  a  mishap  should 
occur  to  the  article  sold  after  the  order  had  changed  hands. 
"When  the  draft  of  the  Companies'  Ordinance  (1  of  1865)  was 
under  the  consideration  of  the  Council  (in  1864),  the  question 
of  incorporating  companies  with  limited  liability,  which  measure 
the  Governor  at  the  time  viewed  as  fraught  with  danger  for- 
Hongkong,  gave  rise  to  much  animated  discussion.  The  position 
which  the  Governor  took  in  this  matter  was  such  as  to  provoke 
a  spirited  protest  by  one  of  the  unofficial  Members  of  Council 
(J.  Whittall)  whose  language  the  Governor  censured  as  offensive 
to  the  Council. 

Chinese  trade  also  received  a  fair  share  of  the  Governor's 
attention,  and  Sir  Hercules  was  the  first  Governor  who  understood 
Low  to  deal  with  the  common  practice  of  the  Chinese  of  offering 
seditious  resistance  to  a  weak  Government  bv  combininor  to 
strike  work  in  order  to  mark  their  sense  of  irksome  or  imperfect 
legislation.  Unaware  what  stuff  Sir  Hercules  was  made  of,  the 
Chinese  resorted  to  this  practice  three  times  within  four  successive 
years  but  gave  in  on  each  occasion  when  they  encountered,  on 
the  part  of  the  Governor,  calm  but  rigidly  uncompromising 
firmness.  The  Pawnbrokers'  Ordinance  (3  of  1860)  evoked 
a  general  closing  of  pawnshops  and  the  Ordinance  remained  for 
a  long  time  a  dead  letter  whilst  the  pawnbrokers  agitated  for 
certain  concessions.  They  submitted,  however,  when  they  found 
that  the  Governor  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  their  representations. 


I   '  . 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  GF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  369* 

III  order  to  provide  a  remedy  against  the  habitual  phinderinor 
to  whicli  o^oods  were  subjected  in  transit  between  ship  and 
shore,  an  Ordinance  (15  of  18(50)  was  passed  for  the  registration 
and  regulation  of  the  men  employed  on  cargo-boats.i.i.'  As  soon  as- 
this  Ordinance  came  into  force  (18G1),  a  general  strike  ensued 
on  the  part  of  cargo-boat  people,  but  by  unflinching  firmness  on 
the  part  of  the  Governor  and  the  community  they  were  soon 
brought  to  submit  to  registration.  The  chair  coolies  also  resorted 
to  a  strike  (in  1863)  when  they  were  for  the  first  time  to  be 
brought  under  a  system  of  regulating  and  licensing  public 
vehicles  by  Ordinance  G  of  1863.  They  also  yielded,  after 
nearly  three  months'  passive  resistance,  and  the  new  Ordinance 
proved  a  great  boon  to  the  public. 

An  interesting  trial  (Moss  versus  Alcock)  was  conchided 
in  the  Supreme  Court  on  27th  December,  1861.  A  British 
subject,  having  assaulted  a  Japanese  officer  at  Kanagawa,  had 
been  sentenced  to  fine  and  imprisonment  by  a  British  Consul 
whose  sentence  was  confirmed  by  Sir  Rutherford  Alcock,  then 
H.M.  Minister  at  Tokyo.  But  when  the  prisoner  iwas  lodged 
in  the  Hongkong  Gaol,  he  appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court  and 
obtained  a  verdict  for  ^2,000  damages,  as  the  Consul  had  power 
only   to   inflict   either   a    fine    or    imprisonment.       It    was    in  .i 

consequence  of  this  case  that  subsequently  (July  16,  1863) 
letters  patent  were  issued  conferring  upon  the  Chief  Justice  of 
Hongkong  appellate  jurisdiction  in  respect  to  Consular,  decisions  .; 

made  in  Japan.     In  the  course  of  the  trial  (Moss  versus'.Waock)  V..: 

there  occurred  (December  \'2^  1861)  the  first  of  those  lively  but 
indecorous  scenes  of  bickerings  which  for  years  after  periodically 
t*ecurred  whenever  Mr.  (subsequently  Sir)  John  Smale,  as 
Attorney  General  or  Chief  Justice,  was  confronted  in  Court  by 
the  leading  barrister  of  the  time  (E.  H.  Pollard).  A  fruitless 
attempt  was  made  (April  23,  1859)  by  Dr.  Bridges  to  induce 
the  Governor  in  Council  to  modify  Sir  J.  Bowring's  Amalgama- 
tion Ordinance  (12  of  1858)  so  as  to  permit  barristers  to  form 
partnerships  with  a  view  to  enable  them  to  recruit  health  in 
Europe   without    breaking    up    their    practice.       So    far    from 

24 


■••  r 


370  CHAPTER  XYIII. 

•extending  the  scope  of  Ihis  Amaliramation  Ordinance,  Sir 
II.  Robinson  repealed  it  altogether  to  the  infinite  regret  of 
the  public  (by  Ordinance  12  of  1862).  It  seems  he  was 
instigated  to  this  retrogressive  act  by  the  new  Chief  Justice 
(W.  H.  Adams)  and  the  new  Attorney  General  (J.  Smale)  who, 
like  the  Governor,  knew  little  of  the  sad  condition  in  which 
ihe  legal  profession  in  the  Colony  had  been  before  the 
introduction  of  this  Ordinance.  The  beneficial  effects  it  had 
produced  were  now  considered  a  proof  that  it  was  no  longer 
needed.  In  vain  did  the  community,  who  heard  of  this  measure 
only  a  few  hours  before  it  was  read  in  Council,  protest  against 
the  repeal.  In  vain  did  the  unofficial  Members  of  Conucil 
(F.  Chomley,  C.  W.  Murray,  A.  Perceval)  demand  that  at  least 
an  inquiry  be  instituted  into  the  working  of  the  Amalgamation 
Ordinance  and  into  the  necessity  for  a  repeal.  The  Governor 
was  going  away  on  furlough  and  had  made  up  his  mind  to  settle 
this  matter  before  leaving,  *on  the  basis  of  the  opinions  of  high 
legal  officers,  whose  credit  was  at  stake  in  the  utterance  of  their 
opinions,  rather  than  on  the  views  of  irresponsible  outsiders.* 
The  Chief  Justice  (W.  H.  Adams)  and  the  Attorney  General 
(J.  Smale)  thought  the  repeal  necessary  to  preserve  the  pnrity 
of  the  higher  branch  of  the  profession.  The  public  interest 
had  to  yield  to  thit.  But  the  impetuous  haste  with  which  the 
Governor  rushed  the  Bill  through  Council  (July  8,  1862),  and 
the  inexorable  predetermination  with  which  he  brushed  aside 
all  objections  whilst  refusing  any  inquiry  or  consideration,  caused 
the  general  public  to  stigmatise  the  conduct  of  Sir  Hercules 
in  this  case,  as  in  some  others,  i\s  marked  by  'mulish  obstinacy.' 
As  to  other  legal  enactments  of  this  period,  the  principal 
Ordinance  of  permanent  value  was  that  (7  of  1860)  which  gave 
authority  to  two  Commissioners,  H.  J.  Ball,  Judge  of  the 
Summary  Jurisdiction  Court,  and  W.  H.  Alexander,  Registrar 
of  the  Court,  to  compile  an  edition  of  the  Ordinances  in  force 
in  the  Colony  and  to  consolidate  particularly  the  criminal  law. 
This  important  work,  by  the  starting  of  which  the  Governor 
complied  with  one  of  the  recommendations  of  the  Parliamentaiy 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  371 

Oommittee  of  1847,  was  satisfactorily  completed  in  Octolxir, 
18G-i,  under  the  sanction  which  the  Privy  Council  had  given 
(February  20,  1804:)  to  the  introduction  in  the  Colony  of  the 
criminal  law  of  Eno:land  with  such  adaptations  as  circumstances 
might  render  advisable. 

Owing  to  the  above-mentioned  disturbances  in  the  Canton 
Province,  the  population  of  Hongkong  made  great  strides  in  the 
first  few  years  of  this  period.  In  1800  the  population  increased 
by  8,003  persons.  In  1801,  when  the  cession  of  Kowloon  also 
contributed  to  swell  the  population,  the  increase  amounted  to 
24,404  persons,  having  risen  from  94,917  people  in  1800  to 
119,821  in  1801.  After  that  year,  however,  the  population 
increased  but  slightly  in  18G2,  retrograded  in  1803  and  stood 
in  1804  at  121,498  people. 

The  finances  of  the  Colony,  though  severely  strained  by 
liberal  expenditure  on  public  works,  constitute  one  of  the  brightest 
features  of  this  administration.  The  revenue  of  the  year  1800 
exceeded  that  of  1859  by  £28,958.  The  expenditure  of  the  same 
period,  however,  increased  by  £0,281.  In  consequence  of  the 
transfer  of  the  Hongkong  Post  Office  to  the  local  Government 
(May  1,  1800),  the  Post  Office  receipts  appeared  for  the  fii*st 
time  in  the  accounts  for  the  year  1860.  But  the  largest  increase 
of  the  revenue  of  that  year  was  under  the  head  of  land  revenue, 
which  exceeded  that  of  1859  by  nearly  £17,000  in  consequence 
of  the  great  rise  in  the  value  of  land.  The  revenue  of  1800  was 
thus  the  largest  ever  raised,  up  to  that  time,  in  Hongkong,  and 
four  times  greater  than  that  of  the  year  1851.  The  Colony 
had  now  at  last  become  fully  self-supporting  and  commenced  the 
year  1801  with  an  excess  of  assets  (over  liabilities)  amounting 
to  nearly  £4,300.  The  revenue  of  the  year  1801  (£33,058)  was 
nearly  double  of  the  revenue  of  1859,  but  owing  to  the  large 
public  works  now  taken  in  hand  and  to  the  augmentation  of 
the  establishment,  the  expenditure  rose  to  £37,241.  The  returns 
for  1801  shewed  an  increase  under  almost  every  head  of  revenue 
but  particularly  so  the  items  of  land  rents  and  licences,  the  rapid 
increase  of  the  population,  and  the  extensive  purchases  of  land 


372  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

connected  with  an  attempt  to  develop  the  resources  of  Bowrington,.. 
having  caused  an  enormous  further  increase  in  the  vahie  of  land. 
Following  the  example  of  Sir  J.  Bowring,  Sir  H.  Robinsou 
xleposited  year  by  year  all  surplus  funds  in  the  local  Chartered 
Banks  at  five  per  cent,  and  £61,550  were  thus  deposited  in  1861.. 
Since  1st  July,  1862,  the  accounts  of  the  Colony  were  kept  in 
dollars.  The  increase  (J;20,502)  in  the  revenue  of  the  year  1862 
was  ascribed  chiefly  to  the  increased  yield  of  postage,  police  and 
lighting  rates,  opium  farm  and  pawnbrokers'  licences,  whilst  the- 
increase  (^61,400)  of  expenditure  was  caused  by  public  works  and 
additions  to  the  strength  of  the  Police  Force.  The  same  items 
caused  the  expenditure  of  the  year  1868  to  exceed  (by  $10,000) 
the  revenue  which  had  decreased  by  $54,884:  as  compared  with 
the  preceding  year.  In  the  year  1864,  posfeage  and  profits  made 
on  subsidiary  coins  (procured  from  England)  caused  the  revenue 
to  increase  by  $61,471,  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  the  expenditure 
of  the  sanie  year  increased  by  $176,742,  owing  to  the  erection  of 
the  Mint  and  the  investment  of  $250,000  in  the  purchase  of  laud 
{^nd  houses  at  Kowloon.  But,  owing  to  a  commercial  depression 
which  now  set  in,  the  difference  between  receipts  and  expenditure 
continued.  On  4th  March,  1865,  Sir  H.  Robinson  stated  in 
Legislative  Council  that  the  total  revenue  for  the  preceding  year 
had  come  to  $687,845  and  the  actual  expenditure  to  $763,307,  an 
ominous  indication  of  bad  times  in  store  for  the  Colonial  finances. 
As  sopu  as  the  flourishing  condition  of  the  Colonial  finances 
became  .Isuown  at  home,  a  claim  was  set  up  for  a  military  con- 
tribution. <. There  was  strictly  speaking  no  surplus,  as  all  available 
surplus  funds  were  urgently  required  to  provide  additional  gaol 
accommodation,  additional  water-wOrks  and  most  particularly  a 
comprehensiive  drainage  scheme  for  the  town,  which  one  Colonial 
Surgeon  after,  the  other  urged  as  the  indispensable  preliminary 
basis  of  sanitary  reform,  and  which,  owing  to  the  demand  for 
a  military  contribution.  Governor  after  Governor  postponed  for 
want  of  funds.  On  15th  August,  1864,  Sir  H.  Robinson  stated 
in  Legislative  Council  that  the  Secretary  of  State  insisted  upon 
payment  of  a.  iiiilitary  contribution  of  £20,000  per  annum  for 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  373 

five  years  as  a  reasonable  and  just  return  for  the  protection  of 

Jife  and  property  afforded  by  the  military  garrison,  the  amount 

charged    being  one-fifth  of    the   Imperial  military  expenditure 

•incurred   in   the    Colony.       It    appeared   that    Mr.   Mercer,   as 

Administrator,  as  well  as  Sir  Hercules  had  strenuously  objected 

to  this  demand  when  it  was  first  mooted.     Their  arguments  were 

virtually  those  that  thenceforth  were  repeated  at  every  successive 

period  of  Hongkong's  history :  that  Hongkong  is  not  a  producing 

Colony  but  a  mere  intermediate  station  of  the  China  trade;  that 

this  station,  being  anyhow  very  profitable  to  India  and  to  the 

Imperial  Exchequer,  ought  not  to  bear  the  burden  of  military 

•expenditure  incurred  for  the  benefit  of  British  trade  in  China 

and  Japan ;  that  the  settlement  is  a  struggling  one  and  needs 

no  garrison  for  its  local   protection  ;    that  the   Colony  has,  to 

the  great  detriment  of  local  revenue  and  commerce,  been  deprived 

•of  so  much  building  ground,  appropriated  for  Imperial  military 

nses,  that  it  ought  to  be  considered  to  have  paid,  in  land,  its 

quota  towards  a  military  contribution.     But  in  this  case,  as  on 

all  subsequent  occasions,  the  Home  Government  confined  itself 

"to  the  simple  assertion  that,  as  the  Colony  can  afford  to  pay, 

it  must  pay  what  is  demanded.     A  public  meeting,  the  largest, 

.it   was  Siiid,  that, had  been   held   yet,  assembled,  in  the  Court 

House  (August  28,  18G4)  and  unanimously  resolved  to  memorialize 

H.M.  Government  to  protest  against  the  measure.     The  senior 

unofficial  ^lember  of  Legislative  Council  (C.  W.  Murray)  acted 

as   chairman   and   the   proposers  and   seconders  of   the  several 

resolutions  to  be  embodied  in  the  Memorial  were — E.  H.  Pollard, 

Th.  Sutherland,  A.  Turing,  J.  Whittall,  K.  Brand,  H.  B.  Lemann, 

T.  G.  Linstead,  G.  J.  Helland,  R.  S.  Walker,  H.  Noble,  C.  H. 

•  Storey  and  W.  Schmidt.    The  Chamber  of  Commerce  and  the 

Chinese  community  followed  the  example  and  likewise  presented 

protests  in  form  of  Memorials.     When  the  estimates  for  1865, 

including  the  sum  of  $92,000  as  military  contribution  were  laid 

before  the  Legislative  Council,  this  item  was  passed  only  by  the 

'Governor's   casting   vote,  as  even  the   Colonial  Treasurer  (who 

was  afterwards  severely  censured  by  the  Secretary  of  State)  joined 


374  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

with  the  unofficial  Members  in  voting  against  it.  Moreover,, 
with  the  single  exception  of  the  Chief  Justice  (W.  H.  Adams), 
all  the  Members  of  Council,  both  official  and  unofficial,  agreed 
forthwith  in  passing  a  resolution  stating  '  that  the  maintenance 
of  troops  in  Hongkong  is  not  necessary  purely  for  the  protection 
of  Colonial  interests  or  the  security  of  the  inhabitants,  and: 
that  the  Colonial  revenue  cannot  fairly  be  chai-ged  with  any 
contribution  towards  the  Imperial  military  expenditure  in  China 
and  Japan/  In  communicating  to  H.M.  Government  the 
unanimous  protest  of  the  colonists,  Sir  H.  Robinson  (September 
7,  18G4)  suggested  that,  if  there  must  be  a  mihtary  contribution, 
it  had  better  be  imposed  by  an  Order  of  Her  Majesty  in  Council. 
The  Secretary  of  State  (Mr.  Card  well)  subsequently  agreed  to 
take  this  course  (August  11,  1865)  if  the  Legislative  Council 
should  insist  upon  it.  But  when  the  point  Avas  discussed  in 
Council  (November  10,  1865),  the  Members  agreed  to  appropriate 
the  amount  by  annual  vote  of  the  local  legislature. 

It  has  been  stated  above  that  Sir  J.  Bo  wring  recommended 
to  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  H.M.  Treasury  the  establishment 
in  Hongkong  of  a  Mint  and  the  issue  of  a  British  dollar.  This 
suggestion  was  publicly  taken  up  again  during  Sir  H.  Robinson's 
administration. and  the  Governor  was  urged  (October  4,  1800) 
to  remedy  the  embarrassing  fluctuations  in  the  value  of  the 
Mexican  dollar,  and  the  constant  complaints  of  the  insufficiency 
of  small  silver  coins  procured  from  England,  by  the  local- 
establishment  of  a  Mint.  Sir  Hercules,  however,  hesitated  ta 
move  in  the  matter,  owing  to  the  refusal  which  his^^redec6slbr%. 
recommendations  liad  met  with.  Meanwhile  the  currency  ques- 
tion became  more  pressing.  In  July,  1801,  fllean  Mexican  dollars 
bore  a  premium  of  7  per  cent.,  above  tMr  intrinsic  value  as 
compared  with  bar  and  sycee  silver,  and  subsequently  reached  a 
premium  of  nearly  12  per  cent,  which,  however,  fell  again  to 
8  per  cent,  in  spring  1863.  It  was  felt  that  these  excessive 
fluctuations  of  the  common  medium  of  exchauire  in  China  and 
Japan  must  tend  to  embarrass  the  operations  of  commerce.  Sir 
Hercules  obtained,  in  1862,  the  sanction  of  the  Colonial  Office 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  375 

for  the  principle  on  which  he  proposed  to  base  a  reform  of  the 
currency  of  the  Colony,  viz.  the  official  re-establishment  of  a 
silver  standard  based  on  the  Mexican  dollar.  By  a  Royal  pro- 
clamation, dated  January  9,  1863,  but  not  published  until  May 
2,  1863,  it  was  determined  that,  from  a  date  thereafter  to  be 
notified,  the  former  currency  proclamations  of  1845,  1853  and 
1857  (mentioned  above)  should  be  wholly  or  partially  cancelled, 
and  Mexican  or  other  silver  dollars  of  equal  value  should, 
together  with  those  silver  coins  (of  Mexican  standard)  and  bronze 
cents  and  cash  (being  hundredth  or  thousandth  parts  of  the 
Mexican  dollar)  which  were  to  be  issued  by  H.M.  Mint,  be 
the  only  legal  tender  of  payment  in  the  Colony.  The  date  here 
referred  to  was,  however,  not  fixed  until  the  Hongkong  Mint 
was  established  (1865).  But  meanwhile  Sir  Hercules  did  two 
things :  he  obtained  from  England  a  supply  of  subsidiary  coins 
(June  26,  1863)  and  set  to  work  to  move  the  Home  Government 
to  sanction  the  immediate  establishment  of  a  Mint  at  Hongkong. 
In  April,  1863,  the  first  consignment  of  subsidiary  coins  arrived. 
They  consisted  of  silver  ten-cent  pieces,  bronze  cents  and  bronze 
mils  (cash).  The  intrinsic  value  of  the  silver  ten-cent  pieces  was 
such  as  to  make  ^3  face  value  equal  to  $2'dS7  intrinsic  value. 
With  direct  reference  to  the  arguments  previously  advanced  by 
the  Treasury  Board  in  condemnation  of  Sir  J.  Bowring's  proposal. 
Sir  Hercules  represented  to  H.M.  Government— that  Mexican 
dollars  now  passed  current  in  large  quantities  even  in  Shanghai  ; 
that  the  dollar  had  already  been  declared  the  only  legal  tender  of 
payment  in  Hongkong  ;  that  the  supply  of  Mexican  dollars  had 
become  quite  insufficient  in  consequence  of  the  new  demand  for 
Japan;  that  even  in  the  silk  districts  of  Central  China  payments, 
formerly  settled  in  sycee,  had  now  to  be  made  in  undefaced 
Mexican  dollars  which  were  at  a  high  premium;  that  consequently 
a  British  dollar  of  a  value  equal  to  that  of  the  Mexican  was 
urgently  required.  In  consequence  of  these  representations  the 
Lords  Commissioners  of  H.M.  Treasury  approved  (April  10, 
1863)  of  the  proposal  of  Sir  Hercules  and  suggested  that  the 
proposed    Mint    should    be  established  in   Hongkong  by   local 


376  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

•enactment  to  be  approved  by  the  Queen  and  that  it  should  be 
placed  under  the  control  and  supervision  of  the  Master  of  the 
Royal  Mint  with  a  view  to  assay  and  verification  of  the  coin  to 
be  issued  from  it.  Arrangements  were  accordingly  made  by 
%Sir  Hercules,  the  site  now  occupied  by  the  East  Point  Sugar 
Refinery  was  appropriated  for  the  purposes  of  the  Mint,  additional 
land  reclaimed  from  the  sea  at  a  cost  of  £9,000,  a  water  supply 
secured  at  a  cost  of  ^3,550.  buildings  commenced  which  cost 
$25,000,  and  a  staff  ordered  from  home.  Several  Ordinances 
were  also  issued,  providing  for  the  conversion  of  British  currency 
in  all  payments  by  or  to  the  Government  (1  of  1864)  and  for 
the  organisation  of  the  Mint  service  (2  of  1864).  The  former 
of  these  two  Ordinances  ordained,  with  reference  to  the  above- 
mentioned  proclamation  of  January  9,  1863,  that,  as  soon  as  the 
date  referred  to  could  be  fixed,  all  payments  due  in  British  Sterhng 
to  or  by  the  Government  should  be  made  in  dollars,  cents  or  cash, 
to  be  issued  from  H.M.  Mint  at  the  rate  of  4s.  2d.  to  the  dollar. 

As  rejjards  public  works,  the  principal  undertaking  of  this 
period  was  the  so-called  Victoria  water-works  scheme  which  had 
been  under  discussion  during  the  preceding  administration.  Sir 
Hercules  took  it  up  with  the  vigour  which  characterized  all 
his  doings.  He  commenced  by  offering  (October  15,  1859)  a 
prize  of  ^l-OOO  for  the  best  plan.  Several  competitors  entered 
the  lists  (S.  G.  Bird,  J.  Walker,  S.  B.  Rawling)  and  sent  in 
elaborate  plans.  The  Governor  referred  the  papers  to  a  Com- 
mittee (Lieutenant-Colonel  G.  F.  Mann,  R.E.,  J.  J.  Mackenzie, 
Ch.  St.  G.  Cleverly)  and  adopted  on  their  recommendation  the 
acheme  of  Mr.  Rawling,  Clerk  of  Works  to  the  Royal  Engineers. 
"This  scheme  proposed  to  construct  a  large  reservoir  at  Pokfulam, 
to  connect  it  by  an  aqueduct  with  two  large  tanks  above 
Taipingshan  and  to  provide  thus,  before  the  close  of  the  year 
1862,  a  supply  of  water  for  the  western  and  central  parts  of  the 
city  at  a  cost  of  about  £30,000.  Tenders  were  immediately  called 
for  and  the  work  commenced  in  1860  under  Mr.  Rawling's 
supervision.  An  Ordinance  (12  of  1860)  was  passed  to  empower 
the  Governor  in  Council  to  appropriate  from  current  revenues 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  377 

the  sum  of  £30,000  as  the  works  proceeded  and  to  supply  any 
deficiency  of  funds,  if  necessary,  by  mortgaging  the  water  rate, 
which  anyhow  was  to  be  levied,  at  the  rate  of  2  per  cent,  on 
the  o^ross  annual  value  of  house  property,  according  to  assessment. 
An  imperfect  estimate  of  the  cost  of  the  materials  ordered  out 
from  England,  and  the  substitution  of  cement  for  mortar 
(ordered  by  the  Colonial  Office),  caused  an  excess  over  the 
origifial  estimate  by  a  considerable  sum.  It  was  not  till  the 
close  of  the  year  18G3  that  the  works  were  completed  so  far 
as  to  allow  of  the  water  rate  being  levied.  The  scheme  was, 
at  the  time,  believed  to  have  proved  a  great  success.  But  tlie 
■experience  of  subsequent  years  revealed  defects  of  construction. 
Moreover,  as  the  scheme  did  not  provide  for  a  sufficient  quantity 
of  waber  (during  the  dry  season)  to  provide  for  the  wants  of 
a  rapidly  growing  population,  and  left  the  town  east  of  the 
xjlocktower  entirely  without  water,  it  was  even  at  this  time 
foreseen  that  this  scheme  afforded  but  temporary  relief. 

The  Praya  works  were,  in  public  estimation,  considered 
unsatisfactory.  These  works,  which  had  been  commenced  in 
a  desultory  way  by  Sir  J.  Bowring,  and  in  the  face  of 
obstructions  of  all  sorts,  were  energetically  pushed  on  by  Sir 
H.  Robinson  and  carried  out  in  conjunction  with  the  Crown 
tenants  under  special  arrangements  with  reference  to  the  land 
reclaimed.  Landing  piers  for  cargo  boats  were  also  provided. 
The  sections  extending  for  a  mile  and  a  half  west  of  the  parade 
ground  and  for  a  quarter  mile  east  of  the  arsenal  (there  being 
rft  break  between)  were  completed  in  1862.  The  construction 
having,  however,  proceeded  piecemeal,  and  under  incompetent 
(Chinese)  overseers,  the  work  was  palpably  deficient  in  solidity 
and,  although  no  typhoon  had  touched  it  yet,  much  of  the 
work  had  ta  be  done  over  again  in  1863.  Sir  H.  Robinson 
accordingly  determined  to  rebuild  the  whole  Praya  wall  and 
to  use  this  opportunity  to  extend  the  Praya  seawaixis  by 
reclaiming  from  the  sea  a  further  strip  of  land  100  feet  in 
•width.  The  Surveyor  General  (W.  Wilson)  addressed  the  holders 
of  marine-lots  to  this   effect    (August   15,   1864)   stating   the 


378  CHAPTER  XYIII. 

necessity  for  re-constrncting  the  defective  and  dilapidated  sea- 
wall and  oifering  to  the  lot-holders  the  land  to  be  reclaimed 
in  front  of  their  respective  lots  free  of  premium,  in  compensation 
for  the  reclamation  expenses  to  be  borne  by  them.     But  this 
offer  met  with  the  same  obstructiveness  which  had  hampered 
Sir  J.   Bowring's  scheme.      A  public  meeting  of  lot-holders, 
held  on  13th  September,  1864,  resolved  to  protest  against  the 
proposal    of    burdening    the    lot-holders    with   the    reclamation 
expenses  and  declared  tbe  existing  sea-wall  to  be  good  enough 
for  public  purposes.    A  letter  to  this  effect  was  addressed  to  the 
Colonial  Secretary  (September  20,   1864).     Controversy  ensued. 
The   Colonial   Secretary    not  only  contested   that   the    sea-wall 
needed  rebuilding  but  that  its  original  defective  construction  had 
been  caused  by  the  obstructions  which  the  lot-holders  had  placed 
in  the  way  of  expenditure.    This  charge  having  been  energetically 
rebutted    by    the    lot-holders    (November    18,    1864),    Sir    H. 
Robinson  announced   (November  20,   1864)  that  the  extension 
of  the  Praya  wall  would  not  be  enforced  where  not  desired  by 
the  lot-holders.     Meanwhile  other  public  works  had  not  been 
neglected.     A  Lock  Hospital  was  erected  in  1861,  close  to  the 
Civil  Hospital.     Shaukiwan  was  supplied  with  a  poUce  station 
and  a  school-house.     A  new  gaol  was  commenced,  also  in  the 
year  1861,  on  Stonecutters'  Island.     By  the  year  1864  a  new 
Central   Police    Station,    the    reclamation    and    building   works 
connected   with   the  Mint,  a  carriage  road  to  Shaukiwan,  and 
the  construction  of  Stonecutters'  Island  Gaol  were  all  completed. 
Police  and  gaol  management  did  not  advance,  even  in  this 
period  of  general   administrative   vigour,   beyond  the   stage  of 
unsatisfactory  experiments.      At   the  close  of   the  year    1860, 
the  personnel  of  the   Police   Force  was  considered  as  showing 
no   improvement  and   though   no   very  great  fault   was  found 
with  the  Police  as  a  preventive  force,  the  whole  question  was 
felt  to  be  one  that  baffled  the  wits  of  all  who  were  responsible 
for    the    manifestly    unsatisfactory    condition    of    the    Police- 
Bombay  and  Madras  were  tentatively  resorted  to  (February  8, 
18G1)   as   recruiting    grounds.      In   January   and   May,    1862, 


i 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  379 

drafts  of  recruits  arrived  from  those  places  and  the  entire  force 
was  placed  under  the  command  of  Captain  W.  Quin  who  had 
previously  served  in  the  Army  and  in  the  Bombay  Police.  For 
the  convenience  of  the  Water  Police  a  ship  was  bought  (April 
1,  1862)  to  serve  as  a  floating*  Police  Station.  In  spring  1864, 
the  Colonial  Secretary,  while  acknowledging  the  intelligence  and 
zeal  of  the  new  superintendent  (W.  Quin)  and  his  assistant 
(J.  Jarman),  stated  that  the  men  of  the  corps,  whether  European 
or  Indian,  were  wanting  in  most  of  the  essentials  of  a  Police 
Force.  Bribery  and  corruption  were  particularly  considered 
ineradicable  among  the  Indian  contingent.  The  right  of  the 
Police  to  use  fire-arms,  in  the  case  of  suspects  refusing  to  stop 
when  challenged,  was  judicially  inquired  into  (July  28,  1864) 
when  a  constable,  who  had  shot  a  boatman  trying  to  escape 
search,  was  put  on  his  trial  on  a  charge  of  murder.  The  verdict 
of  the  jury,  who  viewed  the  case  as  one  of  justifiable  homicide, 
was  satisfactory  to  the  Police.  To  stimulate  zeal,  regulations 
were  made  (October  25,  1864)  awarding  gratuities  in  case  of 
special  merit.  "Wholesale  deportation  of  crowds  of  professional 
beggars  was  resorted  to  in  summer  1864,  to  I'elieve  the  streets 
from  these  people,  who  were  accordingly  sent  back  to  Canton. 
Before  the  building  of  the  new  gaol  at  Stonecutters'  Island 
was  sufficiently  advanced  to  occupy  any  portion  of  it,  it  became 
necessary,  in  1862,  owing  to  the  inhibition  now  laid  on 
transportation  to  the  Andaman  Islands  and  the  pressing  need 
of  a  separate  debtors'  ward,  to  relieve  the  congested  state  of 
Victoria  Gaol.  Some  280  long  sentence  prisoners  were  accord- 
ingly lodged  on  board  a  hulk  {Royal  Saxon)  anchored  close  to 
Stonecuttei*s'  Island,  the  quarries  of  which  afforded  occupation 
for  the  prisoners.  At  the  same  time  the  rules  of  Victoria  Gaol 
were  revised  (Ordinance  4  of  1863)  and  an  expert  was  obtained 
from  England  to  act  as  gaol  superintendent  (Ch.  Ryall). 
Owing  to  repeated  escapes  of  gangs  of  prisoners,  principally 
through  the  gaol  drains  (January  12  and  March  14,  1863), 
a  Commission  was  appointed  (May,  1863)  to  inquire  into  the 
condition   and   working   of   Victoria   Gaol.      The  convict   hulk 


.380  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

ac  Stonecutters'  Island  was  equally  unsatisfactory.  Things 
went  on  well  enou2:h  so  lon.i^  as  a  gunboat  and  a  military 
guard  \vere  provided  to  guard  the  hulk,  but  when  these  w^ere 
withdrawn,  frequent  attempts  at  rescue  were  made  by  outside 
associates  of  the  prisoners.  A  sad  accident  also  occurred  by 
the  upsetting  of  a  boat,  when  38  prisoners  were  drbWned 
(July  23,  18G3).  Later  on  (April  21,  1864)  a  body  of  about 
100  prisoners  made  good  their  escape  in  junks,  after  disabling^ 
their  guards.  The  working  of  Victoria  Gaol,  however,  appeared 
to  improve,  after  the  dismissal  of  the  expert,  when  a  new 
superintendent  (F.  Douglas)  was  appointed  (December  12,  1863). 
The  gaol  was  thenceforth  popularly  referred  to  as  *  Douglas 
.Hotel.' 

The  criminal  history  of  this  period  presents  some  novel 
features.  In  January,  1860,  one  of  the  most  popular  compradors, 
Tarn  Achoy,  distinguished  himself  by  collecting  in  Hongkong 
an  armed  corps  of  Puntis,  officered  by  some  foreign  seamen, 
whom  he  dispatched  by  the  S.S.  Sir  Jamsefjee  Jeejeehhoy  to  the 
San-ning  District,  S.W.  of  Macao,  with  a  considerable  supply 
of  arms  and  ammunition.  On  arrival  at  San-ning,  this  corps 
of  Hongkong  freebooters  took  an  active  part  in  the  internecine 
war  going  on  at  that  time  between  the  Punti  and  Hakka  dans 
of  that  District.  When  the  Hongkong  Police  learned  that  two 
of  the  foreign  leaders  of  this  buccineering  expedition  had  been 
killed  in  battle,  Tam  Achoy  was  arrested  and  charged  with 
murder.  It  appeared,  however,  that,  before  sending  off  that 
-expedition,  Tam  Achoy  had  given  formal  notice  to  a  Government 
officer  of  his  intentions  and  received  no  warning  of  the  illegality 
of  his  proceedings.  The  indictment  having  broken  down  for 
want  of  evidence,  Tam  Achoy  was  advised  to  plead  guilty  of 
misdemeanour  and  w^as  discharged  with  a  reprimand.  The 
peninsula  of  Kowloon  presented  for  several  days  in  August,  1862, 
-the  novel  aspect  of  an  animated  battle  field,  as  the  Punti 
inhabitants  of  the  neighbouring  villages  were  engaged  in  a. 
bloody  warfare  with  the  Hakka  settlers  at  Tsimshatsui.  But 
'.the    most    renowned    crime    of    this    period  was  the  so-called 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  II.   ROBINSON.  381. 

opium  swindle,  above  referred  to,  which  was  perpetrated  hy  an 
Indian  merchant  who,  with  the  assistance  of  an  EngUshman 
in  charge  -of .  the  opium  stored  in  the-  receivino-ship  Tropic,. 
defrauded  the  Chartered  Mercantile  Bank  and  others  of  some 
two  milHon  dollars  (July,  18G2)  by  means  of  forced  opium 
certificates.  Many  daring-  burglaries  ^and  murderous  attacks  were 
made,  during  this  period,  by  armed  gangs,  such  as  the  attack 
on  the  signal  station  at  Victoria  Peak  (July  27,  18G3),  the 
assault  made  on  some  men  in  the  Artillery  Barracks  (October 
11,  18G3),  the  murder  of  an  Indian  and  his  wife  (January 
29,  3  8G4)  and  an  attack  made  on  the  offices  of  Holliday, 
Wise  &  Co.  (May  11,  1804).  Hongkong  was  now  in  daily 
oommunioation  with  Canton  by  American  river-steamers  which 
took  Chinese  passengers  at  20  cents  a  head  in  18X')3  and  1804. 
These  cheap  fares  caused  the  Colony  to  be  inundated  with 
Chinese  ruffians  who  considered  Hongkong,  with  its' 'indulgent 
laws  and  humane  treatment  of  criminals,  to  afford' a 'temptation 
they  could  not  resist.  But  the  most  novel  featiire  of  the 
depredations  resorted  to  by  Chinese  burglars  at  this  period  was 
the  ingenuity  and  engineering  skill  displayed  by  the  so-called 
drain  gangs.  The  godowns  of  Smith,  Archer  &  Co.  (January  30, 
18^4),  the  jewellery  store  of  Douglas  Lapraik'(May' 10,  1804),, 
and;  the  treasure  vaults  of  the  Central  Bank  of  Western  India 
(February  5,  1805)  were  successively  attacked  by  burglars  who 
used  the  subterraneous  storm- water  drains  as  the  basis  of  their 
operations  and  drove  from  there  tunnels  by  which  they;  under- 
mined the  floors  of  treasure  stores.  The  Central  Bank  was  in 
this  way  robbed  of  g03,000  in  notes  and  £11,000  in  gofd  ingots,. 
8ome  of  which  were  found  strewn  about  in  the  street'' on  the 
morning  of  February  0,  1805.  >/ 

A  most  deplorable  series  of  riots,  resulting  in  the  liljttrder 
of  two  soldiers,  three  seamen  and  a  boarding-house  crerkr,  took 
place  on  three  successive  days  in  September  (12th  to  14th),  1804,. 
between  Malay  seamen,  a  body  of  policemen,  and  men  Of  the 
99th   Regiment.      The   excitement   was   intense   and  it  seemed, 
impossible  to  restrain  either  the  soldiers  or  the   police    from. 


„382  CHAPTER   XVIII. 

renewing  the  contest.  The  Volunteers  were  called  out  to  patroF 
the  streets  (September  14,  18G4),  and  at  the  request  of  the 
•<xOveraor  the  99th  Regiment  were  ordered  at  three  hours'  notice 
to  move  forthwith  over  to  Kowloon  (September  15,  18G4)  where 
a  camp  was  hastily  erected.  This  was  done  in  the  face  of  a 
strong  medical  protest  and  the  result  was  that  a  most  extra 
ordinary  amount  of  mortality  decimated  the  troops  encamped 
on  the  site  of  which  the  Military  Authorities  had  robbed 
the  Colony. 

Piracy  flourished  throughout  the  administration  of  Sir 
H.  Robinson  and  the  number  of  cases  in  which  the  pirates, 
disdaining  the  less  remunerative  attacks  on  native  junks, 
successfully  plundered  foreign  vessels,  appears  to  be  rather  a 
distinguishing  feature  of  this  period.  The  Taiping  rebellion 
was  by  this  time  extinguished  in  South  China  and  the  Cantonese 
coastguard  resumed  again  its  former  function  as  a  preventive 
force,  but  it  was  unable  to  make  headway,  without  steam  cruisers, 
against  the  better  equipped  piratical  fleets.  Numbers  of  piracies 
were  reported  in  Hongkong  in  autumn  (September  to  November) 

1859,  by  owners  of   native  junks.      Few  piracies  occurred  in 

1860.  But  in  May,  18C1,  the  brig  North  Star  was  attacked 
some  four  miles  off  Hongkong.  The  captain,  some  of  the  officers 
and  crew,  and  a  passenger  were  murdered.  Seven  months  later, 
the  Dutch  schooner  Henrietta  Louise  was  plundered,  just  outside 
the  Lyee-moon,  by  pirates  who  wounded  the  captain  and  some 
of  the  crew  (January  2,  1862).  Three  weeks  after  this  outrage, 
the  British  brig  Iniogene  was  plundered  and  burned  (January 
23,  1862)  by  pirates,  five  of  whom  were  subsequently  (March 
6,  1862)  convicted  of  murder  and  executed.  Next,  the  British 
schooner  Eagle  was  plundered  near  Green  Island  by  pirates,  who 
were  under  the  leadei-ship  of  an  Englishman  (April  18,  1862). 
The  captain  and  some  of  the  crew  were  murdered.  Soon  after, 
the  S.S.  Iron  Prince^  when  on  her  way  to  Macao,  was  attacked 
by  pirates  disguised  as  passengers.  They  murdered  two  of  the 
crew.  The  captain,  officers  and  European  passengers  were  all 
wounded  in  a  protracted  fight,  at  close  quarters,  for  the  possession 


THE    ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.    ROBINSON.  383 

of  the  steamer.  Happily  the  pirates  were  finally  overpowered 
and  four  of  them  captured,  the  vessel  owing  her  safety  principally 
to  the  foresight  and  heroic  conduct  of  her  master,  Captain 
Harris.  Next  year  (April  8,  1863)  the  Government  offered  a 
reward  of  ^1,000  for  information  leading  to  the  arrest  of  certain 
lawless  persons,  English  and  American,  employed  on  board  of 
piratical  junks  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hongkong  and  Formosa. 
This  notification  had  no  eifect.  The  American  barque  Bertha 
was  unsuccessfully  attacked  by  pirates  near  Stonecutters'  Island 
(July  2'2,  18G3)  ;  six  months  later  (January  28,  1864)  some 
pirates  attacked  the  Danish  brig  Chico  and  murdered  some  of 
her  crew,  and  on  February  5th,  1865,  the  Spanish  brig  Nuevo 
Lepanto  was  captured  by  pirates  near  Lantao. 

As  to  the  commercial  history  of  this  ix;riod,  one  of  its 
principal  landmarks  is  the  formation  (^lay  29,  1801)  of  the 
Hongkong  Chamber  of  Commerce.  It  was  to  be  the  aim  of  this 
institution,  to  guard  the  liberties  and  interests  of  local  commerce 
and  to  procure,  without  any  interference  with  the  freedom  of 
the  port,  reliable  commercial  statistics.  Vanous  nationalities  were 
represented  among  the  members  of  the  (chamber,  and  the  Com- 
mittee elected  at  the  first  annual  meeting  (April  23,  1862)  included 
American  (I).  Delano),  German  (D.  Nissen)  aiid  Parsee  (T.  B. 
Buxey)  merchants.  One  of  the  first  topics  which  occupied  the 
attention  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  was  a  subject  which  for 
isome  years  previous  had  been  a  burning  question  of  the  day, 
viz.  the  establishment  by  the  Chinese  Government  of  the  Imperial 
3Iaritime  Customs  Service,  under  Mr.  H.  N.  Lay.  When  this 
scheme  was  first  mooted,  four  Hongkong  firms  (Dent,  Fletcher, 
Turner  and  Birley)  protested  strongly  against  what  they  con- 
sidered a  needless  superaddition  upon  the  Consular  Service  and 
from  the  working  of  which,  under  Chinese  supervision  but  jq 
separation  from  the  native  Chinese  Customs  Service,  they  expected 
interference  with  the  freedom  of  commerce  to  result.  Some 
Canton  firms  joined  this  protest  under  the  supposition  that  the 
-effect  of  the  scheme  would  be  to  drive  the  import  trade  from 
Oantou  to  Hongkong  and  to  confine  the  export  trade  to  Macao. 


384  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

When  Mr.  Lay  commenced  the  operation  of  the  new  Customs- 
Service  at  Canton  (October  14,  1859),  the  United  States  Consul 
(0.  H.   Perry)  objected  to  Mr.  Lay's  regulations,  or  rather  to 
certain  threats  of  penalties  contained  in  their  original  edition, 
as    an   illegal   interference   with   the    American    river-steamers^ 
Those  regulations  wei*e,  however,  at  once  revised,  approved  by 
the  British  and  American  Ministers  and  sullenly  submitted  to 
by  the  mercantile  communities  of  Canton  and  Hongkong.     The 
seizure  by  the  new  Customs  Office  of  the  Portuguese  S.S.  Shamrock 
(November,    1859),   on   a    charge    of   smuggling,    renewed  the 
excitement.      So  great  was  the  general  antipathy  prevailing  in 
Hongkong   against    this    Chinese    Customs    Service    (from   the 
control  of  which,  however,  the  junk  trade  of  Hongkong  remained 
exempt),   that   the   forcible   and  unlawful  resistance  which  the- 
captain  of  the  barque  Chin  Chin  offered  to  seizure  by  the  foreign 
Customs   Officers  in  Swatow  (March,   1860)  was  unhesitatingly, 
justified  by  a  Hongkong  jury,  although  a  native  employee  of  th6 
Customs  was  killed  in  the  melee.     Shortly  after  the  Hongkong 
Chamber  of  Commerce  had  been  established,  a  special  meeting 
(August  2,  18G1)  took  the  whole  subject  of  the  Tientsin  Treaty 
and   the   new  Inspectorate  of  Customs  into    consideration,   and 
eventually  memorialized  H.M.  Minister  at  Peking  who  soon  after 
(October    30,    18G1)   issued   regulations   regarding  transit  dues,, 
exemption  certificates  and  coast  trade,  which  conceded  the  main 
points  for  which  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  had  contended. 

Local  Post  Office  regulations  also  attracted  the  watchful' 
eye  of  the  Chamber.  Some  transitory  excitement  was  caused  by 
proceedings  taken  (September,  18152)  against  the  mastei-  of  the 
American  S.S.  Firecracker^  who  was  fined  for  detaining  a  portion 
of  the  mail  brought  on  by  him  from  Mauritius.  More  serious^ 
was  th(;  attempt  made  by  Sir  H.  Robinson  (early  in  1863)  to 
secure  the  sanction  of  the  Legislative  Council  for  a  Bill  intended 
to  give  to  the  Post  Office  the  right,  not  only  to  compel  vessels- 
of  all  nationalities  to  carry  mails  without  compensation,  but  also 
to  search  and  detain  any  vessel  on  account  of  contraband  letters. 
The    Chamber    stoutly    resisted    this    Bill    as    an    interference 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  385 

with  the  spirit  of  free  trade  and  the  view  thus  taken  by  the 
Chamber  met  even  with  the  support  of  the  Chief  Justice. 
Thanks  to  the  energetic  remonstrance  addressed  to  the  Governor 
in  Council  by  the  chairman  of  the  Chamber  (J.  Macandrew), 
the  Bill  was  thrown  out  (February  5,  1863)  by  a  majority.  The 
introduction  of  postage  stamps  (December  8,  18G2)  was  hailed 
by  the  community  with  little  satisfaction.  On  the  contrary, 
serious  apprehension  of  inconvenience  and  confusion,  supposed 
to  be  the  inevitable  consequence  of  the  compulsory  use  of  postage 
stamps,  filled  the  mind  of  the  community.  This  first  issue  of 
Hongkong  postage  stamps  consisted  of  stamps  of  the  respective 
value  of  two,  eight,  twelve,  eighteen,  twenty-four,  and  forty-eight 
cents,  reckoned  at  twenty-four  cents  to  the  shilling.  Some 
confusion  did  arise,  at  first,  as  the  previous  practice  of  keeping 
running  accounts  with  the  Post  Office  had  to  be  discontinued  ; 
but  the  Postmaster-General  (F.  W.  Mitchell)  did  everything- 
in  his  power  to  smooth  matters  and  the  community  quietly 
submitted  to  this  very  unpopular  innovation.  As  regards  the 
conveyance  of  mails,  the  Secretary  of  State  gave  satisfaction' 
to  the  community  by  making  an  order  (October,  18G2)  that 
thenceforth  no  contract  mail  packets  should,  under  any  circum- 
stances, be  detained,  except  on  the  authority  of  the  Governor,, 
acting  on  his  own  responsibih'ty,  upon  occasions  of  special 
urgency.  An  attempt,  made  by  the  Superintendent  of  Native 
Customs  (Hoppo)  at  Canton,  to  induce  the  Foreign  Customs 
Service  to  levy  duties  on  cargo  shipped  in  Hongkong  for  England, 
by  vessels  which,  after  partially  loading  in  Hongkong,  proceeded 
to  Whampoa  to  fill  up,  was  successfully  resisted  by  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce  (December,  1800),  through  the  energetic  action  of 
II. M.  Consul  at  Canton   (Oh.  A.  Winchester). 

Several  new  commercial  ventures,  started  during  this  period, 
gave  expression  to  the  enterprising  spirit  which  animated  the 
community,  both  native  and  foreign.  The  native  boat-building 
trade  particularly,  rose,  during  the  year  1859,  sevenfold  over 
what  it  was  in  1858,  and  fishing  junks  increased  from  2,000 
to  2,500.      In  the  year  18G0  a  movement  was  set  on  foot  to 

25 


^S6  CHAPTER  XVIIL 

light  the  city  with  gas  through  a  Company  formed  in  London. 
Next  year,  however,  a  hitch  occurred  in  the  negotiations  between 
the  local  promoters  of  the  Gas  Company  and  the  directors  in 
London,  and  doubts  were  entertained  of  an  understanding  being 
arrived  at.  The  Colonial  Secretary  (W.  T.  Mercer)  subsequently 
stated  that  interested  individuals  had  misled  the  community  and 
caused  opposition  but  that  he  set  the  community  right  on  the 
subject  and  removed  all  obstacles.  The  city  was  for  the  first 
time  liohted  with  ofas  on  November  12,1864.  There  remained, 
however,  a  general  complaint  that  the  directors  in  London  had 
allotted  an  unduly  small  number  of  shares  (70  only)  to  local 
applicants,  and  this  emphazised  the  regret  felt  by  the  public 
that  the  gas  works  had  not  been  started  by  a  purely  local 
Company.  In  January,  1863,  the  first  strong  timber  pier  in 
Hongkong  was  erected,  at  Spring  Gardens,  for  the  godowns 
of  McGregor  &  Co.  All  former  piers  had  been  built  of  bamboo. 
This  timber  pier,  jutting  out  into  AVantsai  Bay  to  a  distance 
of  250  feet,  gave  at  low  water  a  depth  of  26  feet.  The 
Aberdeen  Docks,  which  were  commenced  under  the  preceding 
tidministration,  were  kept  fully  at  work  from  1860  to  1863. 
A  new  Dock  for  the  use  of  H.M.  Navy  having  been  approved 
by  the  Admiralty  (January  22,  1863),  a  site  was  purchased 
(November  }G,  1864)  at  Hunghom,  on  the  Kowloou  Peninsula, 
for  the  nominal  sum  of  ^50,  by  a  Union  Dock  Company  which 
was  formed  to  work  the  existing  and  projected  docks  and 
proved  the  beginning  of  a  large  establishment,  growing  in 
importance  from  year  to  year.  But  theie  is  yet  another 
institution,  of  equal  importance,  to  be  mentioned  which  like- 
wise originated  during  this  fruitful  period.  Li  July,  1864, 
the  firm  of  Dent  &  Co.  issued  the  prospectus  of  the  newly 
formed  Hongkong  &  Shangliai  Banking  Company  (to  be 
incorporated  by  charter)  with  a  capital  of  five  million  dollars 
in  20,000  shares  of  ^250  each.  The  fact  that  this  new  venture 
was  undertaken  when  there  were  already  six  I^anking  Institutions 
in  the  Colony,  viz.  the  Agra  and  United  Service  Bank  (Henry 
Noble),  the  Central  Bank  of  Western  India  (W.  M.  Davidson), 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  H.   ROBINSON, 


387 


-the  Chartered  Bank  of  India,  Australia  and  China  (A.  Hay 
Anderson),  the  Chartered  Mercantile  Bank  of  India,  London 
and  China  (W.  Orniiston),  the  Commercial  Bank  of  India  (P.  R. 
Harper),  and  the  Oriental  Bank  Corporation  (W.  Laraond), 
indicates  the  views  then  taken  of  the  growing  prosperity  of 
Hongkong.  The  broad  international  basis  on  which  this  new 
banking  enterprise  was  constructed  is  observable  from  the  names 
of  the  merchants  who  formed  the  provisional  committee  of  the 
Hongkong  &  Shafnghai  Bank,  viz.  F.  Chomley,  ^A.  F,  Heard, 
Thomas  Sutherland,  G.  F.  Maclean,  D.  Lapraik,  W.  Nissen, 
H.  B.  Lemann,  AV.  Schmidt,  A.  Sassoon,  R.  Brand,  Pallanjee 
Framjee,  W.  Adamson,  G.  J.  Helland,  and  Rustomjee 
Dhunjeeshaw.  This  new  bank,  who^e  first  manager  (V.  Kresser) 
entered  upon  his  duties  on  January  1,  1805,  was  the  first  to 
profit  by  the  Limited  Liability  provisions  of  the  Trading 
Companies'  Ordinance  (1  of  1865). 

During  the  first  four  years  of  this  period  (1850  to  18G2) 
the  stream  of  Chinese  emigrants,  paying  their  own  passage, 
continued  to  flow  forth  from  Hongkong  at  an  average  rate  of 
12,106  emigrants  per  annum.  Contract  emigration  was,  since 
the  year  1851),  almost  entirely  confined  to  Macao  or  "VYhampoa, 
the  only  exception  being  the  shipment  of  Chinese  coolies  to 
British  Colonies,  hi  September,  1861,  an  attempt  was  made 
to  ship  coolies  under  contract  to  some  other  place,  but  the 
Police  seized  the  ship  and  liberated  the  coolies.  The  emigration 
agent  for  the  British  West  Indies  (J.  Gardiner  Austin)  succeeded 
in  securing  (Xovember  15,  1859),  through  the  influence  of 
Protestant  missionaries,  numbers  of  Chinese  families  for 
Demerara,  whereas  it  had  previously  been  asserted  that  Chinese 
women  could  not  be  induced  to  emigrate.  As  many  as  2,756 
respectable  Chinese  women  were  (with  their  husbands  and 
children)  shipped  from  Hongkong  during  those  four  years, 
and  mostly  to  the  West  Indies.  Unfortunately,  however,  San 
Francisco  took  advantage  of  this  new  departure  and  sent 
thenceforth  for  annually  increasing  numbers  of  single  Chinese 
women,   most   of   whom   were    probably    required   for   immoral 


\ 


Xy 


^ 


388  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

purposes.  In  August,  1862,  the  Hongkong  Office  of  the  Britisb- 
West  Indies'  emigration  agent  was  closed  and  the  business 
transferred  to  Canton,  to  admit  of  more  searching  supervision 
of  the  modes  in  which  the  coohes  were  procured.  But,  owing 
to  this  measure,  the  number  of  Chinese  emigrants,  annually 
shipped  from  Hongkong,  fell  from  10,421  in  18G2,  to  7,801> 
in  18G3,  and  to  6,007  in  1864.  In  the  year  18Ga  the  number 
of  emigrants  leaving  Hongkong  was  equalled  by  the  number 
of  those  who  returned  from  abroad.  These  returning  emigrants 
generally  brought  considerable  quantities  of  gold  or  gold  dust 
yj^  into  the  Colony.  In  the  year  1861  one  single  ship  {Minerva) 
brought  from  Melbourne  350  Chinese  coolies  possessing  gold 
of  the  aggregate  value  of  £43,000.  In  the  same  year  as  many 
as  2,370  Chinese  were  shipped,  as  free  emigrants,  to  India, 
and  emigration  to  Tahiti  commenced  as  a  new  venture. 

The  shipping  returns  of  the  year  1861,  shewing  a  decrease  of 
217,003  tons,  as  compared  with  the  returns  of  the  preceding- 
year,  do  not  indicate  any  real  falling  off  of  the  shipping  trade 
of  the  Colony.  On  the  contrary,  those  retui-ns  show  an  increase 
of  31,060  tons  Avhen  compared  with  the  returns  of  1859.  The 
diiference  is  explained  by  the  extraordinary  increase  of  the 
shipping  business  occasioned,  in  the  year  1800,  by  commissariat 
and  transport  services  connected  with  the  war  in  North  China. 
It  may  also  be  noted  that  the  American  tonnage  decreased 
in  1861  while  liritish  shipping  took  a  proportionate  bound  in 
advance,  owing  to  the  effects  of  the  Peking  Convention  which 
extended  the  scope  of  British  commerce  in  China.  Owing 
to  the  frequency  of  ships  being  wrecked  on  the  Pratas  Shoals, 
application  had  been  made  in  1800  to  the  Home  Government 
regarding  the  erection  of  lighthouses  on  those  rocks,  but  the 
Board  of  Trade  declined  (May  2,  1801)  to  move  in  the  matter. 

The  somewhat  Utopian  scheme  of  connecting  Calcutta 
with  Canton  and  Kowloon  by  a  railway,  was  brought  under 
the  consideration  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  (June  30,  1859) 
by  Sir  MacDonald  Stephenson  who  subsequently,  after  the 
completion    of    his'  railway    undertakings     in     India,    visited 


THE  ADMIXISTRATIOX  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  389 

"Hong-kong  and  exhibited  (February  28,  1804)  a  wall  map 
; illustrating  his  scheme  of  connectiuo^  Calcutta,  Hongkong-  and 
Peking  by  a  railway.  The  question  whether  such  a  railway  would 
benefit  or  injure  the  intei-ests  of  the  Colony  was  much  debated. 
Sir  ]\I.  Stephenson's  scheme  was,  however,  entirely  premature 
and  met  with  no  encouragement  ou  the  part  of  the  Chinese 
Government.  At  the  close  of  the  vear  1801  arranoements  were 
made  to  get  the  commerce  of  the  Colony  worthily  represented 
at  the  Crystal  Palace  Exhibition  of  1802.  A  Committee 
(Dr.  Ivor  Murray,  J.  J.  Mackenzie,  J.  D.  Gibb,  AY.  AValkinshaw, 
•  and  Dr.  AV.  Kane)  was  officially  appointed  and  forwarded  to 
TiOndon  a  considerable  number  of  articles  fairly  illustrating 
the  principal  features  of  local  trade.  The  starting  of  the  French 
^_Messageries  Maritimes  line  of  mail  steamers  (January  1,  1803) 
caused  a  uiaterial  increase  in  the  facility  and  rapidity  of 
communication  with  Europe.  The  monopoly  wliich  the  Penin- 
sujar  and  Orierj^al-Steam-Xavigation  Company  had  held  as  mail 
carriers  was  now  ended  and_tlie,  competition  benefitted  the  public 
in  a  variety  of_^£ay&^-  Communication  with  Canton  was  also 
improved,  during  -this  period,  by  the  enterprise  of  two  local 
American  firms  (Russell  &  Co.  and  Augustin  Heard  &  Co.) 
which  vied  with  each  other,  since  1850,  in  providing  for  the 
Hongkong  and  Canton  trade  roomy  palatial  river-steamers  which 
ran  both  night  and  day  (White  Cloud  and  Kinshan).  Since 
December,  1803,  Hongkong  was  also  placed  in  regular  steam 
communication  with  North- Borneo  and  some  business  was  done 
by  importing  coal  from  Labuan.  In  the  tea  trade  a  new 
departure  was  made  in  1804  by  forwarding,  as  an  experiment, 
5,000  pounds  of  tea  by  the  overland  route  to  England. 

The  problem  involved  in  the  sanitation  of  the  Colony  was 
left  by  Sir  H.  Robinson  in  the  hopeless  condition  in  which  he 
found  it.  The  outbreak,  in  Hongkong,  of  several  epidemics 
nnd  the  fear  of  cholera  invading  the  Colony  from  abroad 
necessitated  some  action.  But  it  led  to  nothing  further  than 
rthe  appointment,  in  1802,  of  a  health  ofticer  of  the  port 
t(Dr.    L.    Richardson),   the    allotment    of    Green    Island    as    a 


390  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

qnarantine    station,    and    the    appointment    of    a    Commission 
productive  of  reports  which  led  to  nothing.     In  the  year  1851) 
a  mild  epidemic  of  ophthalmia  appeared  in  the  gaol  and  rapidly 
spread    throughout    the    (Colony,    attacking    both    natives    and 
Europeans.     As  it  also  ap])eared  at  Canton,  Amoy  and  Foochow, 
it  was  thought  that  it  had  been  caused  by  atmospheric  rather 
than  local  agencies.     But  in  November,  1859,  the  Colony  was 
threatened  by  an  epidemic  of  diphtheria  which,  however,  was 
happily  limited  to  10  cases  and  of  these  only  two  proved  fatal. 
It   was   noted  that  the  summer  of  1850   was  unusually  severe 
as  there  was,  previous  to  4th  June,  a  continuous  drought  of  almost 
eio-ht    months'   duration  and  the  thermometer   was  for  several 
weeks  at  an   average  height  of  90  degrees.     During  the  next 
two  years   (18 GO   and   1861)    the    health    of    the    Colony   wa& 
exceptionally  good,  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  both  years  were 
stated  to  have  been  conspicuous   for  the    absence    of    violent 
extremes  of  temperature.     The  long  talked-of  scheme  of  a  medical' 
sanatorium,   to   be  established   on   Victoria    Peak,    was  at  last 
carried   out   but   did   not  receive  a  fair  trial.     At  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  principal  medical  officer  of  the   station,  the 
Military     Authorities     opened,    in    spring    18G2,    a    well-built 
sanatorium  on  the  plateau  below  the  flag-staff  and  filled  it  with 
patients  (of  an  unsuitable  class).    But,  before  the  close  of  the  year,, 
the  military  doctors  condemned  the  scheme  as  a  manifest  failure,. 
on  the  ground  that  nearly  every  case  sent  up  had  been  attacked 
with  diarrhoea  of  an  intractable  nature   and   that  all   medical' 
cases  had  been   aggravated   rather   than   improved.      The   fate 
which  had   pursued  the   Island  as  a  whole,  and  the  Kowloon 
Peninsula  in  particular,  asserted  its  power  also  as  to  the  first 
settlements  on  the  Peak;  the  first  occupation  produced  disease,, 
and   patience   and  discretion    were    required    to    overcome    the 
difficulty.       It    took    years     before     Peak    residence,    strongly 
advocated  by   Mr.    Granville   Sharp,   who  took  a  lease  of  the 
deserted  sanatorium,   rose   into   favour.      A   small  epidemic   of 
cholera  (25  cases)  broke  out  in  the  gaol  on  October  17,  18G2, 
but  did  not  spread  farther.    Owing  to  the  outbreak  of  choleras 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  391 

in  Shanghai,  the  Governor  appointed  (December  29,  1862)  a 
Sanitary  Comnussion  (Chief  Justice  Ball,  Colonel  Moody, 
Surveyor  General  Cleverly,  Hon.  J.  J.  Mackenzie,  Doctors 
Murray,  Home  and  Mackay,  with  H.  Holmes  as  Secretary). 
This  Commission  was  in  session  all  through  the  year  1803. 
The  Commissioners  became  the  object  of  much  ridicule  when 
they  offered  (March  9,  1863)  a  prize  of  Ji-tOO  for  the  best 
scheme  for  the  drainage  of  the  town,  without  fixing  a  limit 
of  expenditure.  It  was  generally  considered  that  the  paltry 
reward  offered  was  on  a  par  with  the  understanding  the 
Commissioners  appeared  to  have  of  the  gigantic  nature  of  the 
problem  involved.  The  year  1864  afforded,  however,  evidence, 
satisfactory  to  the  Government,  of  the  continued  healthiness 
of  the  Colony,  and  it  was  pointed  out  that  the  Police  Force, 
though  more  exposed  than  any  other  body  of  men  in  Hongkong, 
enjoyed  remarkable  immunity  from  disease. 

The  paralysis  Avhich,  during  the  preceeding  period,  had  come 
over  the  educational  movement  among  Protestants  and  Catholics,. 
was  succeeded,  from  the  commencement  of  the  administration 
of  Sir  H.  Kobinson,  by  an  extraordinary  revival  of  energy.  On 
the  Protestant  side,  Bishop  Smith  started  (in  1859)  the  Diocesan 
Native  Training  School,  which  had  a  prosperous  career  until  the 
close  of  the  present  period  and  was  located  (in  autumn,  1863)  in 
the  newly-erected  buildings  on  Bonham  Road.  St.  Paul's  College 
also  received  a  new  lease  of  life  under  the  tuition  of  Mr. 
(subsequently  Dr.)  J.  Fryer  and  prospered  as  long  as  he  remained 
in  charge.  Quite  a  new  branch  of  educational  work  was  started 
(in  1861)  by  Miss  Baxter  who,  beside  much  Samaritan  activity 
among  all  classes  of  the  community  and  valuable  zenana-work 
among  Chinese  women,  commenced  to  labour  for  the  education 
of  the  Eurasian  children  in  the  Colony.  For  this  purpose  Miss 
Baxter  established,  in  Mosque  Terrace  and  in  Staunton  Street, 
schools  which  were  subsequently  amalgamated  and  located  in 
Baxter  House  on  Bonham  Road  (now  No.  8  Police  Station).  At 
the  same  time  Miss  Magrath  laboured  in  a  similar  direction, 
while  Miss  Legge  and  the  ladies  of  the  Berlin  Foundling  House 


392  CHAPTER   XVIII. 

were  engaged  in  the  edncatioii  of  Chinese  girls.  Taking  a  more 
prominent  position,  and  striking  out  a  new  path,  Dr.  Legge 
came  forward  as  an  educational  reformer.  During  the  preceding 
administration  he  had  closed  his  Anglo-Chinese  College  as  an 
acknowledged  failure  in  the  line  of  religious  Anglo-Chinese 
education.  He  now  set  to  work,  with  the  support  of  Sir  H. 
Robinson,  to  convert  all  the  Government  Schools,  which  had 
hitherto  been  conducted  in  the  interest  of  religious  education, 
into  professedly  secular  institutions.  To  begin  with,  the  Govern- 
ment Gazette  announced  (January  21,  1860)  the  formation  of 
a  new  Board  of  Education  for  the  managen>ent  of  the  Government 
Schools.  Dr.  Legge  was  thenceforth,  though  Bishop  Smitli 
retained  the  nominal  chairmanship,  the  presiding  spirit  of  this 
Board  and  ruled  it  with  the  ease  and  grace  of  a  born  bishop. 
In  the  absence  of  Bishop  Smith,  and  after  obtaining  the 
resignation  of  the  missionary  Inspector  of  Schools  (Rev.  AY. 
Lobscheid),  the  new  Board  took  up  (July  3,  1860)  Dr.  Legge's 
plan  of  merging  the  Inspectorate  of  Schools  in  the  Headmastership 
of  a  grand  Central  School,  which  was  to  become  the  centre  of 
secular  education,  and  delivering  the  Government  Schools  from 
the  bondage  of  St.  Paul's  College  and  its  Bishop.  It  was 
essentially  a  non-conformist  liberation  scheme  which  preferred 
secularism  to  episcopalianism.  Sir  H.  Robinson  approved 
(January  9,  1861)  this  plan  of  Dr.  Legge,  which  Sir  J.  Bo  wring 
liad  previously  refused  to  take  up.  The  Legislative  Council 
also  endorsed  the  scheme  (March  25,  1861)  and  sanctioned  the 
purchase  and  enlargement  of  premises  (in  Gough  Street). 
These  were  forthwith  filled  with  some  200  Chinese  boys,  by  the 
amalgamation  of  three  existing  Government  Schools  which  thus 
constituted  the  new  Government  Central  School.  A  Headmaster 
and  Inspector  of  Schools,  who  was  to  be  kept  for  some  years  in 
the  leading  strings  of  the  Board,  was  procured  (February  18,  1862) 
in  the  person  of  Mr.  (subsequently  Dr.)  F.  Stewart,  from  Scotland, 
with  the  approval  of  Bishop  Smith.  Dr.  Stewart  thenceforth 
laboured,  for  the  next  sixteen  years,  as  the  faithful  disciple  of 
Dr.  Legge,  to  maintain  the  reign  of  secularism  in  the  sphere  of 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  Sill   H.  ROBINSON.  393 

local  education.  Under  bis  disciplinarian  reo;inie  the  Government 
Central  School  oradnally  became  a  liio:hly  popular  institution  and 
retained  its  hold  upon  public  favour  so  long  as  it  bore  the 
impress  of  Dr.  Stewart's  own  personality.  But  the  establishment 
of  this  Central  School  wtis  the  ruin  of  the  once  equally  popular 
St.  Andrew's  School,  latterly  under  the  tuition  of  Mr.  J.  Kemp. 
On  the  site  of  St.  Andrew's  School,  closed  in  j8(>1,  Dr.  Leofge 
erected  his  new  Union  Church  which  was  removed  thither  from 
Hollywood  Road  in  July,  1868. 

This  remarkable  revival  of  educational  zeal  amono-  the 
Protestant  leaders  w^as  aided,  and  to  some  extent  outstripped, 
since  1860,  by  a  contemporaneous  renewal  of  educational 
energy  on  the  Roman  Catholic  side.  The  newly  arrived  Father 
(subsequently  Bishop)  T.  Raimondi  occupied  at  once  among 
Catholic  educationists  the  same  prominent  and  fruitful  position 
which  Dr.  Legge,  whom  he  much  resembled  also  in  character 
and  shrewdness,  occupied  among  the  Protestants.  Bishop 
Raimondi,  however,  became  the  strongest  o})ponent  in  the 
Colony  of  that  educational  secularism  wliich  Dr.  Legge  had 
established  and  to  which  the  Protestant  missionaries  meekly 
submitted  for  many  years  thereafter.  From  the  time  of  Bishop 
Raimondi's  arrival,  the  English  R.  C.  Schools,  which  had 
previously  commenced  to  supply  local  offices  with  English- 
speaking  Portuguese  clerks,  redoubled  their  efforts.  The  Italian 
and  French  Convents  also  extended  their  operations  in  the  line 
of  female  education  and  an  industrial  Reformatory  for  vagabond 
children  and  juvenile  offenders,  which  the  Chief  Justice  (January, 
1863)  had  pointed  out  as  one  of  the  great  wants  of  the  Colony, 
was  started  by  Bishop  Raimondi  (September,  1864)  and  removed 
in  the  following  year  to  more  commodious  premises  erected  on 
ground  granted  by  the  Government  (^larch  24,  1865)  at 
West  Point. 

The  Hongkong  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  was  felt 
(in  1859)  to  be  in  a  moribund  condition.  After  some  ineffectual 
attempts  made  by  Dr.  Legge  to  revive  a  general  interest 
in  sinological  studies,  the  local  Branch  was  wound  up  and  its 


394  CHAPTER   XVIII. 

valuable  library  embodied  in  that  of  the  equally  moribund 
Morrison  Education  Societv.  Both  libraries  were  stored  at 
the  London  Mission  Printing  Office.  The  Morrison  Education 
Society  continued  to  exist  for  a  few  years  longer  in  the  form  of  a 
Committee  administering,  for  purposes  of  religious  education,  the 
funds  (:$1 3,000)  still  in  hand,  and  distinguished  itself  (December, 
18G0)  by  a  narrow  partisan  spirit  in  excluding  from  support 
the  schools  of  a  missionary  (Dr.  A.  Happer)  who  had  given 
offence  to  a  member  of  the  Committee  (J.  Jardine)  by  inaccurate 
statements  concerning  the  percentage  of  opium  smokers  in  China. 
Dr.  LeggQ  made  a  last  but  futile  effort  to  extend  the  scope  of 
the  Society  by  appeah'ng  to  the  public  (December  27,  18G1) 
for  additional  subscriptions. 

St.  John's  Cathedral  was  enriched  (in  18G0)  by  the  erection 
of  a  good  oi"gan  which  was  inaugurated  (December  25,  1800) 
under  the  direction  of  the  newly  arrived  organist  (C.  F. 
A.  Sangster)  who  soon  after  organized  and  trained  an  efficient 
choir  which  has  been  maintained  ever  since.  Consequent  upon 
the  retirement  of  Bishop  Smith,  the  Legislative  Council  voted 
(September  18,  18G4)  for  the  Bishop  of  Victoria  a  pension  of 
£800  per  annum.  A  suggestion  was,  however,  embodied  in 
this  vote  to  the  effect  that  the  Home  Government  should  pay 
half  of  the  sum  on  the  ground  that  the  Bishop's  services  had 
been  devoted  as  much  to  Imperial  as  to  local  interests.  The 
charity  of  the  community  was  strongly  manifested  (in  1862  and 
18G8)  by  a  unanimous  endeavour  to  afford  all  possible  relief 
to  the  Lancashii'c  and  Cheshire  operatives  thrown  out  of 
em})loyment  in  consequence  of  the  cotton  famine  caused  by  the 
outbreak  of  the  American  war.  All  classes  of  foreign  residents 
agreed  to  give,  in  addition  to  special  donations,  a  regular: 
monthly  contribution  of  $2  per  head.  Special  collections  were 
made  in  all  places  of  worship  and  concerts  were  given  by 
amateurs  of  all  nationalities  to  swell  the  funds.  In  this  manner 
a  sum  of  ^15,000  was  raised  and  forwarded  to  the  Mansion 
House  Committee  in  London  in  September,  1862,  and  further 
contributions   amounting    in    the    aggregate    to    ^11,162    were 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.    ROBINSON.  395" 

dispatched  in  January  and  March,  1803,  Mr.  D.  Lapraik 
acting  as  Honorary  Treasurer.  On  the  other  hand  an  official 
appeal  by  the  London  Committee  of  the  Shakespeare  Memorial- 
Fund  (October  IG,  1863)  for  monetary  contributions  met  with 
scant  response  on  the  part  of  the  community,  although 
Sir  H.  Robinson  strongly  supported  the  movement.  The 
community  of  Hongkong,  while  holding  Shakespeare's  memory 
as  sacred  as  a  king's,  had  their  own  ideas  as  to  how  to  pay 
tribute  to  the  English  King  whom  no  time  or  chance  or 
Parliament  can  dethrone  and  how  to  preserve  the  memory  of 
the  one  who  is  'a  monument  without  a  tomb  and  is  alive  still 
while  his  book  doth  live.'  It  was  noteworthy,  but  not  noticed 
at  the  time,  that  this  appeal  to  the  community  was  signed  by 
Richard  Graves  MacDonnell,  as  one  of  the  London  Committee's 
Secretaries,  who  perhaps  himself  did  not  anticipate  the  fact, 
any  more  than  the  colonists,  that  he  was  to  be  their  next 
Governor. 

Hongkong's  social  life  was,  in  the  early  part  of  this  period, 
more  or  less  affected  by  the  excitements  and  the  influx  of 
strangers  connected  with  tlie  renewal  of  the  war  with  China. 
The  defeat  of  the  British  fleet  at  the  Peiho  (June  25,  1859), 
while  it  depressed  the  foreign  community  of  Hongkong,  appeared 
to  evoke  no  feeling  of  any  sort  among  the  Chinese  population. 
Indeed,  those  Chinese  who  gave  any  thought  to  the  matter,, 
seemed  rather  to  regret  this  temporary  success  of  Mandarin' 
treachery.  But  the  capture  of  Peking  in  1860  and  particularly 
the  flight  of  the  Emperor,  whose  tablet  has  ever  since  been 
removed  from  the  altar  of  his  ancestors,  was  felt  by  all  but 
Triad  Society  partisans  as  a  national  disgrace.  In  the  early 
part  of  the  year  1860,  the  Kowloon  camp  with  its  military 
parades,  and  most  particularly  the  war  games  and  evolutions 
performed  by  Probyn's  Horse,  were  an  object  of  general 
attraction  for  siglitseers,  both  nati\'e  and  foreign.  The  return 
of  the  Allied  troops  in  November  and  December,  1860,  gave  to 
Hongkong  society  for  a  while  quite  a  martial  aspect.  By  a  grand 
levee  held  by  Lord  Elgin  at  Government  House  (January  10,; 


,396  CHAPTER   XVIII. 

3  8G1),  and  l»y  the  ceremony  of  handing  over  Kowloon  Peninsnla 
to  tlie  British  Crown  (Jannary  19,  18G1),  tlie  leading  spirits 
of  the  war  period  bade  farewell  to  the  Colony.  Before  the 
close  of  January,  180 1,  the  expedition  had  departed  and 
when  the  small  force  left  in  occupation  of  Canton  city  (until 
October  21,  1861)  likewise  left  for  Europe,  the  social  life  of 
Hongkong  resumed  its  ordinary  aspects.  Club  life,  however, 
encountered  during  this  period  some  lively  disturbances.  The 
Hongkong  Club  had  been  established  to  promote  the  intei'change 
of  good  feeling  among  the  representatives  of  the  Civil  Service, 
the  Army  and  Navy,  and  the  mercantile  community,  and  to 
receive  strangers  visiting  Hongkong.  Nevertheless  it  happened 
occasionally,  and  in  the  years  1850  and  18('.0  with  distressing 
frequency,  that  persons  were  blackballed  who  from  their  social 
or  official  position  had  a  claim  to  admission.  This  caused  much 
animated  dissension.  In  April  1860,  the  Club  Committee  made 
a  rule,  requiring  cash  payment  in  the  case  of  naval  officers, 
which  might  have  remained  harmless,  but  when  a  public  paper 
indiscreetly  discussed  the  matter  and  stated  that  this  rule  had 
been  occasioned  by  an  enormous  amount  of  bad  debts  burdening 
the  Club  finances,  a  little  tempest  arose.  The  naval  officers 
on  the  station  assembled  in  full  force  (April  18,  1860)  and 
demanded  of  the  Committee  the  names  of  naval  officers,  whose 
bills  remained  unpaid,  with  a  view  to  their  liquidation.  When 
■the  Committee  refused  to  give  up  the  names,  the  naval  officers 
withdrew  from  the  Club  in  a  body,  the  military  officers  also 
threatened  to  withdraw,  and  dissensions  dragged  on  till  the 
close  of  the  year,  when  the  dispute  was  at  last  amicably  settled 
(December,  1860).  A  fresh  disturbance  of  Club  life  arose,  in 
186-J-,  in  connection  with  the  riots  between  sailors,  soldiers 
and  police.  The  Volunteer  Corps  was  called  out  to  take  the 
place  of  the  military  in  patrolling  the  streets.  It  so  hai)pened, 
on  the  evening  of  14th  September,  1864,  that  the  Volunteer 
Corps,  on  returning  from  patrol  duty,  was  made  to  fall  out 
in  front  of  the  Club.  Some  of  the  members  of  the  Club  invited 
their   friends   among   the    Volunteers    to    join    them    in    some 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OB^  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  397 

refreshracnts.  It  was  a  breach  of  the  rules,  which  the  patriotic 
duties  of  the  Yohinteers  luioht  have  excused,  but  wlien  the 
intruders  from  among  the  Yohinteers  were  forthwith  hooted 
out  of  the  Club,  there  ensued  an  extraordinary  amount  of 
animosities  which  for  a  lont»-  time  after  this  incident  lacerated 
social  life  within  and  without  the  Club. 

S]K)rts  flourished  during  this  period.  The  Victoria  Regatta 
Club,  wiiich  had  been  virtually  extinct,  was  revived  (June  28^ 
18G0),  under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  T.  G.  Linstead.  The  Racing 
Club  was  also  re-animated  by  the  interest  that  Sir  H.  Robinson 
took  in  the  annual  races  which,  in  February  1801,  closed  with 
a  Government  House  Ball  in  addition  to  the  usual  subscription 
Ball.  In  January,  1802,  racing  men  were  much  stirred  up  by 
the  question  of  excluding  from  the  annual  races  all  professional 
ridei's  or  jockeys.  Renewed  excitement  was  called  forth,  in 
October,  1804,  by  a  request  which  Sir  H.  Robinson  addressed 
to  the  Racing  Club  Committee,  to  rail  off  a  box  in  the  Grand 
Stand  for  his  own  use  at  the  next  meeting.  After  much 
discussion,  this  request  was  refused  by  the  Committee  as 
unusual  and  out  of  keeping  with  the  democratic  spirit  and 
purpose  underlying  the  national  institution  of  horse  racing. 
Athletic  sports  for  sailors  and  soldiers  were  first  held  on  a 
large  scale  on  the  race  course  on  IGth  March,  1800,  and  by 
the  encouragement  which  Lady  Robinson  gave  to  this  movement 
it  became,  like  the  Garrison  Sports,  a  popular  annual  festival. 
At  the  instance  of  some  members  of  the  German  Club,  which, 
under  the  directorship  of  Mr.  AV.  Xissen  became  a  popular 
factor  of  social  life,  an  international  Gymnasium  Committee 
was  formed  (November  24,  1802)  and  a  matshed  gymnasium 
was  erected  near  the  racket  court  on  military  ground.  A  novel 
and  most  singular  sport  was  occasioned  (February  1803)  by 
the  apjx'arance  in  the  harbour  of  a  stray  whale  which  was 
forthwith  chased  with  improvised  harpoons  and  pursued  far 
oat  to  sea  by  crowds  of  amateur  whalers. 

Dramatic  and  musical  pursuits  were  not  neglected.  The 
Garrison  Theatre  was,  as  during  the  preceding  period,  frequently 


398  CHAPTER   XVIII. 

utilized  by  the  officers  of  the  garrison  for  the  entertaiument  of 
tlie  community  in  general.  But  considerable  irritation  arose 
during  the  last  few  months  of  1859  when  it  was  found  that  the 
issue  of  season  tickets,  though  offered  to  the  public  at  fixed  rates, 
was  restricted  to  certain  classes  of  society.  The  exclusion  of 
Parsee  merchants  gave  special  offence  and  had  to  be  withdrawn. 
The  consequence  was  that  the  officers  of  the  garrison,  after 
making,  during  the  next  year's  season,  another  attempt  to 
discriminate  between  upper  and  lower  strata  of  Hongkong- 
society,  entered,  in  December,  1862,  into  a  sort  of  amalgamation 
with  the  civilia)!  Amateur  Dramatic  Corps.  This  measure 
resulted  later  on  (June  13,  1804)  in  the  re-construction  of  the 
old  Royal  Theatre,,  a  humble  matshed  structure  which  by  this 
time  had  fallen  into  a  hopeless  state  of  dilapidation,  xi  Choral 
Society,  a  revival  of  the  old  Madrigal  Society,  was  formed,  in 
1802,  at  the  impulse  and  under  the  directorship  of  Mr.  C.  F.  A. 
Sangster  and  gave  its  first  public  concert  (July  10,  1803)  in  aid 
of  the  fund  then  being  raised  for  the  building  of  a  City  Hall. 
A  curiosity,  if  not  a  nuisance,  in  the  musical  line  appeared  in 
Hongkong  in  the  form  of  a  hurdy-gurdy  worked  by  an  Italian. 

Among  the  public  festivities  of  this  j^eriod,  the  most  note- 
worthy entertainment  was  a  Ball  Avhich  the  Prussian  Minister 
to  China,  Count  Eulenburg,  gave  (November  28,  1801)  to  the 
Governor  and  the  community  of  Hongkong.  The  Hon.  A. 
Burlingame,  U.  S.  Minister,  was  also  present.  The  starting  of 
the  Messageries  Maritimes  line  of  mail  steamers  was  celebrated 
(December  22,  18C2)  with  considerable  eclat  by  a  magnificent 
public  Ball  given  on  board  the  S.S.  Imperatrice.  As  to  other 
prominent  incidents  of  the  social  life  of  this  period,  there  may 
be  mentioned  the  gloom  cast  over  society  by  the  premature  death 
of  the  Prince  Consort  (December  14,  1801),  the  arrival  of  the 
widow  of  the  famous  Arctic  explorer.  Lady  Franklin  (April, 
1802),  the  vote  passed  in  Legislative  Council  (February  0,  1863) 
to  congratulate  H.M.  the  Queen  on  account  of  the  approaching 
marriage  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  the  presentation  of  a  farewell 
address  on  the  occasion  of  the  departure  of  Chief  Justice  Adams 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   H.  ROBINSON.  399 

(March  21,  1863),  and  the  public  rejoicino-  (February  29,  1804) 
which  the  news  of  the  birth  of  the  Prince  of  Wales'  first  sou 
occasioned. 

Chinese  social  life  was,  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  18G1, 
much  agitated  by  a  general  mania  for  gambling,  which  occasioned 
grave  dissensions.'  Clan  fights  even  were  indulged  in,  owing  to 
gambling  house  quarrels.     The  evil  was  so  widespread  that  the 
mass  of  local  shopkeepers  petitioned  the  Governor  (June,  18G1) 
to  suppress  the  extensive  gambling  which,  they  said,  was  going 
■  on  in  every  part  of  the  town  with  the  connivance  of  the  Police. 
Chinese  servants  in  European  employ  were  likewise  giving  an 
■unnsual   amount  of  trouble   in   connection  with   this  gambling- 
mania.     Sir  H.  Robinson,  shrinking  from  the  idea  of  grappling 
with  the  source  of  the  evil  in  the  line  proposed  by  Sir  J.  Bowring, 
and  knowing  no  solution  of  this  knotty  social  problem,  j^ublicly 
suggested  (in   1862)  that  a  remedy  for  the  systematic  dishonesty 
••  of  Jiative  domestics  be  souo-ht  in  the  establishment  of  a  reoistrv 
of   servants.     An    attempt   was  actually  made  in  this  direction, 
but,  as  on  all  subsequent  occasions,  registration   was  resisted  by 
/the  natives  and  failed  to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  public.     An 
attempt  made  (March  81,  1804)  to  remove  the  general  complaints 
against  Chinese  washermen  by  the  establishment  of   a  French 
laundry  met  unfortunately  with  persistent  opposition  on  the  part 
of   Chinese   dhobies   and    with    insufficient    encouragement    on 
the  part  of  the  public. 

One  of  the  healthiest  and  most  useful  exhibitions  of  public 
spirit  that  Hongkong  ever  witnessed  was  the  Volunteer  movement 
of  the  year  1802.  Two  years  before,  the  idea  of  starting  a 
rifie  corps  had  been  suggested  by  a  letter  published  in  the 
Cklaa  Mail  (January  31,  1800).  But  it  was  not  till  January, 
18()2,  that  active  steps  were  taken,  resulting  in  a  jjublic  meeting 
held  at  the  Court  House  (March  1,  1802).  This  meeting 
.  resolved  to  establish  a  Volunteer  Corps  and  moved  the  Govern- 
ment to  sanction  by  Ordinance  (2  of  1802)  the  enrolment 
of  any  resident  of  Hongkong,  irrespective  of  nationality.  Captain 
'(subsequently  Lieutenant-Colonel)  F.  Brine,  R.E.,  was  appointed 


400  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

commandaDfc  and  the  first  officers  elected  by  the  membei-s  of 
the  Corps  were  AV.  Kane,  R.  B.  Baker,  J.  M.  Frazer,  and 
J.  Dodd.  A  battery  of  artillery  was  first  organised.  Later 
on  (December,  18G2)  a  band  was  formed.  In  spring,  18G3,  a 
rifle  corps  was  added  and  in  December,  18G4,  Volunteers  w^ere 
enrolled  from  among  the  foreign  residents  at  Canton  in  a  rifle 
company  attached  to  the  Hongkong  Corps.  The  Government 
sanctioned  (February  7,  I8G0)  an  annual  outlay  of  £195  on 
condition  of  there  being  at  least  75  effective  Members  of  the 
Corps.  The  Volunteers  made  their  first  festive  appearance  in 
public  on  IGth  February,  18G3,  on  the  occasion  of  the  presenta- 
tion of  colours  (by  Mrs.  ^Y.  T.  fiercer)  and  of  a  silver  bugle 
(by  Mi's.  Brine),  when  Bishop  Smith  acted  as  Honorary  Chaplain 
of  the  Corps.  The  ceremony  was  followed  by  an  inauguration 
dinner  held  at  St.  Andrew's  school-room  and  presided  over  by 
the  Administrator  ("W.  T.  Mercer).  To  keep  up  the  enthusiasm, 
in  spite  of  the  discouragement  arising  from  the  apathy  which 
the  heads  of  mercantile  firms  displayed  towards  the  movement, 
rifle  competitions  were  organized  (April  G  and  7,  18G3),  when 
the  first  medal  of  the  British  National  Rifle  Association  was  won 
by  Mr.  H.  J.  Holmes  and  testimonials  were  presented  to  the 
Honorary  Musketry  Instructor,  Lieutenant  K.  D.  Tanner,  and  to 
the  Drill  Instructor,  Corporal  Goodall,  R.A.  The  Corps  also 
took  part  in  the  Queen's  Birthday  Parade  in  ^lay,  18G3.  The 
spirit  of  the  Corps  increased  with  its  numbers  throughout  the 
years  18G3  and  18G4.  Subscription  cups  were  frequently  shot 
for.  A  march-out  to  the  Happy  Valley,  with  firing  practice  in 
the  presence  of  the  Governor  and  a  large  assembly  (March  8, 
18G4:)  and  particularly  an  armed  expedition  to  Macao  (November 
19  to  21,  18G4:)  undertaken  in  response  to  a  courteous  invitation 
by  the  Portuguese  Governor  (Isidoro  F.  Guimaraes),  infused 
fresh  life  into  the  Corps.  On  5th  December,  18G4,  Lady 
Robinson  distributed  at  the  Public  Gardens  the  prizes  won  at  a 
public  rifle  competition,  including  the  National  Rifle  Association 
medal  (won  by  Sergeant  Moore).  At  the  close  of  this  period 
the  strength  of  the  Corps  was  as  follows,  viz.  Band  25,  Artillery 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   H.   ROBINSON.  '401 

84,  Rifles  (iiiclndino-  tlie  Canton  detachment)  91,  honorary 
members  07,  total  207  men.  The  officers  of  the  Corps  at  this 
time  were  Major  Scott  (22nd  Regiment),  A.  Coxon,  H.  J.  Tripp, 
H.  Cohen,  H.  J.  Hohnes,  W.  J.  Henderson,  F.  I.  Hazeland  and 
T.  G.  Linstead. 

The  erection  of  a  Clock  Tower,  a  Citv  Hall  and  a  Sailors' 
Home  constitutes  another  exhibition  of  the  public  spirit  that 
animated  the  community  at  this  time.  At  the  suggestion  of 
Mr.  J.  Dent,  a  public  meeting  (July  28,  1800)  took  into 
consideration  the  proposal  to  erect  by  public  subscription  a 
clock  tower  (80  feet  high)  with  town  clock  and  fire  bell,  the 
tower  to  be  connected  with  a  drinkinu"  fountain,  and  arrano-ements^ 
were  also  to  be  made  for  the  dropping  of  a  time  ball.  ■  A 
Committee  was  appointed  (J.  Brodersen,  J.  H.  Beckwith, 
D.  Lapraik,  G.  Lyall,  C.  St.  G.  Cleverly)  to  collect  subscriptions,, 
which  at  first  flowed  in  generously.  Delay  in  the  execution 
of  the  scheme  soon  caused  the  enthusiasm  to  cool  down, 
subscriptions  stopped,  the  scheme  had  to  be  cnrtailed,  all  the 
decorative  features  of  the  original  pretty  design  had  to  be 
abandoned,  and  the  result  was  an  ugly  tower  obstructing  the 
principal  thoroughfare.  Mr.  D.  Lapraik  came  generously  to  the 
rescue  of  the  Committee  and  provided,  at  his  own  cost, 
the  town  clock,  which  sounded  for  the  first  time  on  new  year's  eve 
(December  31,  1802),  ushering  in  the  year  1803.  Mr.  J.  Dent 
also  stepped  in  and  erected,  apart  from  the  Clock  Tower,  a 
drinking  fountain  (December  15,  1803)  Avhich  now  graces  the 
front  of  the  City  Hall.  The  dropping  of  a  time  ball  had  to  be 
indefinitely  postponed.  The  Government,  however,  took  over 
(May  22,  1803)  the  maintenance  of  the  tower  and  its  clock. 
At  the  close  of  the  year  1801,  the  erection  of  a  'Theatre  and 
Assembly  Room '  was  publicly  discussed,  a  provisional  Committee 
was  appointed  to  make  all  preliminary  arrangements  and  plans 
were  exhibited  at  the  Club  in  October  1802,  calculated  on  an 
expenditure  of  ^34,000.  The  name  of  the  '  City  Hall,'  and  the 
combination  in  one  building  of  a  theatre,  a  library  and  a  suite 
of  assembly  rooms,  having  been  agreed  upon,  the  Government 

26 


402  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

made  a  free  grant  of  the  site  (February  23,  18G4).  At  a  public 
meeting  (May  19,  1864)  it  was  stated  that  a  sum  of  pO,000 
had  been  obtained  by  donations,  subscriptions  and  concerts ; 
that,  a  further  sum  of  $180,000  being  required,  shares  had  been 
offered  at  ^100  each  ;  that  Mr.  Robert  Jardine  had  generously 
taken  up  shares  to  the  amount  of  ^50,000,  and  that  there 
remained  shares  of  the  face  value  of  J30,000  to  be  taken  up 
by  the  public.  As  in  the  case  of  this  City  Hall,  so  in  the  case  of 
Sailors'  Home,  the  heads  of  the  firm  of  Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co. 
distinguished  themselves  by  their  princely  liberality.  Recog- 
nizing the  duty  incumbent  on  those  who  mainly  benefit  by  the 
sailor's  industry  and  toil,  to  consider  and  care  for  his  welfare, 
Mr.  Joseph  Jardine,  seconded  by  his  brother,  Mr.  Robert  Jardine, 
started  a  scheme  for  the  erection  of  a  Sailors'  Home  and  set  aside 
for  the  purpose  at  first  ^20,000.  The  community  of  Hongkong 
supplemented  this  sum  by  liberal  donations  and  the  Government 
eventually  (July  5,  1861)  gave  a  fine  site  at  West  Point.  A 
public  meeting,  held  at  the  Club  (February  4,  1861),  elected 
Trustees  (A.  Fletcher,  C.  W.  Murray,  J.  D.  Gibb,  J.  Heard, 
W.  Walkinshaw,  D.  Lapraik,  R.  H.  Reddie,  H.  T.  Thomsett, 
Rev.  W.  R.  Beach)  and  called  for  further  subscriptions.  After 
an  attempt  to  obtain  the  site  of  the  present  Horse  Repository  had 
failed,  building  operations  commenced  in  1862  at  West  Point. 
Meanwhile,  however,  public  interest  slackened  and  subscriptions 
oeased  flowing  in.  By  the  time  the  building  was  opened 
(January  31,  1863)  by  Sir  H.  Robinson  and  Mr.  J.  Whittall,  the 
funds  were  exhausted.  The  Government  refused  (May  14,  1863) 
to  give  a  grant  and  difficulties  multiplied.  In  autumn,  1864, 
Mr.  Robert  Jardine  gave  a  further  donation  of  $^5,000  in 
aid  of  the  fund  and  undertook  to  carry  on  the  Home  at  his 
own  expense  for  three  years.  It  was  hoped  that  by  the  end 
of  that  time  the  public  would  once  more  come  forward  and 
maintain  the  institution  by  annual  public  subscriptions. 

The  successful  expansion  of  private  and  public  enterprise 
by  which  this  period  is  distinguished,  and  the  extraordinary 
prosperity  which  the  Colony  in  general  enjoyed  at  this  time, 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  40S 

resulted  in  a  considerable  extension  of  the  city  in  size  and  beauty, 
Hongkong  having  now  no  equal  in  China  with  regard  to  health 
and  comfort.  Most  of  the  vacant  building  lots  within  easy 
distance  of  the  city  were  now  built  over  and,  though  the  city  did 
not  extend  further  to  the  eastward,  the  western  suburbs  were 
considerably  expanded  and  numerous  European  residences  were 
-erected  on  the  hill  side  near  West  Point.  In  18G0  and  1861 
the  Chinese  settlement  at  Shaukiwan  grew  largely  in  importance 
as  a  depot  for  the  exportation  of  salt  fish.  Owing  to  the  delay 
in  the  settlement  of  the  Kowloon  land  dispute,  and  in  consequence 
of  the  doubts  entertained  as  to  the  sanitary  aspects  of  Peak 
residence,  general  attention  was  directed  to  Pokfulam  where  an 
ornamental  villa  settlement  had  been  started  by  this  time  (1862) 
-around  Douglas  Castle,  in  the  vain  hope  of  securing  there  a 
public  health  resort.  Sir  H.  Eobinson,  however,  had  more 
faith  in  the  Peak.  He  had  a  path  cut  (December,  1859)  which 
led  to  the  top  of  Victoria  Peak  and,  after  recovering  from  the 
Military  Authorities  the  site  of  their  abandoned  Sanatorium, 
arrangements  were  made,  in  March  1860,  for  the  erection  on  that 
site  of  a  bungalow  for  the  use  of  the  Governor.  The  laying 
out  of  the  Public  Gardens,  on  the  rising  ground  directly 
south  of  Government  House,  was  undertaken  by  the  Surveyor 
General's  Department  at  the  sole  expense  of  the  Government. 
Mr.  Th.  Donaldson  was  appointed  (October  7,  1861)  Curator, 
seeds  and  plants  were  procured  from  Australia  and  England 
and,  on  the  completion  of  the  work,  the  Gardens  were  thrown 
open  to  the  public  under  certain  regulations  (August  6,  1864). 
In  October,  1864,  the  military  band  commenced  giving  pro- 
menade concerts  in  the  Public  Gardens  at  stated  intervals.  Ifc 
was  noticed,  in  1864,  that  a  general  increase  had  taken  place 
in  the  vegetative  surroundings  of  the  town,  and  that  the 
increased  attention,  given  to  the  cultivation  of  trees  along  the 
public  roads  and  around  European  dwellings  on  the  hill  side, 
had  already  done  very  much  to  displace  the  pristine  barrenness 
of  the  site  on  which  the  city  was  built  by  patches  of  beautiful 
shrubbery. 


404  CHAPTER   XVIII. 

The  literary  activities  of  the  Colony  were  manifested  by 
the  publication,  in  Hong-kon^,  of  Sir  T.  Wade's  Hsin-ching-lu, 
a  work  on  the  Mandarin  Dialect  (June,  1859),  by  the  issue 
of  a  Chinese  edition  of  the  Daily  Press  (1860),  and  especially 
l:>y  the  appearance,  through  the  liberal  patronage  of  the  firm 
of  Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co.,  of  the  first  volume  of  Dr.  Legge's 
translation  and  commentary  of  the  Chinese  Classics  (May,  18G1). 
The  botany  of  Hongkong  was  scientifically  explored  by 
Mr.  G.  Bentham,  who  published  the  results  (in  18G1)  in  a 
volume  entitled  Flora  Hongkongensis  and  dedicated  to  Sir 
H.  Robinson.  A  few  years  later  (in  18(55),  Mr.  T.  W.  Kingsmill 
]Dublished,  in  the  Journal  of  the  North  China  Branch  of  the 
Royal  Asiatic  Society,  a  detailed  notice  of  the  geological  features- 
of  the  Island. 

The  administration  of  Sir  H.  Robinson  encountered  a 
moderate  number  of  public  disasters.  A  typhoon  which  passed 
(August  15,  1859)  to  the  S.E.  of  Hongkong,  causing  but  slight 
damage  in  the  Colony,  was  succeeded  two  months  later  (October 
13,  1859)  by  another  typhoon  which  destroyed  most  of  the 
wharves  and  piers,  caused  some  collisions  in  the  harbour,  and 
damaged  the  roofs  of  many  houses,  but  it  was  not  accompanied  by 
loss  of  life.  The  disappearance,  about  this  time,  of  the  schooner 
Mazeppa,  which  was  lost  with  every  son  I  on  board  (October, 
1859),  led  to  a  judicial  inquiry,  on  the  basis  of  an  action  for 
libel  preferred  by  the  owners,  into  the  allegation  that  the  vessel 
had  left  Hongkong  in  an  unseaworthy  condition.  The  allegation 
was  proved  to  be  false,  though,  owing  to  the  contradictory 
nature  of  the  evidence,  not  without  causing  social  altercations 
which  at  the  time  convulsed  a  section  of  the  community.  A 
terrible  rain  storm  broke  over  the  Colony  in  the  following  year 
(August  18,  1860)  and  not  oidy  burst  most  of  the  drains, 
but  caused  the  coUaj^se  of  some  houses  in  the  Canton  Bazaar 
(in  Hawan)  which  involved  the  death  of  five  persons.  A 
typhoon,  suddenly  passing  the  Colony  on  27th  July,  1862,  caused 
a  considerable  loss-  of  life,  and  by  an  extraordinarily  heavy  rain- 
fall, occurring  ou  June  6,  1864,'  many  lives  were  lost  through 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.    ROBINSON.  405 

the  collapse  of  bouses,  and  property  was  destroyed  to  the  value  of 
^500,000.  Fires  in  town  were  comparatively  rare  during  this 
period,  which  is,  however,  in  respect  of  the  European  quarter, 
distinguished  by  the  somewhat -unusual  occurrence  of  an  extensive 
conflai]:ration  which  destroyed  (October  10,  IB')!))  the  Roman' 
Catholic  Church  in  "Wellington  Street  and  a  number  of  European 
business  establishments  iii  Queen's  Road  and  Stanley  Street,  viz. 
the  stores  of  Mrs.  Marsh,  Mrs.  Rickomartz,  the  Victoria  Exchange, 
the  Commercial  Hotel  and  others.  Amons:  further  disasters  of 
this  period  may  be  mentioned  the  fire  on  board  the  S.S.  Cadiz 
(January  10,  1803),  the  drowning  of  four  deserters  from  the 
ship  Oasis  (May  1,  18G3),  the  drowning  (above  ■  referred  to) 
of  o8  Chinese  convicts  at  Stonecutters'  Island  (July  23,  1803), 
and  the  death  by  sufifocation  (March  8,  18G5)  of  three  soldiers 
engaged  in  excavating-  the  hillside  at  Scandal  Point.  The 
year  1800  was  distinguished  by  the  death  of  four  public 
officers,  viz.  the  Harbour  Masters  Newman  and  (xunthorpe,  the 
Assistant  Surveyor  General  Walker,  and  the  Crown  Solicitor 
Cooper  Turner.  To  this  list  may  be  added,  the-  name  of  Dr. 
Euscoe,  Surgeon  of  Seamen's  Hospital,  who  died  a  few  years 
later   (September  30,   1803). 

Sir  H.  Robinson  left  Hongkong  on  loth  March,  1805, 
having  been  promoted  to  the  Governorship  of  Ceylon.  His 
■departure  was  marked  by  two  complimentary  public  enter- 
tainments, viz.  by  a  diuner  given  at  the  Club  by  the  members 
of  the  Civil  Service  (March  li;  1805)  and  by  a  Ball  given  in 
the  Thentre  Royal  by  the  community  (March  13,  1805).  Among 
.the  guests  was  the  Duke  of  Brabant,  then  crown  prince  of 
Belgium,  a  first  cousin  to  Qaeen  Victoria. 

The  verdict  of  public  opinion  on  the  merits  of  Sir  H. 
Robinson's  administration,  as  expressed  in  the  local  papers,  wtis 
*o  this  effect,— that  Sir  Hercules  was  exceedingly  favoured  by 
fortune  in  respect  of  the  all-im])ortant -fact  that  his' term  of 
administration  happened  to  coincide  with-  a  period  of  irrepressible 
prosperity  (not  at  all  of  his  making),  such  as  was  without  a 
parallel  in  the  history  of  the  Colony  ;that  the  most  remarkable 


406  CHAPTER  XVIII. 

feature  in  this  season  of  prosperity  was  the  wonderful  advance- 
in  the  value  of  building  land  by  which  many  individuals,  as  well 
as  the  Colony  as  a  whole,  found  themselves  rich  in  an  unexpected 
manner ;  that  Sir  H.  Robinson  turned  these  adventitious, 
circumstances  to  good  account  for  the  benefit  of  the  public  weal 
and  of  his  own  reputation  ;  that  nevertheless  he  left  the  residents- 
heavily  taxed,  the  town  undrained,  the  sanitation  of  the  place 
neglected,  owing  to  his  paying  more  attention  to  laboured  balance 
sheets  and  the  accumulation  of  a  surplus  than  to  public  works^ 
and  the  most  vital  interests  of  the  Colony ;  that  his  duties 
carried  him  to  the  extreme  verge  of  his  abilities  and  that  he 
would  certainly  have  been  infinitely  less  successful  as  a  Governor 
if  he  had  not  enjoyed  the  assistance  of  Mr.  W.  T.  Mercer  who,, 
as  Colonial  Secretary,  so  ably  assisted  him  in  every  respect  and. 
maintained  his  policy,  as  Administrator,  during  the  long  period, 
of  the  Governor's  absence  ;  that  Sir  H.  Robinson,  while  naturally 
aifable  and  possessed  of  pleasing  social  manners,  treated  the 
Colony,  esi3ecially  durins:  his  first  few  years,  with  a  certain 
amount  of  contempt;  that  he  habitually  displayed  towards  the 
unofficial  Members  of  his  Council  much  self-willed  obstinacy,  and 
affected  towards  his  official  subordinates  a  tone  of  dignified  reserve 
and  disciplinarian  rigour  which  was  rather  humiliating  to  the 
officials  at  the  head  of  the  different  departments  ;  that  the  former 
bitterness  between  officials  was  kept  quiet,  and  that  the  amount 
of  social  engineering  required  on  the  Governor's  part  to  keep 
matters  smooth,  was  perhaps  the  most  creditable  feature  in  his 
tenure  of  office  ;  that  Lady  Robinson^ exercised  in  private  society 
a  most  extensive  and  beneficial  influence  which  went  a  long. 
way  to  atone  for  the  Governor's  social  shortcomings ;  but  that,- 
taking  all  in  all,  Sir  H.  Robinson  had  been  the  most  fortunate 
and  successful  Governor  the  Colony  was  so  far  ever  ruled  by. 

After  leaving  Hongkong,  Sir  H.  Robinson  served  as- 
Governor  of  Ceylon  (1865  to  1872)  and,  whilst  administering 
the  government  of  New  South  Wales  (1872  to  1879),  arranged 
the  cession  to  England  of  the  Fiji  Islands  (1874).  He  next 
became  Governor  of  New  Zealand   (1879  to  1880),  Governor- 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  H.  ROBINSON.  407 

of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  Griqualand  West  and  H.  M.  High 
Commissioner  in  South  Africa  (1880  to  .1889),  President  of 
the  Royal  Commission  for  the  settlement  of  the  affairs  of  the 
Transvaal  (1881),  Governor  of  Beehuanaland  (1885),  was  sent 
on  a  special  mission  to  Mauritius  (October,  1886),  resigned 
office  in  1889,  and  acted  as  a  Director  of  the  London  and 
Westminster  Bank  (until  March,  189o)  when,  though  an 
octogenarian  by  this  time,  he  resumed  office  in  South  Africa, 
to  rectify  the  confusion  which  had  ari&eii  there  since  his 
retirement. 


Z'4'-fr 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


The  Interregnum  of  'i;he  Hon.  W.  T.  Mercer  and 
THE  Administration  of  Sir  Richard  Graves  HacDonnell. 

March  15,  1866,  to  April  22,  1872. 
|W|FTER  the  departure  of  Sir  H.  Robinson  (March  15,  18Go) 


^g  there  ensued  au  interregnum,  the  government  of  the  Colony 
being  administered  for  a  whole  year  by  the  former  Colonial 
♦Secretary,  the  Hon.  \Y.  T.  Mercer,  who  continued,  with  fidelity  and 
ability,  the  policy  of  Sir  H.  Robinson.  The  work  and  events 
of  this  year,  which  was  commercially  and  financially  marked 
by  a  rapidly  growing  stagnation  and  depression,  have  been  sum- 
marized by  Mr.  Mercer  (May  30,  186G)  in  a  dispatch  published 
by  Parliament.  He  stated, — that  the  Companies'  Ordinance  (1  of 
181)5)  was  the  principal  legal  enactment  of  the  year  (1805), 
next  to  the  series  of  Ordinances  consolidating  the  criminal 
law  for  which  the  Colony  was  indebted  to  Judge  Ball  and  Mr. 
Alexander;  that  the  summer  of  18.05 -was  a  specially  unhealthy 
season,  distinguished  by  much  sickness  and  serious  mortality, 
80  much  so  that  it  attracted  the  attention  of  Parliament  aQ^j|fl| 
occasioned  the  appointment  of  a  Committee  to  inquire  into  the^| 
mortality  of  troops  in  China ;  that  the  water  supply  of  the 
Colony,  though  materially  improved,  remained  manifestly  inade- 
quate, requiring  further  provision  to  be  made  ;  that  piracy  was, 
in  18G5,  as  rife  as  ever  and  likely  to  continue  so  until  the 
Chinese  Maritime  Customs  Service  (under  Sir  R.  Hart)  could 
be  induced  to  co-operate  with  the  British  Authorities  for  the 
suppression  of  piracy  in  Chinese  waters;  that  the  Indian  con- 
tingent of  the  Hongkong  Police  Force  had  proved  a  failure  but 
that  the  Superintendent  of  Police  (Ch.  May),  who  condemned 
the  proposal  of  trying  once  more  the  Chinese  Force,  thought 


THE  INTERREGNUM  OF  THE   HOV    t<r>>3fr'ffff>ftN;\^^>**^    409 

that  the  Indian  Police  had  not  had  a  fair  trial  ;  and,  finally, 
that  a  deputation  of  Cliinese  merchants  had  urged  upon  Sir 
Rutherforth  AicocU,  H.M.  Minister  in  China,  when  he  passed 
•through  Hongkong  in  autumn  18G5,  that  the  support  of  H.M. 
Cxovernment  should  be  given  to  Sir  M.  Stephenson's  railway 
stjheme  (connectiHg  Calcutta  with  Canton  and  Hongkong),  but 
that  the  question,  whether  such  a  scheme  would  eventually  benefit 
or  injure  the  interests  of  Hongkong,  was  a  knotty  problem. 

There  is  but  one  incident  of  this  interregnum  which  requires 
detailed  mention.  A  native  of  the  Poon-yii  District  (E.  of 
CiUiton  city),  carrying  on  business  in  Hongkong  under  the 
name  How  Hoi-low  aUaf^  How  Yu-teen,  was  claimed  (April  21/ 
1805)  by  the  Viceroy  of  Canton,  in  virtue  of  the  Treaty  of' 
Tientsin,  as  having  committed  robberies  in  China.  The  Viceroy 
addressed  the  usual  communication  to  the  Governor  (Mr.  Mercer) 
and  on  1st  May,  1805,  the  accused  was  brought  before  the 
police  magistrate  (J.  C.  Whyte)  under  Ordinance  2,  of  1852 
(above  mentioned),  defended  by  counsel  (E.  H.  Pollard)  and 
committed  to  gaol  pending  reference  to  the  Governor,  a  prima- 

Jacie  case  having  been  clearly  made  out.  Under  the  advice 
of  the  Attorney  General  (H.  J.  Ball),  Mr.  Mercer  directed 
(May  3,  18i)5)  the  rendition  of  the  prisoner  who  was  forth- 
with handed  over  to  the  Chinese  Authorities  and  executed  in 
Canton  in  the  usual  manner  by  decapitation.  On  May  30th, 
1805,  the  editor  of  the  Dalltj  Press,  by  his  overland  issue 
{Trade  Report),  gave  currency  to  the  allegation  which  had  not 

•  been  made  at  the  trial,  neither  by  the  prisoner  nor  by  his 
counsel,  that  the  unfortunate  man  was  neither  robber  nor  pirate,, 
but  a  political  refugee,  the  veritable  Taiping  prince  known 
as  Mow  Wang,  that  he  was  unjustly  surrendered  by  the; 
British  Government  and  executed  by  the  Chinese  in  a  manner 
involving  actual  cannibalism.  Although  it  was  known  at  the- 
time,  and  stated  by  a  Canton  journalist,  that  the  real  Mow 
Wang  had,  according  to  General  Gordon's  testimony,  been  mur-i 
dered  by  the-  other  Taiping  Wangs  on  November  21)th,  18C3, 
23revious  toi  the  surrender   of  Soochow,   this  sensational  fiction* 


410  CHAPTER  XIX. 

found  credence  in  England.  The  London  Standard  (July  22. 
1865)  took  it  up  and  the  redoubtable  Colonel  Sykes,  M.P.,  moved 
the  House  of  Commons  (February  8,  186G)  to  ask  for  the 
production  of  documents  bearing  on  the  subject,  which  were 
accordingly  published  (March  20,  1866).  Although  these 
documents  clearly  shewed  the  unfounded  character  of  the 
allegations  made  against  the  Hongkong  Government,  the  inquiry 
served  a  good  purpose,  as  it  directed  the  attention  of  H.M. 
Government  to  the  fact  that  such  renditions  had  all  along 
been  conducted  by  direct  re*]  nests  addressed  by  the  Cantonese 
Authorities  to  the  Hongkong  Government  and  that  the  exclusion 
of  any  supervision,  on  the  part  of  the  British  Consul  at  Canton,, 
of  the  treatment  accorded  by  the  Chinese  Mandarins  to  prisoners 
rendited  by  the  Hongkong  Government,  exposed  them  to 
inhuman  barbarities.  Orders  were  therefore  made  by  the 
Colonial  Office,  that  thenceforth  all  communications  betweea 
the  Hongkong  Government  and  the  Chinese  Authorities  must,, 
in  every  case,  be  conducted  through  H.M.  Diplomatic  Agent 
ill  China  or  through  H.M.  Consul  (August  19,  1865),  and 
further  that  no  prisoners  should  thenceforth  be  surrendered 
by  the  Government  of  Hongkong  to  the  Chinese  Authorities 
unless  guarantee  be  given  that  the  rendited  prisoner  be  not 
subjected  to  any  torture  (September  11,  1865). 

But  this  interregnum  was  not  merely  a  period  of  insignificant 
transition.  Its  real  character  was  that  of  a  woeful  reaction  and 
general  disillusion.  During  Sir  H.  Robinson's  administration,. 
the  Colony  had  taken  a  bound  in  advance,  both  in  wealth  and 
population,  so  sudden  and  so  great,  that  now,  in  the  face  of 
au  equally  unexpected  and  extensive  decline  of  its  commerce,, 
prosperity  and  finances,  it  was  generally  felt  that  Sir  Hercules' 
system  of  administration  required  retrenchment  and  re-adaptation 
to  vastly  altered  circumstances.  As  the  financial  sky  became 
more  and  more  overcast  with  clouds,  even  former  admirers  of 
Sir  Hercules'  policy  admitted  that  he  had  taken  too  roseate  a 
view  of  the  resources  of  the  Colony.  -Trade  and  commerce  were 
now  labouring  under  a  heavy  depression.    The  whole  commercial 


THE   INTERREGNUM  OF  THE  HON.  W.  T.  MERCER.  411 

world  was  passing  through  a  crisis.  Great  houses  were  falling 
on  all  sides.  Hongkong,  connected  now  with  every  great  bourse 
in  the  world,  was  suffering  likewise  and  property  was  seriously 
depreciated.  Credit  became  instable.  Men  were  everywhere 
suspicious,  unsettled  in  mind,  getting  irritable  and  economically 
severe.  Yet  great  public  works,  the  Praya,  the  new  Gaol,  the 
Mint,  the  Water- Works,  the  sea  wall  at  Kowloon,  commenced  or 
constructed  in  a  period  of  unexampled  prosperity,  had  now  to 
be  carried  on,  completed  or  maintained,  from  the  scanty  resources 
of  an  impoverished  and  well-nigh  insolvent  Treasury.  New  laws 
were  clearly  needed  for  the  regulation  of  the  Chinese  whose 
gambling  habits  were  filling  the  streets  with  riot  and  honey- 
combing the  Police  Force  with  corruption.  Crime  was  rampant 
and  the  gaols  overflowing  with  prisoners.  Piracy,  flourishing 
as  ever  before,  was  believed  to  have  not  only  its  secret  lairs 
among  the  low  class  of  marine-store  dealers  but  the  support  of 
wealthy  Chinese  firms  and  to  enjoy  the  connivance  of  men  in 
the  Police  Force.  A  sense  of  insecurity  as  to  life  and  property 
was  again,  as  in  days  gone  by,  taking  possession  of  the  public 
mind.  The  cry  among  the  colonists  now  was  for  a  strong  and 
resolute  Governor,  one  who  would  give  his  undivided  attention 
to  the  needs  and  interests  of  the  Colony  and  govern  it  accordingly^ 
undeterred  by  what  the  foreign  community  of  Hongkong  now 
called  *the  vicious  system  of  colonial  administration  in  vogue 
at  home.'  Sir  J.  Bowring,  they  said,  had  attended  to  everything 
under  the  sun  except  the  government  of  the  Island.  Sir  H. 
Robinson,  they  opined,  had  governed  the  Colony  to  please  his 
masters  in  Downing  Street  and  with  a  view  to  advance  himself 
to  a  better  appointment.  And  as  to  Mr.  Mercer,  everybody 
agreed  that  he  deliberately  Met  well  enough  alone.*  The  sort 
of  man  the  colonists  now  desired  for  their  next  Governor  was 
a  dictator  rather,  with  a  strong  mind  and  will,  than  a  weak 
faddist  or  an  obsequious  henchman  of  the  machine  public.  The 
cry  was  for  a  Caesar. 

As  Providence  would  have  it,  it  so  happened  that  it  was  just 
such  a  man,  a  Caesar  every  inch  of  him,  that  the  Colonial  Office t- 


412  CHAPTER  XIX. 

•<iasting  about  for  a  successor  to   Sir   Hercules,   selected.     Tlie 
choice  of   H.   M.   Government   fell   (October  4,   1865)   on   Sir 
Richard  Graves  MacDonnell,   an  Irishman  who  had  a  splendid 
record  of  varied  and  long  services  to  recommend  him.     He  had 
■entered  Trinity  College  (Dublin)   in  1830,  gained  honours  both 
in  classics  and  in  science,  and  graduated  B,A.  (1835)  and  M.A. 
(1838),  to  which  honours  was  added,  later  on,   the   degree   of 
Hon.  LL.D.   (1844).     Having  been  called   to   the  bar  both  in 
Ireland   (1838)  and  at  Lincoln's  Inn  (1840),  he  was  appointed 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Gambia  (1843  to   1847).     As  Governor  of 
the    Gambia    (1847    to    1851)   he   conducted    several    exploring 
expeditions  in  the  interior  of  Africa,  for  which  services  he  was 
■created  C.B.  (1852).     Sir  R.  G.  MacDonnell  next  served  (1852)^ 
as  Governor  of  St.  Lucia  and  St.  Vincent.     In  1855  he  was' 
created    Knight   Bachelor   and   appointed    Captain-General   and 
Governor-in-chief  of  South  xAustrali  i,  which  government  he  held 
till  March,   1802.     After  serving  two  years  (1804  and  1805)  as 
Governor  of  Nova  Scotia,  Sir  Richard  was  promoted  to  the  Gover- 
norship of  Hongkong  where  he  took  over,  on  11th  March,  1800, 
the  reins  of  office  from  the  Administrator,  the  Hon.  AV.  T.  Mercer. 
Within   a   few   days   after   his   arrival   in   the   Colony,  Sir 
Richard  found  himself  painfully  disillusioned.     By  his  interviews 
with  the  officials  in  Downing  Street,  he  had  been  led  to  believe 
that   he   would   find   in   Hongkong  a   full   treasury,  a   steadily- 
increasing  revenue,   public   Avorks   of   all   sorts    finished   or    so 
nearly  •completed  that  little  remained  to  be  done,  a  Mint  ready 
to  commefuce  operations  and  sure  to  pay  well,  and  a  competent 
official  staif,  purged  by  the  labours  of  Sir  Hercules  of  every  taint 
of  corruption.     'To   his   intense  surprise    aiid  disai3pointment. 
Sir   Richard   found   the   position   of   affairs  well-nigh   reversed. 
The   interregnum,   rapidly   developing  the   mischief  which  had 
secretly  been  brewing  durinij:  the  closing  year  of  Sir  H.  Robinson's 
administration,  bad-wrought  an  astounding  transformation  scene, 
of   which   the   Colonial   Office   was   as   yet    biissfully   ignorant.^ 
For  several  months  after  this  crushing  revelation  which  burst 
upon  him   immediately  upon   his  arrival,   Sir  Riehard    stayed 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  R.  G.  M.vcDONNELL.  413 

his  hand  while  he  silently  but  deliberately  went  round,  from 
one  department  to  the  other,  probing^  by  the  most  searching 
investigation  the  extent  and  nature  of  the  mischief  wrought^ 
The  colonists  wondered  and  groaned  owing  to  the  Governor's 
seeming  inactivity,  whilst  a  wholesome  fear  was  instilled  in  the 
minds  of  all  officials  by  the  Governor's .  repeated  and  most 
unexpected  surprise  visits,  and  by  his  minute  questionings  as 
to  every  financial,  executive  and  administrative  detail,  such  as 
had  never  been  inquired  into  before.  But  when  he  once  had 
satisfied  himself  as  to  the  real  position  of  affairs,  he  set  to 
work  as  a  determined  reformer,  launching  one  measure  after 
the  other,  regardless  of  the  hostile  criticisms  of  local  public 
opinion  and  impatient  even  of  the  restraints  which  successive 
Secretaries  of  State  sought  to  put  upon  his  dauntless  energy.. 
In  the  face  of  much  opposition  and  suffering  severe  opprobrium 
on  all  sides,  Sir  Richard  went  on  with  his  labours  as  a  reformer, 
honestly  and  fearlessly  striving  to  do  right  and  content  to  be 
judged  in  tlie  future  when  his  measures  would  have  produced 
their  natural  results.  He  had  not  to  wait  very  long  before 
the  Hongkong  public,  abandoning  their  early  prejudices,  frankly 
recognized  his  worth.  After  four  years'  untiring  exertions,  reasons- 
of  health  compelled  him  to  ask  for  a  furlough,  intending  to 
proceed  only  to  Japan,  where  he  had  spent  a  few  weeks  in 
1868  (October  29  to  December  12)  for  a  brief  rest.  But  the 
Colonial  Office  thought  it  expedient  that  he  should,  by  a  visit 
to  England,  combine,  with  the  object  of  recruiting  his  health, 
the  pressing  duty  of  explaining  to  the  Secretary  of  State  the 
grounds  of  his  divergent  policy,  distasteful  in  some  respects  to 
the  Colonial  Office.  When  he  was  about  to  start  on  this  trip 
to  Japan  and  England  (April  13,  1870),  the  community  of 
Hongkong,  having  by  this  time  taken  the  correct  measure  of 
their  Governor's  character  and  work,  unanimously  acknowledged 
that  he  had  the  true  interests  of  the  Colony  at  heart,  according 
to  his  own  views  of  what  was  best,  and  that  he  had,  sincerely 
and  in  many  respects  most  successfully,  striven  to  administer 
the  government  aud  to  legislate  for  the  Colony's  ultimiite  good 


414  CHAPTER  XIX. 

^nd  advancement,  without  fear  or  favour  of  the  Colonial 
Office  or  of  local  opinion.  It  was  publicly  stated  (April  5,  1870) 
^\en  at  that  time  that  'the  measures  which  proved  the  most 
beneficial  were  precisely  those  on  which  he  met  (on  the  part 
of  the  public)  with  most  difficulty.'  At  the  meeting  of  the 
Legislative  Council  (March  30,  1870)  previous  to  his  departure, 
the  Chief  Justice  (J.  Smale)  expressed  the  sentiments  of  the 
whole  community  when  he  eulogized  the  Governor  on  the  great 
success  obtained  by  his  able  and  vigorous  policy  and  stated 
-that  Lady  MacDonnell  had,  by  her  urbanity  of  manner  and 
kindness  of  heart  in  extending  gentle  courtesies  to  all,  filled 
her  exalted  station  so  that  no  lady,  who  had  ever  presided  at 
Oovernment  House,  left  the  Colony  more  or  more  generally 
-regretted  than  Lady  MacDonnell.  On  the  same  occasion,  the 
Hon.  H.  B.  Gibb,  speaking  also  on  behalf  of  the  other  non-official 
Members  of  Council,  endorsed  the  eulogy  pronounced  by  the 
•Chief  Justice.  During  the  absence  of  the  Governor,  Major- 
Geneml  H.  AV.  Whitfield,  ably  seconded  by  the  Colonial  Secretary 
•(J.  Gardiner  Austin),  administered  the  government  of  the  Colony. 
Sir  Richard  returned  to  his  post  on  8tli  October,  1871,  and 
remained  at  it  to  the  close  of  his  administration. 

During  his  whole  tenure  of  office,  Sir  Richard  had  no 
questions  of  a  diplomatic  nature  to  deal  with,  apart  from  those 
which  grew  out  of  Hongkong's  relations  with  China.  The  first 
■case  of  this  class  occurred  immediatelv  after  the  Governor's 
arrival,  when  the  S.S.  Frince  Albert,  owned  by  Kwok  Acheung, 
•the  popular  comprador  of  the  P.  &  0.  Company,  was  seized  by  the 
•Chinese  Customs  officera  (May  26,  1866)  on  the  ground  of  her 
resorting  to  a  port  on  the  AVest  Coast  not  opened  by  Treaty. 
Although  Sir  Richard,  who  considered  the  action  of  the  Chinese 
officers  to  have  been  illegal,  could  do  but  little  to  obtain  a 
modification  of  the  sentence  of  confiscation,  as  H.M.  Consul  at 
Canton  (D.  B.  Robertson)  had  acquiesced  in  that  decision,  yet  he 
obtained  the  release  of  the  vessel  on  payment  of  a  fine  of  $4000. 
But  the  spirit  and  energy  which  Sir  Richard  displayed  on  the 
occasion    gained  him  considerable  popularity.       He  was   more 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  R.  G.  MacDONNELU  415 

successful  in  the  case  of  the  attempt  made,  iu  October,  18G7,  by 
the  Canton  cotton-dealers'  guild,  to  remove  the  whole  cotton 
trade  from  Hongkong  to  Canton.  As  soon  as  he  had  the  facts 
before  him,  shewing  that  the  Canton  guild  had  made  regulations 
imposing  a  system  of  fines  on  any  Chinese  merchants  who  should 
violate  their  prohibitions  by  buying  cotton  or  cotton  yarn  in 
Hongkong,  Sir  Richard  addressed,  through  the  Consul,  such 
strong  remonstrances  to  the  Viceroy  of  Canton,  that  the  latter 
yielded  and  issued  a  proclamation  (November  29, 1867)  absolutely 
prohibiting  the  measures  contemplated  by  the  guild.  With  the 
same  promptness  and  energy  Sir  Richard  interfered  at  the  close 
of  the  year  1871,  when  the  Administrator  of  Chinese  Customs 
(Hoppo)  at  Canton  openly  made  a  rule,  on  which  he  had  secretly 
been  acting  for  years,  that  all  foreign-laden  Chinese  junks  in  South 
China,  intending  to  sail  for  Hongkong  from  any  Chinese  port,  must 
first  report  at  Pakhoi  or  Canton  before  proceeding  to  Hongkong. 
This  hostile  attempt  to  confine  the  whole  native  coast  trade 
between  South  China  and  Hongkong  to  dealings  between  Treaty 
ports  and  Hongkong  was  energetically  taken  up  and  seemingly 
defeated  for  the  time  by  Sir  Richard,  before  the  Chamber  of 
Commerce  made  any  move  in  the  matter. 

But  the  principal  tussle  Sir  Richard  had  with  the  Chinese 
Authorities  was  connected  with  a  much  more  serious  attempt 
made  by  the  Mandarins  to  ruin  the  native  junk  trade  of 
Hongkong.  About  October  15th,  18G7,  the  steam-cruizere  of 
the  Canton  Customs,  aided  by  native  gun-boats  employed  by  the 
holders  of  Chinese  monopolies  at  Canton  (especially  the  salt  and 
salti^)etre  farmers),  commenced  what  was  thenceforth  known  as 
the  Blockade  of  Hongkong.  These  steam-cruizers  and  gun-boats 
patrolled  day  and  night  every  outlet  of  the  harbour  and  waters 
of  Hongkong,  boarded  and  searched  every  native  junk  leaving 
or  entering,  arrested  every  junk  that  had  no  proper  papers  and 
levied  double  duty  in  the  case  of  goods  shipped  at  Pakhoi  or 
Canton  for  other  Treaty  ports  by  junks  which  en  route  touched 
at  Hongkong.  It  was  a  movement  which  pretended  to  aim  only 
at  suppressing  smuggling  but  which,  in  reality,  operated  as  au 


,416  CHAPTER   XIX. 

extra  tax  on  the  lep:itimate  jimk  trade  of  Hongkont^.  It  served^ 
indeed,  to  induce  Chinese  merchants  in  Hongkong^  to  conduct 
their  shipping  business  in  foreign  bottoms  (exempt  from  this 
blockade)  rather  than  by  native  junks,  but,  as  foreign  vessels 
,were  exchided  from  all  but  Treaty  ports,  this  blockade  tended 
to  nullify  the  right  of  Chinese  subjects  residing  in  Hongkong  ta 
trade,  by  native  junks,  with  the  non-Treaty  ports  of  their  own 
countrv.  In  fact,  this  blockade  served  not  only  as  an  efficient 
check  on  smuggling,  but  as  a  simple  means  of  compelling  the 
junk  trade  of  the  Colony  to  pay  double  duty  unless  conducted 
via  the  two  principal  ports  of  South-China,  Pakhoi  and  Canton. 
And  this  was  the  real  purport  of  the  measure  :  to  effectually 
subordinate  the  native  commerce  of  Hongkong  to  that  of  Canton 
for  the  injury  of  the  former  and  the  benefit  of  the  latter  port, 
and  permanently  to  neutralise,  so  far  as  the  junk  trade  of 
Hongkong  was  concerned,  the  freedom  of  the  port. 

It  was  a  clever  scheme,  this  blockade  of  Hongkong,  And 
the  credit  (or  discredit)  of  having  devised  and  suggested  it, 
and  demonstrated  its  justification  on  the  basis  of  international 
law,  to  the  great  delectation  of  Yiceroy  Jui,  belongs  to  the 
British  Consul  of  Canton,  Mr.  D.  B.  Robertson,  on  whom,  as 
the  irony  of  fate  would  have  it,  H.M.  Government  l)estowed  the 
honour  of  the  knighthood.  This  was  meant  as  a  reward  for 
his  subservience  to  the  short-sighted  pro-Chinese  policy  of  the 
Foreign  Office,  which  Sir  Rutherford  Alcock  initiated  in  China 
but  which  in  this  case  served  to  give  to  the  prestige  and 
prosperity  of  Hongkong  the  heaviest  blow  it  has  ever  received 
at  the  hand  of  its  enemies. 

In  the  face  of  the  support  thus  given,  by  H.M.  repre- 
sentatives in  China,  to  the  blockade  of  the  port,  Sir  Richard 
could  not  do  much  beyond  protesting  against  a  measure  which, 
at  best,  combined  summum  jus  with  summa  injuria.  He  ascer- 
tained, however,  that  the  measure,  as  originally  formulated 
(July  1,  1868),  aimed  at  levying,  on  Chinese  shipping  resorting 
to  Hongkong,  a  special  war-tax,  called  Li-kin,  which  amounted  ia 
the  case  of  opium  to  taels  16  per  chest,  and  that  this  Li-kiii 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF   SIR   R.   G,   M.vcDONNELL.  417 

tax  was  to  be  collected  outside  the  harbour  of  Hono*koiiof,  at 
Kapshuiraooii  in  the  west,  at  Kowloou  city  in  the  north,  and 
at  Fattaiichan,  just  outside  the  Lyeemoon  in  the  East.  When 
Sir  Richard  discovered  that  these  blockade  stations  levied,  in 
addition  to  the  fixed  tax  on  opium  which  he  did  not  object  to, 
also  undefined  duties  on  goods  of  all  sort  (food  stuffs  excluded) 
when  carried  by  native  junks,  he  pressed  the  Chinese  Authorities 
for  a  copy  of  their  tariff.  But  they  neither  could  nor  would  fix 
a  tariff,  as  various  monopolies  farmed  out  and  sublet  to  individuals 
were  mixed  up  in  the  matter  with  provincial  and  Imperial 
interests,  and  as  it  suited  the  interests  of  a  corrupt  system  of 
irregular  levies  better  not  to  be  tied  down  to  a  fixed  tariff.  Sir 
Richard  then  strengthened  his  water  police  force  and  obtained 
a  steam  launch,  Blanche,  to  assist  the  Colonial  junk  or  gun-boat, 
Victoria,  in  patrolling  the  waters  of  Hongkong  to  prevent 
trespass.  Moreover,  he  refused  to  allow  any  Chinese  gun-boat 
or  cruizer  to  anchor  in  the  harbour  unless  flying  a  recognized 
official  flag.  The  Chinese  Authorities  yielded  this  point  and 
adopted  first  a  triangular  flag  (October,  1868),  then  provisionally 
a  square  (March  19,  1869),  and  finally  a  yellow  triangular  flag 
with  the  emblem  of  a  flying  dragon. 

The  interference  with  the  legitimate  native  trade  in  foreign 
goods,  resulting  from  the  Customs  Blockade  of  Hongkong, 
aroused  a  considerable  commotion  in  the  Colony.  A  universally 
signed  protest,  in  form  of  a  Memorial  to  the  Secretary  of  State, 
was  presented  to  the  Governor  (July  20,  1868).  Fresh  ex- 
citement arose  when  it  became  known  (July  24,  1868)  that  the 
Viceroy  of  Canton  had  opened  in  Hongkong  an  opium  tax  station 
in  charge  of  a  well-known  resident  (Ho  A-loi)  and  when  a  salt 
revenue  station  and  other  offices,  opened  in  town  by  the  officers 
of  the  Li-kin  stations,  were  discovered,  disclosing  a  regulai- 
organisation  intended  to  collect  in  Hongkong  all  the  various 
taxes  demanded  at  those  stations  and  to  issue  passes  in  Hongkong 
under  the  seal  of  the  Chinese  Government.  Sir  Richard  im- 
mediately suppressed  every  such  office  that  was  discovered.  On 
February  15tli,   1869,  the  Assistant-Harbourmaster  (A.   Lister) 

27 


418  CHAPTER  XIX. 

reported  that  '  certain  branches  of  commerce  had  not  yet 
recovered  from  the  panic  into  which  they  were  thrown  by  the 
attempt,  in  October  and  November  (1868),  on  the  part  of  the 
Oanton  Customs  to  stop  the  whole  trade  in  foreign  goods  by 
Ohinese  bottoms  to  any  other  place  than  Canton.'  The  Harbour- 
•naster's  report  for  1869  shewed  a  falling  off  of  2,222  junks, 
■equal  to  113,252  tons,  owing  to  the  blockade.  But  after  a  few 
years  the  Chinese  merchants,  recognizing  the  helplessness  of  the 
<;ase,  and  the  retribution  awaiting  them  if  they  made  any 
•complaints,  submitted  to  these  oppressive  exactions  and  found 
it  to  be  to  their  own  interest  and  convenience  to  obtain  passes 
in  town,  at  the  secret  taxing  offices  which  continued  to  flourish 
•on  the  sly,  rather  than  risk  the  delay  and  uncertainty  of  payments 
made  at  the  outside  stations. 

That  this  blockade  scheme  aimed  at  destroying  the  freedom 
•of  the  port  as  well  as  the  junk-trade  of  the  Colony,  appeared  very 
<ilearly  from  a  proposal,  w^hich  originated  with  one  of  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Chinese  Customs  Service  (Th.  Dick),  but 
which  was  sternly  rejected  by  Sir  Richard.  It  was  proposed, 
that  an  export  duty  should  be  levied  in  Hongkong,  by  a  Branch 
of  the  Chinese  Customs  Service,  upon  the  opium  (and  in  course 
of  time,  no  doubt,  upon  all  other  goods)  re-shipped  in  Hongkong 
by  junks,  the  Colony  retaining  a  certain  portion  of  the  revenue 
as  commission  for  so  collecting  it.  The  strongest  opponent  of  the 
blockade  was  the  Hon.  Ph.  Ryrie  who,  as  chairman  of  the  Cham- 
ber of  Commerce  (September  12,  1871),  stated  that  there  could 
be  no  question  as  to  the  illegality  of  the  action  taken  by  the 
Chinese  officials  which,  in  point  of  fact,  almost  amounted  to  an 
act  of  armed  hostility  against  the  Colony.  Mr.  Ryrie  strongly 
protested  against  the  inaction  of  the  Home  Authorities  in  this 
Imperial  question.  He  also  caused  the  publication  of  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  Chamber  by  Baron  de  Meritens,  formerly  a 
Commissioner  of  the  Chinese  Customs,  stating — that  arresting, 
on  the  high  seas,  vessels  leaving  Hongkong  was  contrary  to  the 
law  of  nations,  that  the  Viceroy  was  acting  with  reluctance  under 
orders    sent    him  from   Peking,  that  Sir   Richard's  objections 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  R.  G.  MacDONNELL.  41^ 

"Continued  in  all  their  force,  and  that  the  appointment  of  a 
Chinese  Customs  Collector  (or  Consul)  in  Hongkong,  who  would 
•certainly  act  as  a  spy,  would  be  subversive  of  the  independence 
of  the  Colony.  But  in  spite  of  the  Governor's  opposition  to  the 
blockade,  and  notwithstanding  repeated  Memorials  presented 
to  H.  M.  Government  by  the  community  and  the  Chamber  of 
•Commerce,  the  working  of  those  Chinese  blockade  stations 
<3ontinued  and  constituted  thenceforth  a  chronic  source  of 
discontent  ever  wrangling  in  the  minds  of  both  native  and 
foreign  merchants. 

Another  important  diplomatic  question  arose  in  connection 
with  those  Li-kin  stations.  In  passing  through  Hongkong 
(December,  18G9,  and  January,  1870),  Sir  Rutherford  Alcock, 
then  H.M.  Minister  in  China,  urged  the  members  of  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce  to  submit  to  the  appointment  of  a  Chinese  Consul 
in  Hongkong.  This  measure  he  declared  to  be  the  only  satis- 
factory solution  of  the  difficulties  standing  in  the  way  of  a 
fulfilment  of  the  popular  desire  for  an  abolition  of  the  Li-kin. 
stations  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Hongkong,  and  the  only 
means  of  bringing  about  a  permanent  arrangement  of  commercial 
relations,  between  the  Hongkong  Authorities  and  the  Chinese 
Government,  such  as  would  rest  on  a  solid  basis  of  mutual  respect 
und  reciprocal  advantage.  Sir  R.  Alcock,  who  was  in  this  matter 
the  innocent  dupe  of  the  cunning  Viceroy,  and  who  did  not 
disguise  his  monstrous  opinion  that  '  Hongkong  is  confessedly  a 
great  smuggling  depot,'  failed  to  convince  the  colonists  that  *the 
appointment  of  a  Chinese  Consul  in  Hongkong  would  simply 
protect  that  commerce  in  the  Colony  which  is  legitimate  and 
discourage  that  which  is  contraband.'  The  subsequent  history  of 
the  blockade  shewed  that  Sir  11.  Alcock  had  entirely  misconceived 
the  policy  of  the  Chinese  Authorities,  who  had  no  intention  of 
withdrawing  their  Customs  stations  in  response  to  any  concession 
whatsoever.  Sir  R.  Alcock's  suggestion,  made  by  him  after  several 
interviews  with  the  Viceroy  (December  27  and  29,  18G9),  and 
with  the  approval  of  the  latter,  that  at  first  a  foreign  officer  of 
Sir  R.  Hart's  staff  should  be  appointed  Consul  in  Hongkong, 


,420  CHAl'TEft   XIX. 

until  Chinese  officers  could  be  educated  in  the  duties  and  extent 
of  Consular  power,  did  not  remove  the  radical  objections  which 
the  colonists  almost  unanimously  entertained  against  the  proposed 
measure.  These  objections,  which  Sir  R.  Alcock  denominated 
^  fears  more  or  less  chimerical  and  exaggerated,'  were  embodied 
by  the  Hongkong  community  in  a  Memorial  addressed  to  Earl 
Clarendon  (January,  1870),  and  consisted  principally  in  the- 
solemn  conviction,  entertained  by  Europeans  and  Chinese  alike, 
that  under  existing  circumstances  the  power  w'hich  a  Chinese 
Consul  would  gain  over  the  local  Chinese  population  would 
constitute  a  veritable  imperium  in  imperio  and  subject  the  native 
community  to  an  intolerable  system  of  official  espionage  and  to 
the  insatiable  rapacity  of  a  corrupt  mandarindom.  Although 
Earl  Clarendon  sided  with  Sir  R.  Alcock  on  the  main  points  of 
the  dispute,  and  sanctioned  his  concluding  with  the  Chinese 
Government  a  Convention  providing  for  a  Chinese  Consulate  in 
Hongkong,  Sir  Richard,  who  strongly  supported  the  Memorial 
of  the  community,  succeeded  in  convincing  H.  M.  Government 
that  the  fears  of  the  community  were  anything  but  chimerical 
and  rested  on  a  solid  foundation.  Although  the  blockade  was 
uever  abated,  the  question  of  a  Chinese  Consulate  in  Hongkong 
remained  shelved. 

Another  diplomatic  question  agitated  for  some  time  (18C7  to 
1870)  the  mind  of  the  mercantile  community.  But  Sir  Richard 
had  comparatively  little  to  do  with  it,  as  it  concerned  Sir 
R.  Alcock  (and  since  1870  Sir  Th.  Wade)  and  the  Foreign 
Office  rather  than  the  Government  of  Hongkong  or  the  Colonial 
Office.  This  was  the  question  of  Treaty  Revision  which  arose 
from  a  provision  contained  in  Article  XXYII.  of  the  Tientsin 
Treaty  making  the  tariff  and  commercial  articles  of  this 
Treaty  (confirmed  by  the  Peking  Convention  of  October  24, 
1860)  subject,  after  the  lapse  of  ten  years,  to  further  revision 
at  the  request  of  either  of  the  two  contracting  parties.  Sir 
R.  Alcock  accordingly  issued,  in  spring  1867,  to  the  British 
connnunities  of  the  Treaty  ports  in  China,  an  invitation  to 
forward  to  him,  through  their  respective  Consuls,  suggestions  as- 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF   SIR   R.  G.   MacDONNELL.  421 

to  the  proposed  rectification  of  any  deficiencies  of  the  Tientsin 
Treaty.  The  Hongkong  Chamber  of  Commerce,  having  received 
a  similar  invitation,  resolved  (Jnly  16,  1867)  to  proceed  by 
memorializing  the  Governor  rather  than  Sir  11.  Alcock  whom,  at 
that  time  already,  they  knew  to  be  as  nnfriendly  to  the  interests  of 
the  Colony  as  Lord  Elgin  had  been.  A  Committee,  appointed 
by  the  Chamber,  presented  accordingly  to  Sir  Richard  a  Memorial 
on  the  illegal  transit  duties  and  other  exactions  imposed  by  the 
Chinese  Authorities,  in  contravention  of  the  Treaty,  on  British 
goods  p)i  route  in  the  interior  of  China.  In  addition  to  this 
public  Memorial,  the  firm  of  Jardine,  ]\Iatheson  &  Co.  presented 
(December,  1809)  a  separate  Memorial  dealing  very'  frankly  with 
the  regulations  of  the  opium  traffic  and  other  grievances.  When 
it  became  known,  at  the  close  of  the  year  1861),  that  the  Chinese 
Authorities  j^roposed  to  include  in  the  revised  Treaty  Regulations 
a  provision  to  the  effect  that  native  produce  shipped  from 
Hongkong  to  a  Treaty  port  should  not  be  protected  by  the  clause 
which  protected  goods,  sent  inland  from  Treaty  ports,  against 
inland  taxation,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  once  more  (January, 
1870)  memorialized  H.M.  Government,  representing  that  this 
measure  placed  Hongkong  at  a  great  disadvantage  compared  with 
Chinese  Treaty  ports.  However,  the  whole  project  of  Treaty 
Revision  had  eventually  to  be  dropped. 

In  spite  of  the  hostile  attitude  which  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment duriug  this  period  assumed  towards  the  Colony,  the  Chinese 
Tartar  General  (Chang  Shan),  when  visiting  Hongkong  (October 
27,  1871)  in  one  of  the  blockade  cruizers  {Phifj-chau-hoi), 
accompanied  by  two  Commissioners  of  Customs  (E.  C.  Bowra 
and  Viscomte  d'Arnaux  de  Limoges)  was  most  honourably  received 
and  most  hospitably  entertained,  in  the  absence  of  the  Governor, 
by  the  Lieutenant-Governor  (W.  Whitfield).  For  the  first  time 
a  Chinese  gun-vessel  saluted,  in  due  foreign  style,  the  jwrt,  the 
British  flag  and  the  Vice-Adrairal  (Sir  H.  Kellett)  and  received 
the-  corresponding  salutes  in   Hongkong. 

In  May,  1868,  Sir  Richard,  who  had  no  diplomatic  con- 
nection with  any  other  foreign  power,  received  at  the  hrtnds  of 


422  CHAPTER  XIX. 

special  Annamese  ambassadors,  sent  to  Hongkong  for  the  purpose, 
the  thanks  of  the  native  Government  of  Cochin-China  for  his 
humane  intervention,  made  on  their  behalf  with  the  Government 
of  Macao.  In  May,  18G7,  it  had  become  known  in  Hongkong 
that  a  number  of  Cochin-Chinese  junks,  conveying  tribute  ta 
Annam,  had  been  captured  by  Chinese  pirates  who  sold  the 
tribute  bearers,  with  their  escort  and  junk  crews,  to  Macao  coolie 
barracoons.  Thanks  to  the  intervention  of  Sir  Richard,  these 
people  were  forthwith  liberated  by  the  Portuguese  Governor 
(Admiral  de  Souza)  and  the  Hongkong  community  readily  sub- 
scribed the  funds  required  to  send  the  unfortunate  captives  back, 
to  their  native  country. 

Sir  R.  MacDonnell  did  not  materially  modify  or  augment 
the  organisation  of  the  Civil  Service.  But,  with  a  view  to- 
retrenchment,  he  repeatedly  applied,  when  suitable  vacancies 
occurred,  the  principle  of  plurality  of  offices.  One  characteristic: 
of  his  regime  was  the  preference  he  invariably  gave  to  those 
Cadets  whom  he  found  serviceable  for  the  aims  of  his  vigorous 
policy  and  amenable  to  his  austere  discipline  which  required, 
however,  much  patience  on  the  part  of  his  subordinates  as  he 
ruthlessly  sent  back  official  reports,  to  be  amended,  again  and 
again,  till  they  agreed  with  his  views.  Another  feature  of  his 
administration  was  the  increased  authority  and  importance  with 
which  he  invested  the  Registrar  General's  office,  so  long  as  the 
first  of  the  Cadets  (C.  C.  Smith),  who  in  most  things  was  his 
right-hand  man,  held  that  office.  The -number?^ of  Cadets  had, 
before  his  arrival,  been  increased  (August  9,  1865),  by  the 
appointment  of  Mr.  A.  Lister  and  Mr.  J.  Russell,  and  they  were 
without  much  delay  employed  by  him  to  fill  important  offices, 
the  former  being  sent  to  the  Harbour  Office  and  the  latter,  who 
also  acted  as  his  Private  Secretary,  to  the  Magistracy. 

The  first  popular  measure  introduced  by  the  Governor  was 
a  revision  of  the  constitution  of  the  Legislative  Council.  The 
need  for  such  a  revision  had  made  itself  felt  both  by  the  Colonial 
Office  and  by  the  community  when  the  Colonial  Treasurer 
(F.   H.   Forth)    had  to  be  censured  (March,  1866)  under  the- 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   ii.  G.   MacDONNELI..  42'-^ 

then  already  existing  rules,  for  having  seconded  (September  23^ 
1865)  a  motion  of  an  unofficial  Member  (Th.  Sutherland)  to 
the  effect  that  the  item  of  g92,000  for  the  Military  Contribution 
be  struck  out  of  the  Estimates  until  the  profits  of  the  Mint 
are  in  excess  of  the  amount  required.  There  being  only  three 
unofficial  against  seven  official  Members  in  the  Council,  the 
community  argued  that,  as  official  Members  were  thenceforth 
compelled  either  to  resign  or  to  vote  in  favour  of  every 
Government  measure,  the  unofficial  Meml)ers  were  virtuallv 
powerless  unless  the  constitution  of  the  Council  was  modified 
to  suit  the  new  rules.  On  the  fii-st  opportunity  (August  27, 
1869),  Sir  Richard  gave  to  Mr.  Rowett  a  seat  vacated  by 
Judge  Ball,  so  that  there  were  then  on  the  Council  six  officials 
and  four  members  of  the  community  (H.  B.  Gibb,  W.  Keswick, 
J.  B.  Taylor,  R.  Rowett)  beside  the  Governor  who  had,  however, 
both  an  ordinary  and  a  casting  vote. 

Sir  Richard  was  at  all  times  well  able  to  keep  his  Council 
in  hand,  and  the  Registrar  General  (being  on  the  Council  in 
some  acting  capacity  or  other)  ably  seconded  him  in  the  task. 
Sir  Richard  was  an  excellent  speaker  and  keen  debater,  always 
terribly  in  earnest  and  thoroughly  master  of  whatever  subject 
he  took  up,  and  to  this  was  added  the  weight  of  his  stern 
personality  and  a  fixed  determination  to  conquer  every  obstacle. 
He  had  but  one  encounter  with  the  unofficial  Members  when 
they,  led  by  the  Hon.  W.  Keswick  (September  30,  1869),  boldly 
attacked  the  Governor's  creation  of  a  special  savings  and  excess 
account.  They  protested  against  a  manipulation  of  the  public 
accounts,  seemingly  intended  to  enable  the  Governor  to  expend 
public  money  without  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  the 
Legislature.  The  Hon.  C.  C.  Smith,  then  Acting  Colonial 
Secretary,  argued,  however,  that  so  long  as  money  voted  by 
the  Council  was  applied  to  the  same  kind  of  object  as  that  foi- 
which  it  was  originally  intended,  it  was  immaterial  whether 
the  particular  object  on  which  it  was  spent  had  been  mentioned 
in  the  vote  or  not.  A  few  years  later,  during  the  absence  of 
the   Governor,  the   Hon.   Ph.    Ryrie    entered    into    a    positive 


1 


424'  CHAPTER  XIX. 

conflict  with  the  Government.  Having  heard  that  an  important 
document,  l)earing  on  the  blockade  question,  had  found  its  way 
from  the  office  of  the  unpopular  Registrar  General  (C.  €.  Smith) 
into -the  hands  of  the  Chinese  Customs  officers,  Mr.  Ryrie 
(September  22,  1871)  asked  in  Council  for  information  on  the 
subject.  >Ir.  C.  C.  Smith,  then  sitting  as  Acting  Colonial 
Treasurer,  ti-eated  Mr.  Ryrie's  remarks  as  involving  a  charge 
against  himself  and  retorted  with  some  vehemence.  Mr.  Keswick 
supported  his  colleague  by  criticizing  the  plurality  of  the 
Reu'istrar  General's  functions  and  demanded  that  the  duties  of 
his  office  should  be  defined.  At  the  next  meeting  (October 
18,  1871)  the  discussion  was  renewed  and  some  days. later  the. 
Colonial  Secretary  (J.  Gardiner  Austin)  wrote  to  Mr.  Ryrie, 
formally  calling  upon  him  to  substantiate  his  charge  against 
the  Registrar  General.  In  reply,  Mr.  Ryrie,  who  had  all  along 
contended  that  he  preferred  no  charge  but  merely  asked  for 
information,  now  demanded  that  at  next  Council  meeting  a 
protest  should  be  heard  against  the  invasion  of  privilege  involved 
in. requesting  him  to  explain  out  of  the  Council  room  what  he 
had  said  in  it;  At  the  next  meeting  Mr.  Ryrie  gave  notice 
of  his  protest  but  no  discussion  was  allowed.  Seeing  in  the 
whole  affair  an  illustration  of  the  old  grievance  of  defective  -• 
representation  in  Council,  the  public  now  stigmatized  the  action 
of  the  Lieutenant-Governor  (W.  Whitfield)  in  deferring  the 
debate,  as  an  unwarrantable  attempt  to  burke  free  discussion. 
On  November  15,  1871,  Mr.  Ryrie's  protest,  concerning  the 
breach  of  privilege  of  which  he  complained,  was  read  in  Council 
and  recorded  in  the  minutes.  Mr.  Ryrie  justly  contended  that 
freedom  of  speech  in  Council  was  absolutely  necessary. 

Sir  Richard's  financial  measures  were  the  source  of  both 
the.  greatest  trouble  and  the  greatest  triumph  of  his  adminis- 
tration. For  some  time  before  his  arrival,  the  Colony  had  been 
steadily  dropping  from  a  state  of  comparative  affluence  .into 
a  condition  of  growing  insolvency.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1865,  the  Treasury  accounts  shewed  a  surplus  of.  assets 
(over  liabilities)  amounting  to  ^298,000.     At  the  commencement 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF   SIR   R.   (i.   MvcDONNELL.  425 

of  the  next  year  (18G.6)  this  surplus  was  reduced  to  ^184,000, 
aud  in  January,  1867,  there  was  but  an  imaginary  surphis  of 
$24,000  made  up  in  part  by  a  stock  of  $00,000  in  unavailable 
coins  (bronze  cents  and  mils)  which  no  creditor  could  have 
been  compelled  to  accept.  The  Colony  was  therefore  practically 
insolvent.  Moreover,  the  expenditure  had  for  some  time  gone 
on  increasing  in  proportion  as  the  revenues  continued  to 
diminish.  In  the  vear  1805,  duriuo:  the  interreo:num  of 
Mr.  fiercer,  the  expenditnre  exceeded  the  revenue  by  3134,801, 
and  in  1800,  when  Sir  Richard  had  just  stepped  in,  by  $107,877. 
But  now  a  change  came.  Sir  Richard  at  once  reduced  the 
expenditure  from  $930,954  in  the  previous  year  (1800)  to 
$780,910,  though  not  without  leaving  for  a  while  the  Military 
Contribution  in  arrear.  At  the  same  time  (1807), the  revenue 
was  permanently  raised,  by  means  of  Sir  Richard's  Stamp 
Ordinance,  which  came  into  operation  at  the  close  of  the  year 
(October  9,  1807).  Therewith  the  finances  of  the  Colony  began 
to  right  themselves  slowly,  though  at  this  very  time  the 
commercial  depression,  which  had  made  itself  felt  in  1800, 
liad  been  much  aggravated  and  the  tradal  interests  of  the 
Colony  were  passing  through  a  crisis  such  as  had  never  before 
occurred  in  the  history  of  the  Colony.  The  expenditure  of  the 
year  18,07.  was  kept  v.ithin  the  limits  of  the  revenue  to  the 
extent  of -,$128,584  aud  next  year  (1808)  to  the  extent  of 
$142,794,  though  in, the  latter  year  all  the  arrears  of  the  Military 
Contribution  were  paid  off.  The  revenue  of  the  year  1808 
amounted  to  the  astounding  sum  of  $1,184,105  and  yielded, 
a^  the  expenditure  stood  at  $991,811,  a  surplus  of  $140,000. 
Instead  of  rejoicing  over  this  result,  the  mercantile  community, 
engulfed  at  the-  time;  in  a  slough  of  despond,  expressed  great 
dissatisfaction  at  the  heaviness  of  the  taxation  and  pointed  with 
groans  to  the  yield  of  the  Stamp  Ordinance  which  had  taken 
$101,000  out  of  the  pockets  of  the  merchants  in  tha,t  one  year. 
The  revenue  of  1809  shewed  an  apparent  decrease  of  £43,811 
as  compared  with  1808,  but  in  reality  there  was  spme  increase, 
as  credit  was  erroneously  taken  in  1868  for  £55,660  gambling. 


426  CHAPTER   XIX. 

revenue  which  had  to  be  refunded.  In  1870  the  revenue 
decreased  slightly  (by  £1,791)  and  somewhat  more  in  1871 
(by  £14,711).  But  Sir  Richard  could  boast  of  having  so 
regulated  the  finances,  that,  during  a  period  of  unexampled 
commercial  disasters  in  China,  the  Colony  emerged  from  a  state 
of  insolvency  to  one  of  assured  financial  stability,  without  leaving 
a  single  claim  unsatisfied  or  borrowing  a  fn\ctioQ  from  the 
Special  Fund  which  had  unavoidably  accrued  from  the  gambling 
licences. 

It  has  already  been  shewn  that  this  financial  success  was 
achieved  principally  by  means  of  the  Stamp  Ordinance  (12  of 
1866).  When  Sir  Richard  first  announced  (August,  1866)  his 
intention  of  introducing  a  Stamp  Act,  the  foreign  community 
seemed  to  be  rather  at  a  loss,  at  first,  what  to  think  of  the 
measure.  But  when  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill  was  carried  in 
Council  (September,  186G),  one  local  paper  {China  Mail)  boldly 
supported  the  principle  of  the  Bill,  whilst  another  paper  {Dc/ih/ 
Press)  opposed  it  and  complained  that  the  Bill  was  hurried 
through  whilst  the  unofficial  Members  of  Council  were  ignorant  of 
its  contents  and  bearings.  A  jHiblic  meeting  was  held  (September, 
1866)  and,  in  pursuance  of  the  resolutions  passed,  a  Memorial 
protesting  against  the  confirmation  of  the  proposed  Ordinance 
was  accordingly  signed  by  almost  every  firm  in  the  Colony. 
The  principal  objections  which  the  foreign  community  had 
against  the  Bill  consisted  in  the  following  allegations.  (1)  that 
stamps  would  seriously  obstruct  commerce,  a  surmise  which 
subsequently  proved  unfounded;  (2)  that  the  measure  was  of 
such  an  expansive  character  as  to  encourage  extravagance  on 
the  part  of  the  Government,  an  imputation  born  of  distrust 
which  subsequent  events  contradicted;  (3)  that  the  incidence 
of  this  form  of  taxation  would  fall  principally  on  foreign 
commerce,  whilst  the  Chinese  would  manage  to  evade  it.  The 
force  of  this  latter  allegation,  which  appears  to  have  been  a 
correct  forecast  of  the  subsequent  working  of  the  Stamp 
Ordinance,  was  enhanced  by  the  statement,  which  was  made  in 
a   public  paper  at  the  time,  that,  as  things  then  stood,  the 


f 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   R.  G.    M.vcDONNELL.  427 

Chinese  community  were  taxed  $4  per  head,  and  the  British- 
and  foreign  community  ^250  per  head.  Although  Sir  Richanl 
willingly  modified  details  of  the  Bill  to  meet  minor  objections 
of  the  community,  he  failed  to  give  satisfaction,  as  a  strong 
majority  of  the  public  objected  to  the  Bill  in  toto,  A  second 
public  meeting  was  held,  resulting  in  the  presentation  of  another 
Memorial  condemnatory  of  the  whole  measure.  When  it  was 
announced  (early  in  March,  1867)  that  H.  M.  Government 
had  ratified  the  Bill,  the  temper  of  the  community  was  aroused 
and  Sir  Richard  was  publicly  accused  (March  15,  1867)  of 
having  induced  Lord  Carnarvon  to  believe  that  the  Governor's 
arguments  had  reconciled  the  community  to  an  impost  which, 
in  reality,  was  all  but  unanimously  felt  to  be  deeply  injurious 
to  the  true  interests  of  the  Colony.  However,  by  the  time  tl>e 
Stamp  Ordinance  came  into  operation  (October  9,  1867),  the 
feeling  of  the  community,  though  maintaining  strong  objections 
to  the  measure  and  subsequently  re-iterating  its  condemnation 
of  it  by  another  public  meeting  (March  17,  1868),  had  changed, 
so  far  as  the  Governor's  connection  with  the  Ordinance  was 
concerned.  It  was  then  generally  believed  that  the  Stamp 
Ordinance  would  never  have  been  brought  into  operation  if 
the  Governor  had  been  allowed  free  hand  in  his  dealing  with 
the  gambling  problem,  and  that  the  determination  of  H.  M. 
Gov'ernment  to  insist,  in  spite  of  all  arguments  and  remon- 
strances, upon  the  payment  of  the  Military  Contribution,  had 
made  the  enforcement  of  the  Stamp  Ordinance  a  matter  of 
sheer  necessity.  By  order  of  Sir  Richard,  several  prosecutions- 
were  instituted  with  a  view  to  compel  the  Chinese  population 
to  comply,  in  some  measure,  with  the  provisions  of  the  Stamp- 
Ordinance.  These  prosecutions,  however,  served  only  to- 
invigorate  the  general  dissatisfaction  felt  with  the  working  of 
this  measure.  With  the  exception  of  receipts  to  be  given  to 
foreigners,  Chinese  tradesmen  and  merchants  disregarded  the 
Ordinance  and  stamped  commercial  documents  only  in  aises  in 
which  they  apprehended  the  possibility  of  litigation.  Anxious 
to  improve  the  working  of  the  Ordinance,  Sir  Richard  appointed 


428  CHAPTER   XIX. 

(March,  1868)  a  Commission  and  invited  the  public  to  bring 
before  that  Commission  their  complaints  against  the  operation 
of  the  Ordinance  and  suggestions  for  its  improvement.  The 
Chamber  of  Commerce  accordingly  passed  (April,  1808)  a  series 
of  resolutions  which  were  forwarded  to  the  Commissioners.  In 
pursuance  of  their  recommendations,  the  Stamp  Ordinance  was 
subsequently  amended  (May  28,  and  November  21,  18G8)  and 
the  community,  finding  eventually  that  the  Ordinance  did  not 
materially  injure  the  prosperity  of  the  trade  of  the  Colony, 
became  in  course  of  time  reconciled  with  this  measure  which 
has  ever  since  proved  to  be  one  of  the  most  important  sources 
of  revenue.    • 

It  is  necessary  in  this  connection  to  refer  to  the  measures 
adopted  by  Sir  Richard  for  the  regulation  of  Chinese  gambling 
liouses,  as  these  measures,  though  originally  projected  rather 
as  a  solution  of  an  intricate  social  problem  and  as  a  preventive 
at',  corruption  in  the  Police  Force,  resulted  in  a  considerable 
augmentcUion  of  the  Colony's  temporary  and  special  revenues. 
The  administration  of  Sir  R.  MacDonnell  is,  indeed,  specially 
distinguished  by  the  fearless  attempt  he  made,  in  bold  defiance 
of  public  opinion  and  official  restraints,  to  solve  the  problem, 
which  had  troubled  all  his  predecessors  in  office,  connected  with 
the  well-known  Chinese  mania  for  gambling.  This  national 
vice,  like  opium  smoking  and  prostitution,  but  more  wide- 
spread and  powerful  than  either,  is  rooted  in  an  ineradicable, 
because  congenital,  disease  of  the  Chinese  social  organism. 
Sir  Richard  was  quite  right  in  stating  that  the  passion  for 
gambling,  as' observed  in  European  nations,  is  nothing  compared 
with  thesame  craving  as  it  appears  among  all  classes  of  Chinese, 
and  that  iii  Hongkong  it  presents,  through  the  corruption  of 
the  Police  Force,  necessarily  resulting  from  a  legal  prohibition 
of  it,  a  problem  which  it  is  easy  to  ignore  but,  for  a  Governor, 
imperative  to  solve  in  some  form  or  other.  It  has  been 
mentioned  above  that  Sir  J.  Bowring,  the  first  Governor  who 
I'ecognized  the  importance  of  the  problem,  proposed  to  deal 
with  it  b}' 'licensing;  as  in   Macao,  a   few    gaming   houses   and 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   R.  G.   MacDONNELL.  42^ 

enlisting  thereby  the  interests  of  the  licensees  in  the  suppression 
of  all  unlicensed  houses.     From  a  remark  in  one  of  Sir  Richard V 
dispatches,  it  would  seetu  that  Sir  H.  Robinson  shared  the  views 
of  Sir  J.  Bowring.     But  neither  of  them  succeeded  in  obtaining 
the  sanction  of  H.  M.  Government  for  so  daring  an  innovation. 
Sir   R.   MacDonnell,  before   resorting   to   this  poHcy  which  he 
knew   to   be   not   only   repugnant    to    the    feelings    of    H.   M. 
Government    and   condemned   by   several   successive   Secretaries 
of  State,  but  likely  to  arouse  strong  opposition  on  the  part  of 
public  opinion   in  England,  did  his  very  best,  while  sounding 
the   Colonial  Office  on  the  subject  of  licensing,  to  purify  the 
police  and   to   suppress   all   gambling    houses   by   the   strongest 
measures   of  discipline   and   legislation.      As   soon   as   he   had, 
by  pei'sonal  investigation,  ascertained  the  seriousness  and  extent 
of   the  evil,  and  the  nature  of  the  difficulties  which  stood  in 
the  way  of  its  abatement,  he  set  to  work  to  weed  the  Police 
Force  of  its  suspects  and  to  inspire  the  remainder  with  a  whole- 
some terror  of  his  determination  to  bring  to  book  every  defaulter. 
For  a  time  the  corrupt  members  of  the  Force  dared  not  take 
bribes    and    the    keepers    of    gambling    houses   curtailed   their 
operations  and  redoubled  their  precautions.     Sir  Richard   soon 
added  legislative  to  his  executive  and  detective  measures.     He 
had  not  been  many  months  in  the  Colony,  before  he  introduced 
an   amended   Registration   Ordinance   (7   of   18()6)   with   many 
novel    and    important    provisions.       Amongst    them     was    the 
application  of  the  principle  of  vicarious  responsibility,  making 
registered    householders    i'es]wnsiblc    for   the  payment  of  fines 
incurred  by  residents  or  lodgers  in  houses  for  certain  oifences, 
more  especially   gambling,   but  giving    householders  a  remedy 
over  against   the   original  oifenders  if  they  could  catch  them. 
The   Chinese   householders   considered   this    essentially    Chinese 
principle    a    great    hardship,   and    the    managers  of  gambling 
associations  were  so  driven  into  a  corner  that  they  offered  the 
Governor   first  $200,000  and  then  $365,000  per  annum  for  a 
licence   to  open   a   limited   number  of  gaming   houses.      They 
shewed    thereby   what  an  immense  sum  they   could  afiford  to 


480  CHAPTER  XIX. 

spend  ou  bribing  the  Police  if  measures  of  repression  were  con- 
tinued. Sir  Richard,  however,  continued  his  policy  of  repression 
which  at  first  seemed  so  effective  that,  on  January  7,  1867,  he 
reported  to  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon,  that  the  Police  Force  was 
greatly  improved,  that  crime  was  more  rare  than  it  had  ever 
been,  that  a  prospect  was  begiiming  to  open  of  almost 
suppressing  gambling,  that  gambling  was  already  diminished 
to  less  than  one-fifth  of  the  amount  at  which  he  had  found  it, 
that  for  many  Aveeks  past  none  of  the  Police  had  received  any 
regular  allowances  from  the  gambling  societies,  but  that  street 
gambling  still  continued,  and  that,  unless  the  Police  continued 
4iheir  vigilance,  the  evil  would  again  break  out  as  before. 
But  hardly  had  a  week  passed,  after  this  roseate  report  Avas 
-dispatched,  when  circumstances  came  to  his  knowledge  which 
caused  him  to  report  (January  14,  1867)  that  the  progress 
made  by  the  Police  in  suppressing  gambling  was  not  so  great 
:as  he  had  thought.  Three  months  later  (April  29,  1867), 
he  had  further  to  report  that  circumstances  had  led  to  a  partial 
renewal  of  the  old  demoralisation  among  the  Police.  On  May  9, 
1867,  Sir  Richard  found  that  he  had  come  to  the  end  of  his 
I'esources  and  that  he  had  failed.  On  that  day  he  informed 
4ihe  Duke  of  Buckingham  and  Chandos,  that  he  now  saw  no 
reasonable  grounds  for  expecting  that  the  Government  could 
-ever  succeed  in  suppressing  gambling  in  Hongkong  and  that 
the  present  mode  of  dealing  with  it  (by  prohibition)  is  destructive 
■of  the  morals  of  the  Police  and  ineffective  for  the  purpose  sought. 
Sir  Richard  now  determined  to  try  the  system  of  licensing 
ix  small  number  of  gaming  houses  with  a  view  to  control  gambling 
and  suppress  it  by  degrees.  He  had  thought  of  it  before.  As 
iiarly  as  August,  1866,  he  had  privately  sounded  the  Members 
of  Council  with  regard  to  the  draft  of  an  Ordinance  (8  of  1866) 
entitled  *  for  the  maintenance  of  order  and  cleanliness '  but  con- 
4iaining  provisions  for  the  regulation  (i.e.  'Ucensing)  of  gaming 
houses,  which,  he  hoped,  would  obviate  the  necessity  of  resorting 
*o  the  Stamp  Ordinance  then  under  discussion.  This  was  the 
foait  offered  to  the  unofficial  Members  of  Council.     By  their 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  R.    G.  MacDONNELL.  431 

taking  it,  they  were  deprived  of  their  freedom  of  action  in 
relation  to  both  Ordinances.  On  28th  August,  1866,  8ir  Richard, 
in  forwarding  to  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon  the  draft  of  Ordinance 
8  of  1866  (for  the  maintenance  of  order  and  cleanliness), 
proposed  that  the  Governor  in  Council  should  be  authorized  *to 
adopt  a  system  hitherto  discountenanced  by  H.M.  Government 
and  derive  a  large  revenue  from  the  alteration.'  He  added  that 
'  the  Members  of  Council  all  advocate  such  change  of  system 
both  as  a  police  and  a  revenue  measure.'  Instead  of  sending  to 
the  Governor  the  reply  which  had  been  given  to  Sir  J.  Bowring 
when  he  made  the  same  proposal,  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon, 
admitting  that  the  case  of  Hongkong  was  peculiar  and  justified 
exceptional  measures,  approved  of  Sir  Richard's  proposal  of 
bringing  a  limited  number  of  gaming  houses  under  the  control 
of  the  police,  by  licensing  them,  with  a  view  to  the  eventual 
suppression  of  all  gambling.  He  added,  however,  one  all- 
important,  and  to  Sir  Richard  disastrous,  condition,  viz.  that 
the  licence  fees  must  not  be  farmed  out  but  treated  as  mattere 
of  police  and  by  no  means  as  revenue.  Sir  Richard  forthwith 
set  to  work  to  remove  or  circumvent  this  condition,  not 
because  revenue  was  his  real  object  but  because  the  Chinese 
farmers  of  the  gaming  licence  would,  if  paying  a  heavy 
fee,  be  compelled  by  their  own  interests  to  form  a  detective 
police  for  the  suppression  of  all  unlicensed  gambling,  and  these 
detectives  would  then  co-operate  with  the  Police  Force  for  the 
arrest  and  detention  of  dangerous  characters  who  flock  to 
gambling  houses  as  moths  to  the  light.  Accordingly  he  informed 
*  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon  (January  14,  1867)  that  it  would  be 
impossible  to  proceed  by  any  other  mod«  than  farming  the  licence 
for  establishing  gaming  houses,  because  in  no  other  way  could 
the  Government  secure  Chinese  co-operation,  and  he  suggested 
to  leave  to  the  Governor  in  Council  a  discretion  to  exercise  his 
powers  under  the  Ordinance  as  circumstances  might  render 
expedient.  As  regards  the  financial  aspects  of  the  measure, 
which  were  so  distasteful  to  H.  M.  Government,  he  further 
stated  (May  9,  1867)  that  any  pecuniary  advantage,  which  the 


432  CHAPTER   XIX. 

Colony  might  derive  from  the  change,  ought  not  for  a  moment 
be  regarded  as  his  motive  for  introducing  it,  but  that  a  sura 
exceeding  $200,000  'per  annum  could  easily  be  derived  from 
that  source,  and,  if  the  Mint  were  closed,  the  Colony  would  then 
be  able  to  resume  payment  of  its  Military  Contribution  and  alsa 
to  dispense  with  the  Stamp  Act. 

Meanwhile,  however,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  and  Chaudos 
had  succeeded  to  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon,  and  he,  while  fully 
concurring  in  his  predecessor's  instructions,  abstained  from 
entering  into  any  discussion  of  the  Governor's  arguments,  gave 
no  discretionary  power  to  the  Governor  such  as  he  sought,  and 
expressly  dechned  (April  1,  1867)  to  sanction  the  farming  system. 
Subsequently  he  specified  (July  18,  18G7)  that  the  licence  fees 
should  be  limited  to  an  amount  covering  police  arrangements 
connected  with  the  system.  It  was  on  this  basis  that  the  Duke 
informed  Sir  Richard  (August  28,  1867)  that  Her  Majesty  had 
graciously  confirmed  and  allowed  the  proposed  Ordinance  (8  of 
1866,  now  re-enacted  as  9  of  1867)  for  the  maintenance  of  order 
and  cleanliness. 

Now  it  must  be  pointed  out  that,  up  to  July,  1867,  the 
Hongkong  community,  though  well  aware  that  the  Governor 
had  energetically  attempted  to  suppress  gambling  and  to  purge 
out  corruption  in  the  Police  Force  and  that  he  had  failed,  knew 
nothing  of  the  Governor's  secret  discussions  with  his  Council 
nor  of  the  sanction  given  by  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon  and  by  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham  to  the  proposed  licensing  of  gaming 
houses.  Moreover,  those  paragraphs  of  Ordinance  9  of  1867 
which  gave  the  Governor  power  to  make  regulations  for  'the 
better  limitation  and  control  of  gambling '  were  so  worded  that 
the  uninitiated  reader  would  not  suspect,  what  the  Council  and 
the  Secretary  of  State  well  knew,  viz.,  that  gambling  was  to  be 
regulated  and  suppressed,  by  licensing  it,  under  this  Ordinance. 

As  soon  as  Sir  Richard  learned  by  telegraph  that  Ordinance 
9  of  1867  would  be  confirmed,  he  disclosed  his  scheme  (July  10, 
1867)  to  the  public,  arranged  forthwith  the  licensing  of  eleven 
gaming  houses   (afterwards  increased  to  sixteen)    and    opened 


THE  ADMIXLSTRATIOX   OF   SIR   R.  G.   MacDONNELL.  43  »^ 

tbem  on  15th  September,  1807.  The  revenue  from  the  licences, 
distasteful  to  the  Governor  himself  but  an  indispensable 
concomitant  of  his  scheme,  had  to  be  seo^regated,  by  order  of 
H.M.  Government,  in  a  distinct  Special  Fnnd,  which  amounted 
to  8155,000  on  23rd  May,  1868,  to  8221,783  on  28th  June, 
18G1),  and  to  $277,334:  on  31st  December,  1869.  The 
Government  oraming  houses  were  at  first  open  to  all  except 
women,  but  foreiijners  were  not  allowed  to  play.  After  some 
time,  none  but  Chinese  and  Malays  were  admitted  (July  27* 
18G8).  Then  it  became  expedient  to  exclude  Chinese  servants, 
shroffs,  cashiers  and  bill  collectors  (September  16,  1868).  Sir 
Richard  closely  watched  the  returns  of  crime  and  honestly 
believed  that  his  system,  of  providing  a  vent  for  the  irrepressible 
Chinese  passion  for  gambling,  was  steadily  reducing  crime  in  the 
Colony.  Numbers  of  dangerous  characters,  long  wanted  by 
the  police  or  released  from  gaol  and  deported  on  condition  of 
their  never  returning  to  the  Colony,  were  ari'ested  at  the  gaming 
houses.  He  reported  (March  6,  1860)  that  the  good  results  of 
the  licensing  system  included  complete  extinction  of  improper 
relations  between  the  police  and  the  gambling  societies,  extra- 
ordinary diminution  of  theft  among  servants,  and  effectual  aid 
given  by  the  licensees  in  apprehending  dangerous  characters. 
He  also  demonstrated  by  statistics  that  a  general  diminution  of 
crime  had  taken  place  in  the  Colony  since  the  opening  of  the 
gaming  houses. 

The  first  disclosure  of  this  remarkable  scheme  (July  10, 
1867)  took  the  whole  Colony  by  surprise.  The  few  Members  of 
Council,  who  had  been  initiated  into  the  secret,  had  kept  the 
secret  faithfully  from  the  public  whom  they  were  supposed  to 
represent.  Sir  Kichard  reported  (July  20,  1867)  that  the  new 
arrangement  had  met  with  the  general  if  not  unanimous  concur- 
rence of  the  community,  with  the  exception  of  '  a  few  gentlemen 
of  the  clerical  profession  who  felt  it  their  duty  to  protest.'  As 
to  the  unofficial  Members  of  Council,  Sir  Richard  stated  (October 
15,  1867)  that  *  the  testimony  of  every  one  of  them  had  from  the 
first  been  in  favour  of  the  measure  with  the  exception  of  one 

28 


434  CHAPTER  XIX. 

acting  Member'  (F.  Parry).      The  principal   opponent   of    the 
measure  was  the  Rev.  F.  S.  Turner,  of  the  London  Mission,  who 
wrote  some  stirring  letters  to  the  papers,  published  a  pamphlet 
for  distribution  in  England,  and  induced  four  other  missionaries 
(Ch.  J.  Warren,  J.  Piper,  R.    Lechler,   J.   Loercher)   and   the 
Minister    of    Union    Church    (D.    B.    Morris)    to   join   in   the 
(jrusade.     These  objectors,  thenceforth  known  as  '  the  moral  six,' 
presented  to  the  Governor  (July   24,   18G7)  a  brief  Memorial, 
complaining  that  the  measure  had  been  introduced  in  an  under- 
hand and  un-English  way,  and  that  it  was  calculated  to  lead  to 
a  large  increase  of  gambling.     The  Memorialists  further  alleged 
that  the  measure  was  objectionable   to  a  large   section   of   the 
Ohinese  community,  and  illegal  by  both  British  and  Chinese  law. 
They  finally  averred  that  the  Govprnment  had  no  right  to  coun- 
tenance and  sanction  vice.     The  Registrar  General  (C.  C.  Smith) 
had  to  do  his  best,  by  means  of  a  contemptuous  reply  he  sent 
to   the    missionaries    in   the   Governor's   name,    to   refute   their 
arguments.      He  also  wrote  reports  supporting  the  Governor's 
contention  that  the  system  had  produced  good  results  and  gained 
the  approval  of  the  Cbinese  community.      8ir  Richard  attributed 
at  first  no  importance  to  the  opposition  of  the  missionaries,  and 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham  also  declined   (September  2G,   1807) 
to   express   any  opinion  on  their  Memorial,   merely  asking  the 
Governor  to  report  more  fully.     But  the  moral  six,  undismayed 
by  the   apathy  of  the  community  and  the  Secretary   of   State, 
appealed   to   the   home   country   in   a    manner    which    speedily 
influenced  the  British  press,  re-echoed  in  Parliament  and  caused 
Sir  Richard  to  complain  (January  r>0,  1808)  that  those  clerical 
gentlemen   had   elsewhere   gone   the   length   of   enforcing    their 
reasoning   by  designating   him    Anti-Christ   and   accusing    him 
of  wilful  untruthfulness.     Subsequently,  when  public  opinion  in 
Hongkong  also  commenced  to  turn  against  his  scheme  (May  23, 
1808),  Sir  Richard  at  last  combatted  the  position  of  the  moral 
six  as  that  of  a  lazy  and  easily  satisfied  morality  which  folds  its 
arms   and,    while   doing  nothing  to  repress  acknowledged  evils 
and    nurseries    of    crime,    cries    out    atrainst    the   Government 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  R.  G.  MacDONNELL.  435 

attempting  fit  least  to  control  the  evil  which  cannot  be  repressed, 
arguing  that  the  Government  is  bound  rather  to  ignore  the 
existence  of  the  vice  than  to  control  what  is  irrepressible.  There 
was   much  truth  in  this  remark. 

Meanwhile,  however,  the  protest  of  the  moral  six  had 
aroused  public  opinion  at  home,  stirred  up  the  Social  Science 
Association  and  made  itself  heard  in  the  only  place  where 
Colonial  protests,  if  based  on  a  genuine  grievance,  produce  a 
tangible  effect,  viz.  in  Parliament.  As  to  the  action  of  the 
Social  Science  Association  little  need  be  said.  That  Society 
disgraced  itself  in  the  matter  by  becoming  the  unconscious 
tool  of  the  two  men  who,  in  Sir  J.  Bowring's  time,  had  poisoned 
the  social  life  of  the  Colony,  viz.  the  former  Attorney  General 
and  the  former  editor  of  the  Daily  Press.  These  two  men, 
having  learned  that  the  victim  of  their  animosities,  the  Registrar 
General  of  Sir  J.  Bowring's  time,  was  the  officially  recognized 
agent  and  adviser  of  the  licensees  in  Hongkong,  receiving  from 
them  a  handsome  salary  (J;20,000  during  the  first  year),  managed 
to  renew  their  persecution  by  assailing  Sir  Richard's  policy  under 
the  aegis  of  the  Social  Science  x\ssociation.  At  an  interview 
which  Earl  Granville  granted  (March  27,  18G9)  to  a  deputation 
of  that  Society,  the  former  Attorney  General,  who  actually 
introduced  the  deputation,  and  the  former  editor  of  the  Bailt/ 
Press  were  the  pi'incipal  speakers.  They  suggested,  as  if  Sir 
Richard  had  not  tried  this  very  principle  and  failed,  that  the 
only  way  to  enforce  any  laws  against  gambling  houses  was  by 
enforcing  the  Chinese  laws  of  collective  and  mutual  responsibility 
by  means  of  the  tithing  (Kap)  and  the  hundred  (Pao),  insti- 
tutions W'hich  had  been  recognized  by  the  Hongkong  Legislature 
in  Ordinances  passed  between  the  years  1844  and  1857,  but 
never  put  into  execution.  However,  this  interview  and  the 
several  Memorials  presented  by  the  Secretaries  of  the  Association 
(August  1,  18G8,  and  January  14,  18G9),  as  also  Sir  Richard's 
official  reply  (October  20,  18G8)  which  the  Secretary  of  State 
declined  to  forward,  as  immaterial,  had  no  effect  whatever.  The 
remarks  of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  on  the  subject  are  rather 


436  CHAPTER   XIX. 

instructive  as  to  the  importance  which  the  Colonial  Office 
generally  attaches  to  Memorials.  He  told  Sir  Eichard  (December 
8,  1868)  that,  though  he  might  properly  defend  himself  and 
liis  Government  from  accusations  made  in  Parliament,  or  which 
have  been  officially  made,  it  was  hardly  necessary  for  him  to  do 
so  in  the  case  of  a  private  Society. 

As  to  the  parliamentary  debates  on  the  subject  of  the 
Hongkong  gambling  houses,  they  did  not  contribute  any  real 
help  towards  a  better  solution  of  the  important  social  problem, 
involved.  For  a  general  understanding  of  Sir  Richard's  dis- 
interested effort  to  seek  a  solution  of  it,  even  at  the  risk  of  the 
bitterest  obloquy,  it  was  rather  helpful  that  the  official  documents, 
bearing  on  the  whole  question,  from  the  time  of  Sir  J.  Bowring 
down  to  Sir  Richard's  latest  dispatch,  were  printed  and  published 
(June  15,  1868  and  August  0,  1869)  at  the  request  of  Parliament. 

The  only  serious  difficulties  which  Sir  Richard  encountered 
arose  out  of  his  relations  with  the  successive  Secretaries  of  State. 
Shortly  after  Sir  Richard  had  opened  licensed  gaming  houses,, 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham  expressed  his  surprise  (October  14, 
1867)  that  reports  were  reaching  him  from  several  quarters  to  the 
effect  that  the  licence  fees  were  being  made  a  source  of  revenue. 
That  the  Duke  had  imperfectly  understood  Sir  Richard's  policy,, 
appeared  clearly  from  a  statement  which  he  made  in  the  Honse- 
of  Lords  when  lie  said  (December  3,  1867)  that  'Sir  Richard 
did  not  propose  to  put  gambling  houses  down  but  to  obtain  a 
large  revenue  from  them  and  to  extirpate  the  evil  in  a  very  short 
time.'  Sir  Richard  had  to  explain  his  aims  more  fully,  but  when 
the  Duke,  who  was  about  to  vacate  his  office,  at  last  grasped 
the  real  drift  of  Sir  Richard's  policy,  he  used  rather  strong 
language  (December  2,  1868),  expressed  his  'entire  disapproval  of 
the  proceedings'  and  threatened  'to  stop  the  licensing  altogether.' 
Sir  Richard  naturally  considered  himself  unfairly  treated  and, 
in  writing  to  the  Duke's  successor  (Earl  Granville),  referred 
(March  6,  1860)  to  the  Duke's  dispatch  as  containing  'sweeping 
comments  which  implied  a  general  censure  on  the  Hongkong 
Government.'      But  this  made  matters  worse.      Earl  Granville 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  R.    G.  MacDONNELL.  437 

Tlow,  standino-  up  for  his  predecessor,  censured  Sir  Richard  (May 
1,  1809)  for  the  peculiarly  unbecoming  tone  of  his  remarks.  The 
embroglio  became  intensified  when  Earl  Granville  complained 
(October  7,  1809),  in  view  of  Sir  Richard's  independence  of 
action,  that  the  clearest  instructions  addressed  to  him  seemed 
insufficient  to  prevent  misunderstanding,  and  actually  threatened 
8ir  Richard  by  saying  (October  8,  1809)  that  he  would  view  very 
seriously  any  further  attempt  to  escape  from  a  strict  execution 
of  his  instructions.  Later  on  (January  7,  1870)  Earl  Granville 
-again  censured  Sir  Richard  for  unwarrantably  assuming  that  he 
(the  Secretary  of  State)  would  sanction  the  proposal  to  charge 
against  the  Special  Fund  all  expenditure  of  the  Colony  on  police 
and  education  in  excess  of  a  fixed  normal  standard.  The  Gover- 
nor was  sternly  ordered  to  repay  into  the  Special  Fund  all 
unauthorized  appropriations,  amounting  to  ^129,701,  and  was 
compelled  thereby  to  sell  the  Colonial  gun-boat  and  to  devise 
other  forms  of  retrenchment  to  the  great  dismay  of  the  Colony. 

The  differences  between   Sir  Richard  and  his  superiors  in 

Downing  Street  admitted  of  no  compromise  and  his  whole  scheme 

was  wrecked   thereby.     He   had   thought  only  of  securing   the 

<30-operation  of  the  Chinese  licensees  to  suppress  crime  and  to 

prevent  the  corruption  of  the  police.     They  had  been  thinking 

only  of  their  inability  to  defend  in  Parliament  the  raising  of  any 

revenue  from  vice.  What  Sir  Richard  fought  for,  was  the  farming 

system.     What  they  objected  to,  was  the  raising  of  a  revenue. 

*  Let  the  money  be  thrown  into  the  sea  as  soon  as  it  is  paid,  but 

-<lo   not   let   the   hold  which  it  gives  the  Government  over  the 

-licensees  be  abandoned.'     These  w^ords,  addressed  by  Sir  Richard 

to  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  (January  30,  1808),  contain  the  true  . 

key  to  an  understanding  of  his  policy.     But,  although  in  truth 

the  raising  of  a  revenue  and  not  the  use  of  it  w'as  the  backbone 

-of  his  scheme,  yet  the  mere  raising  of  a  revenue  from  vice  was 

the  exact  point  in  which  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon,  the  Duke  of 

Buckingham  and  Earl  Granville  Siiw  the  real  gi*avamen  of  the 

charges  brought  against  Sir  Richard  by  the  opponents  of  his 

.scheme.      Moreover,    having    once   raised  a    revenue  from   the 


438  CHAPTER  XIX. 

g-aming  houses,  Sir  Richard  did  nob  throw  the  money  into  the 
sea,  nor  would  he  meekly  submit,  when  ordei-ed  to  segregate  it  in^ 
the  Special  Fund,  and  keep  his  hands  off  it.  On  the  contrary, 
having  deliberattily  deviated  from  his  instructions  by  farming 
out  the  licences,  he  persistently  sought  to  wring  from  the  Author- 
ities in  Downing  Street  admissions  which,  when  read  in  the 
light  of  his  suffo-estions,  which  often  were  left  unconti'adicted,. 
seemed  to  sanction  the  application  of  the  gambliug  revenue 
to  all  sorts  of  purposes  such  as  served  to  ameliorate  the  condition 
of  the  Chinese  population.  It  was  this  persistent  determination, 
to  have  his  own  way  in  dealing  with  the  Special  Fund,  that 
irritated  his  superiors  and  produced  the  above  mentioned  mutual 
misunderstanding. 

When  his  relations  with  the  Colonial  Office  became  thus 
positively  strained.  Sir  Richard's  one  desire  was  'finality  and 
positive  explicitness  of  instructions'  (March  7, 1870).  His  health 
was  worn  out  by  the  struggle.  Accordingly  he  decided  to  avail 
himself  of  the  sick-leave  he  had  obtained  and  returned,  by  way 
of  Japan  and  San  Francisco,  to  Europe  in  order  to  make,  in 
personal  conference  with  the  Secretary  of  State,  a  final  effort  to 
save  his  measure  from  failure  (April  12,  1870). 

As  soon  as  he  had  left  the  Colony,  the  revulsion  of  public 
feeling  wliich,  since  1868,  had  gradually  turned  against  Sir 
Richard's  policy,  gathered  strength  for  a  general  condemnation 
of  it.  As  early  as  April  2,  18G8,  some  of  the  leading  merchants 
(Ph.  Ryrie,  J.  B.  Taylor,  E.  A.  Hitchcock,  R.  Rowett,  J.  Lapraik), 
who  had  originally  favoured  the  Governor's  scheme,  publicly 
stated,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  that  the 
system  was  working  an  incalculable  amount  of  harm,  and  that 
the  principal  Chinese  merchants  were  of  the  same  opinion. 
Nothing  further,  however,  came  of  this  movement.  But  when 
the  Governor  had  departed,  the  Chief  Justice  (J.  Smale)  com- 
menced to  denounce  the  Governor's  policy  from  the  Bench.  He 
finally  fornmlated  his  complaints  in  communications  addressed 
to  the  Colonial  Secretary  (August  8,  1870,  and  February  10, 
1871),  alleging  that  the  severe  enactments  j^assed  by  Parliament 


THK   ADMINISTRATION   OF   SIR   R.   G.   MacDONNKLL.  43^ 

since  1843  had  never  been  made  law  in  the  Colony ;  that  within 
the  years  LSO?  and  18(18  over  !jl(),G74,740  had  been  staked  and 
lost  at  the  Government  gaming  houses  ;  that,  instead  of  decreasing 
gambling,  the  Government  measure  had  greatly  increased  the 
vice  ;  that  it  caused  and  fostered  very  serious  crimes  and  that 
suicides  had  been  traced  to  it ;  that  a  tone  of  dishonesty  had  been 
engendered  by  the  gaming  houses  in  petty  tradesmen  and  that 
this  tone  had  demoralised  the  police;  that  as  gambling  is  a  crime 
in  China  as  well  as  in  England,  the  actual  licensing  of  it  lowers 
the  prestige  of  the  British  Government  in  China.  The  Chief 
Justice  submitted'also  a  draft  Bill  for  the  repression  of  gambling, 
but  the  Attorney  General  (J.  Pauncefote)  considered  it  so  severe 
that  no  person  in  the  Colony  would  be  safe  from  its  terrible  pains 
and  penalties.  The  Lieutenant-Governor  (H.  W.  Whitfield) 
also  took  sides  with  the  opponents  of  Sir  Richard's  measure.  He 
was  anxious  to  close  the  gambling  houses  and  frankly  told  Earl 
Kimberley  so  (August  21),  1870).  He  explained  that,  as  their 
maintenance  failed,  in  his  opinion,  to  check  crime,  he  saw  no 
reason  why  the  Colony  should  hav^e  all  the  odium  of  a  pernicious 
system  attached  to  it,  whilst  it  was  debarred  from  the  application 
of  the  accruing  funds  which  would  be  of  lasting  benefit  to  public 
institutions  generally  and  more  especially  to  those  connected 
with  the  Chinese.  Inferring  from  the  tenor  of  the  entire  cor- 
respondence with  the  Colonial  Office,  that  no  more  acceptable 
action  could  be  taken  in  the  Colony  than  to  put  a  stop  to  the 
legalisation  of  public  gambling,  Major-(Jeneral  Whitfield  took 
it  upon  himself,  with  the  approval  of  the  Executive  Council,  to 
give  notice  (August  17,  1870)  to  the  Hcensees  of  his  intention  to 
close  the  gaming  houses  on  1st  January,  1871.  In  Hongkong 
every  one  thought  the  matter  settled.  But  the  Eail  of  Kimberley 
telegraphically  countermanded  this  measure  and  informed  the 
gallant  General  that  an  officer  in  temporary  administration  of 
the  Government  should  not  take  upon  himself  to  depart,  without 
express  directions  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  from  the  policy 
of  the  Governor  whose  place  he  occupies.  Accordingly,  the 
licensing  system  continued  for  another  year,  the  monopoly  beiuf 


r 


440  CHAPTER   XIX. 

sold  by  auction  (January  12,1871)  for  $15,000  a  month.  Bub 
tills  roused  tlic  community  to  make  a  new  effort.  Believino: 
that  licensed  cramhiing  was  affectinir  the  Colony  injuriously,  that 
none  of  the  boasted  decrease  of  crime  was  attributable  to  the 
licensing  system,  and  that  tlie  Police  Force  was  quite  comjxitent 
to  repress  o;amblino:  so  far  that  it  could  only  be  carried  on  in 
secret  haunts,  but  i<ynoring  the  corruption  of  the  poli(re  arising 
from  such  action,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  sent  in  a  Memoi'ial 
to  the  Secretary  of  State  (January  10,  1871)  praying  that  the 
licensing  system  be  discontinued.  In  addition  to  this  official 
document,  signed  by  the  Chairman  (Ph.  Ryrie},  Vice-Chairman 
(A.  Limeneen)  and  Secretary  (N.  Blakeman)  and  endorsed  by 
40  Members,  Dr.  Legge  and  Mr.  David  Welsh  presented  a  further 
Memorial,  bearing  J-il(>  signatures  and  representing  every  class  of 
society,  to  express  the  community's  protest  ngainst  Sir  Richard's 
scheme.  Even  the  Chinese  community,  well  knowing  that  the 
Registrar  General  (C.  C.  Smith)  was  the  strongest  supporter 
and  defender  of  the  system,  presented  him  with  a  Memorial 
strongly  condemning  it.  These  popular  demonstrations  were 
immediately  followed  up  by  the  Chief  Justice  with  a  judicial 
declaration  (February,  1871)  to  the  effect  that,  in  the  absence 
of  a  special  Ordinance,  the  licensing  of  gaming  houses  in  the 
Colony  was  illegal.  More  effectual  was  a  renewal  of  the  agitation 
in  England,  when  the  House  of  Commons,  at  the  motion  of 
Mr.  Bowring,  asked  (March  31,  1871)  for  the  production  of 
further  documents  on  the  ^ambling  house  licensing  system, 
which  were  accordingly  published  (July  24,  1871).  To  all  the 
Memorials  of  the  people  of  Hongkong  the  Earl  of  Kimberley  re- 
turned the  laconic  reply  that,  on  the  return  of  Sir  R.  MacDonnell 
to  the  Colony,  instructions  would  be  given  him  to  consifler  the 
whole  matter  with  a  view  to  the  termination  of  the  system  of 
licensing  gaming  houses.  Sir  Richard's  fight  was  over.  The 
battle  was  lost.  But,  though  the  system  was  abandoned  im- 
mediately after  the  Governor's  return  (December  8,  1871),  no 
positive  gain  resulted  from  the  abolition  of  the  gaming  houses. 
Gambling  and  police  corruption  continued  thenceforth  unchecked. 


THE   AJJMINISTRATION   OF  SIR   R.  (I.   MacDONXELL.  441 

The  Government  thereafter  simply  io^norecl  the  problem   which 
is  still  waiting  for  a  master  hand  to  solve  it. 

Allnsioii  has  already  been  made  to  another,  exclusively 
financial,  question  which  also  troubled  Sir  Richard's  adminia- 
tratiou  as  a  legacy  of  the  past,  viz.  the  Mint  established  by  his 
predecessor,  Sir  H.  Robinson.  When  the  Mint  was  first  opened 
(April  7,  1800),  it  had  already  cost  |400,000,  and  an  additional 
annual  expenditure  of  ^70,000  was  required  for  its  maintenance, 
at  a  time  when  the  Colony  was  virtually  insolvent.  An  unusually 
low  rate  of  exchange  told  at  once  unfavourably  against  the 
Mint's  prospects.  The  Chinese  were  prejudiced  against  the  new 
dollar  by  the  false  rumour  that  chopping  the  Queen's  coin  would 
involve  liability  to  criminal  procedure.  Hence  the  local  demand 
for  minting  operations  was  so  small  that  it  appeared  to  the 
(Jovernor  to  be  incommensurate  with  the  working  expenditure 
■of  the  establishment.  The  Mint  actually  earned  from  May, 
1800,  to  February,  1808,  only  about  ^20,000  in  seignorage. 
Sir  Richard,  foreseeing  this  unsatisfactory  result  and  pressed  by 
financial  difficulties,  appointed  a  Commission  (October,  1806) 
to  inquire  into  the  working  of  the  Mint.  The  report  presented 
by  the  Commissioners  (January  1,  1807)  was  greatly  discour- 
aging, as  they  merely  recommended  to  keep  the  Mint  open 
for  twelve  months  longer  on  the  ground  that  the  arrangements 
made  with  the  Mint  staff,  regarding  compensation  in  the  event 
of  the  establishment  being  broken  up,  would  anyhow  make  it 
just  as  expensive  for  the  Colony  to  close  the  Mint  at  once 
as  to  keep  it  at  work  for  another  year.  Six  months  later 
(August,  1807)  when  the  Legislative  Council  considered  the 
estimates  of  the  Colony,  it  was  considered  necessary  to  reduce 
the  estimate  of  seignorage,  likely  to  accrue  from  the  Mint  in 
1808,  from  S^0,000  to  ^15,000.  The  Lords  of  the  Treasury 
were  consulted  as  to  the  advisability  of  continuing  the  working 
<if  the  Mint  under  these  circumstances,  and  in  February,  1808, 
Sir  Richard  received,  by  telegram,  authority  to  close  it.  All 
the  Bank  managers  were  invited  to  attend  a  meeting  of  the 
Executive   Council   and   to   advise   the   Government  as   to  the 


UNIVERSITT 
CALIFORNIA". 


442  CHAPTER  XIX. 

continuance  of  the  Mint  under  some  arrant(ement  or  other.  But 
they  had  neither  encouragement  nor  advice  to  offer.  Sir  Richard 
then  (March,  18G8)  sought  to  move  tiie  local  Banks  to  take  over 
the  Mint  and  to  work  it  for  their  own  profit  under  Government 
supervision.  Tiie  terms  proposed  by  one  Bank,  which  alone 
made  an  offer,  did  not  come  up  to  the  Governor's  expectations. 
Accordingly  the  Mint  was  closed,  the  machinery  sold  (June, 
18G8)  for  ^00,000  to  the  Japanese  Government,  and  the  buildings 
and  ground  were  disposed  of,  for  the  purposes  of  a  sugar  refinery, 
to  Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co.,  for  !g65,00().  The  Colony  realized 
thus  a  total  of  ^125,000  as  the  result  of  an  outlay  which,  even 
three  years  before,  amounted  to  half  a  million  dollars. 

It  could  not  be  exixjcted  that  an  administration  so  crippled 
in  respect  of  funds  w^ould  do  much  in  the  sphere  of  public  works. 
Sir  Richard  displayed  in  this  respect  also  his  energy  and  readiness 
of  resource  and  did  what  was  possible  under  the  circumstances. 
He  secured  the  erection  of  several  new  police  stations  and  had 
all  police  establishments  on  the   Island  connected  by  telegraph 
lines.     He  had  hoped  to  be  allowed  to  draw  on  the  Special  Fund 
for  this  expenditure  as  well  as  for  the  fitting  out  of  a  steam- 
gunboat,  but   permission   was  refused,   and   the    cost    of   these 
undertakings  had   to   be   provided   from   the  ordinary   revenue. 
He  had  been  anxious  to  erect  a  new  Hospital  and  a  new  Court 
Hou-se,  but  the  funds  at  his  disposal,  over-strained  by  the  Military 
Contribution,  had  to  be  husbanded  to  supply  the  most  pressing 
needs  of  repairs  of  public   buildings,   roads   and   bridges,  and 
water-works.     During  the  year  18G0,  the  Governor  spent  £39,y51> 
on  public  works,  and  nearly  half  of  that  sum  was  devoted  to 
water-works.     On  17th  September,  18G9,  he  stated  that  a  further 
sum  of  £11), GOO  was  required  for  the  extension  of  the  Pokfulam 
reservoir  and  for  repairs  of  the  dam,  but  that  the  work  was  only 
half  completed.      He  explained,  that   the  original   estimate  of 
the  work  was  ^100,000,  whereas  it  would  now  cost  double,  and 
that  the  history  of  these  water-works  shewed  how  heavily  the 
Colony   may  lose,   when  attempting  the  most   iiecessary   public 
works,  by  the  incompetence  of  its  employees,  and  how"  seldom  the 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  Sill  H.  G.   MacDONNELL.  443 

most  obvious  deficiencies  of  such  persons  cao  restrain  them  from 
projecting  schemes  beyond  their  strength .  For  these  reasons. 
Sir  Richard  had  obtained  from  England  the  services  of  a  specially 
competent  engineer  (T.  Kydd)  who  acted  as  Superintendent  of 
Water-works  and  Avould  have  re-constructed  also  the  Praya  wall, 
if  the  marine-lot  holders  bad  not  proved  so  obstreperous.  A 
typhoon  having  demolished  the  frail  Praya  wall  (August  8,  18G7), 
Sir  Richard  determined  to  rebuild  the  whole  Praya  in  a  substan- 
tial manner.  But  unfortunately  be  encountered,  on  the  part  of 
the  lot-holders,  the  same  unflinching  opposition  which  defeated 
the  efforts  of  his  predecessors,  Sir  J.  Bo  wring  and  Sir  H.  Robinson. 
Sir  Richard  nevertheless  renewed  the  combat.  As  the  Military 
Contribution  absorbed  available  funds,  he  informed  the  lot-holders 
concerned  in  the  ruins  of  the  Praya,  that  they  must  contributc- 
a  fair  and  reasonable  proportion  towards  the  cost  of  rebuilding 
the  sea-wall  of  their  respective  lots.  When  they  refused  this 
request,  he  invited  them  to  a  conference  with  the  Colonial 
Secretary  (C.  C.  Smith),  who  informed  them  (November  2, 
18G7)  that  the  Attorney  General  had  given  an  opinion  to  the 
effect  that  each  lot-holder  was,  by  virtue  of  the  wording  of  his 
lease,  under  a  legal  liability  to  provide  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  sea-wall.  The  lot-holders,  who  previous  to  the  conference 
had  agreed  (October  29,  1807)  to  resist  the  demand  and  came 
armed  with  legal  opinions,  contended  that  the  clause  in  question 
had  reference  to  roads,  drains,  &c.  within  their  respective  lots  and 
not  to  the  Praya  wall ;  that,  when  the  first  sea-wall  was  built, 
they  had  paid  the  expenses  on  the  distinct  understanding  that 
the  subsequent  maintenance  was  to  be  a  burden  on  the  Colony : 
that  they  were  not  answerable  for  the  defective  condition  of  the 
wall  nor  bound  to  repair  it.  The  conference  broke  up  in  con- 
fusion. Sir  Richard  sent  the  lot-holders  a  letter  (November  10, 
18G7)  arguing  that  it  was  their  fault  that  the  former  wall  was 
badly  built  and  that  the  construction  of  an  insufficient  wall  had 
not  relieved  them  of  their  original  obligation.  When  this  proved 
fruitless,  he  ordered  legal  proceedings  to  be  instituted.  A  test 
case  was  selected  and  a  marine-lot  holder  (R.  0.  Webster)  was 


444  CHAPTER   XIX. 

-sued  in  Court  for  the  cost  of  rebuilding  his  part  of  the  Praya 
Avail.  '  The  great  Praya  case,'  as  it  was  called,  was  tried  before 
a  special  jury  (R.  Lyall,  G.  F.  AVeller,  A.  Coxon,  E.  Mellish, 
J.  Arnold,  J.  M.  Yickers,  C.  Mackintosh)  and  the  verdict  was 
given  for  the  defendant  (February  7,  1868)  to  the  great  discom- 
fiture of  the  Governor.  The  decision  was  based  on  the  view 
taken  by  the  Chief  Justice  that,  under  the  terms  of  his  lease, 
the  defendant  Avas  bound  to  repair  all  public  quays  piers  and 
roadways  in  or 'requisite  to  the  premises,'  but  that  the  sea-wall 
was  not  requisite  to  the  defendant's  premises. 

The   legislative  work   of  this  period  was  largely  occupied 
with  matters  affecting  police  and  crime,  commerce  and  emigration, 
and   the   government  of  the   Chinese   population,  all  of  which 
are  referred  to  elsewhere.     A  few  ordinances  of  general  interest 
were   introduced   bv    Sir   Richard    such   as    regulated    the    Fire 
Brigade   (4   of   1868),   the   preservation  of  birds   (1    of   1870), 
:and   the    Public   Gardens   (8   of   1870).     Improvements   in  the 
•administration  of  justice  received  a  large  share  of  Sir  Richard's 
attention.     Ordinances  were  passed  modifying  the  law  of  jurors 
and  juries    (7   of    1868),   criminal   law   procedure    (2   of    1861) 
and  3  of  1872),  promissory  oaths  (4  of  1860),  the  administration 
of  the  estates  of  deceased  persons  (9  of  1870),  the  enrolment 
of  barristei*s  and  attornies  (3  of  1871),  Court  vacation   (1  of 
18CI)),   and  so  forth.     But   the   most   important   measure,    yet 
•one  that  was  two  years  later  i-epealed  by  Sir  Richard's  successor, 
was  Ordinance  1  of  1871,  which  regulated  the  procedure  of  the 
Summary  Jurisdiction  Court  by  providing  that  cases,  involving 
sums  over  ^.'iOO    and    under   ^2000,   might   be   heard,    with   a 
jury,  by  the  Chief  Justice  sitting  in  Supreme  Court  in  Sulnmary 
Jurisdiction.    Two  interesting  decisions  were  given  during  this 
period.     In  the  case  Regina  v.  Souza,  Sir  J.  Smale  laid  it  down 
(July,' 186*.))  that  no  criminal  action  can  be  instituted  in  Hong- 
kong for  the  pnbliciition  of  a  libel  against  an  undistinguished 
foreigner  resident  out  of  the  Colony.     And  in  the  case  of  the 
Nouvelle    Penelope^   a  French   coolie  ship  which,  having  sailed 
from   Macao,   was   seized  by  the   coolies   under  the   leadership 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   R.  G.  MacDONNELL.  445- 

of  one  Kwok  Asiiig-,  who  murdered  the  captain  and  crew  and 
fled  to  Hongkong,  Sir  J.  Sraale  ruled  that  the  oifence  was 
committed  against  France,  that  the  ship  was  a  slave  ship,  and 
tliat  the  mnrders  committed  with  the  object  of  regaining  liberty 
were  no  crime.  The  administration  of  justice  was,  during  this 
period,  frequently  disfigured  by  unseemly  disputes  between  the 
Chief  Justice  (J.  Smale)  and  the  senior  Queen's  Counsel  (E.  H. 
Pollard).  These  disputes  culminated  in  a  painful  scene  (July  2,. 
1867)  when  Mr.  Pollard  was  lectured  and  pronounced  guilty  of 
six  distinct  contempts  of  court,  fined  ^200  and  suspended  fron> 
practice  for  fourteen  days.  The  tone  and  manner  in  which 
the  Chief  Justice  on  this  occasion  addressed  the  troublesome  but 
highly  popular  barrister,  whom  he  kept  standing  before  him 
while  he  lectured  him,  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  whole 
community.  The  fine  was  forthwith  provided  for  by  a  public 
subscription  list,  signed  by  more  than  a  hundred  persons  of  all 
classes  of  local  society.  Mr.  Pollard  appealed  to  the  Governor 
who  declined  to  interfere  and  advised  him  to  petition  Her 
Majesty  the  Queen.  In  August,  1808,  the  decision  of  the  Privy 
Council  was  received,  indicating  a  complete  defeat  of  the  Chief 
Justice,  as  not  one  of  the  six  acts  charged  against  Mr.  Pollard 
was  held  to  amount  to  contempt  of  court.  The  fine  was  remitted 
and  the  sentence  reversed,  but  the  Chief  Justice  was  not  silenced 
but  continued  the  legal  warfare  in  a  more  subdued  form. 

The  Police  Force  was  during  this  period  subjected  to  the 
closest  scrutiny  it  ever  received  and  to  severe  criticisms  on  the 
part  of  both  the  Governor  and  Chief  Justice,  and  by  the 
community.  It  has  been  mentioned  above  that  Sir  Richard,. 
after  satisfying  himself  by  personal  investigations  of  the 
inefficiency  and  corrupt  character  of  the  Force,  attempted,  in 
18GG  and  1867,  to  purify  and  reform  the  corps  by  disciplinarian 
measures  and  failed.  On  20th  October,  1867,  he  assured  the 
Secretary  of  State  that  he  did  not  remember  to  have  seen  in 
any  Colony  a  body  of  men  so  ineffective  in  proportion  to  the 
number,  or  so  corrupt  generally,  as  the  Police  Force  which  he 
found  in  Hongkong,  ^id  which  then  consisted  of  89  Europeans, 


446  CHAPTER  XIX. 

.•^77   Indians   (chiefly  Bombay  sepoys)  and   132    Chinese.     But, 

after   introdncinu-   the   system   of   licensing  o-aming  houses,   Sir 

Richard    reported,    in    1860,    that   the   Pohce   Force   had   been 

greatly  reformed   by   virtue  of  this  measure.     No  doubt,  there 

was   a   marked    improvement,   noticeable    in    18G8    and    18(19. 

Bat  it  seems  probable  that  this  improvement  was  not  so  much 

due  to  the  licensing  of  gaining  houses,  which  of  course  vastly 

diminished  bribery,  as   to   Sir  Richard's   searcliing   surveillance 

of    the    personal    affairs    of    the   police   officers   and   his   daily 

vigilance  in   ascertaining   the   steps   taken    in   all  special   cases 

for  the  detection  of  crime,  and  in  the  second  instance  to  the 

several  measures  he  introduced  with  a  view  to   police  reform. 

These    measures    consisted    of    the   substitution   of   Scotch   for 

English   and   Sikh   for    Bombay   constables ;    the    appointment 

of  a  Deputy  Superintendent  of  Police  conversant  with  Hindo- 

stanee  (C.  V.  Creagh)  ;  the  allowance,  out  of  the  Special  Fund, 

of  §20,000  jier  annum  for  good  conduct  pay ;  the  classification 

of   the   Chinese   contingent,  opening    up   to  Chinese   constables 

the  prospect  of  promotion   (March    1,   1870);   the   increase   of 

police   stations    and    their    interconnection    by   telegraph;    the 

establishment  of  the  Police  School  (18G9)  and  the  encouragement 

thereby  given   to   Sikhs  and   Chinese   to   learn   English.     The 

establishment    of    a    separate    Naval    Yard    Police    under    the 

exclusive  control  of  the   Admiralty  (by   Ordinances   2    and    13 

of  18G7)   was  also  an  improvement.     Up  to  March  30,   1870, 

when  Sir  Richard  produced  statistics  shewing  increased  efficiency 

of    the    Police    Force,    the    public    were    satisfied    that    great 

improvements    had    been    made,    and    sided    with   the   Captain 

Superintendent  of  Police  (W.  M.  Deane)  when  he  energetically 

rebutted  (September  15,  1869),  as  wanton  distortion  of  statistics, 

the  disparaging  remarks,  as  to  the  inferiority  of  the  Hongkong 

Police   to   that   of    Shanghai,   made    by   the    Secretary   of    the 

Municipal   Council   of   Shanghai   (A.  J.  Johnston)    in  a  letter 

to  the  London  &  China  Express  (July  8,  1869).     But  that  the 

reform     of     the     Hongkong     Police    was    principally    due    to 

8ir  Richard's  personal  vigilance,  may  be  iiiferred  from  the  fact 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  R.  G.  MacDONNELL.  447 

that  as  soon  as  he  left  the  Colony  on  fiirlongh  (April  12,  1870) 

complaints   of    the   demoralisation    of    the   police   recommenced, 

both  on  the  parL  of  the  Chief  Justice  and  on  the  part  of  the 

public.      When    the    Police    Report    for    1SG9    was    published 

{April  11,  1870),  declaring^  the  establishment  of  a  detective  force 

to  be  impracticable,  public  opinion   read   it  as  indicating   that 

bribery   rather   than    any  other   difficulty   stood  in  the  way  of 

detecting  crime.     The  action  of  the  Chief  Justice  also  incited 

public  dissatisfaction  with  the  organisation  of  the  jDolice.     By  his 

remonstrances,   addi-essed   to   the   Government,   he    secured    the 

offer  of  substantial  encouragement  to  police  officers  willing  to 

acquire  a  knowledge  of  the.  Chinese  language  (May,  1870),  bub 

he  failed   in  his  crusade  against  the  separate  control  exercised 

by  the  Registrar  General  over  a  distinct  force   of   69   district 

watchmen.     The  unofficial   Members  of   Council   also   expressed 

their  dissatisfaction  with  the  police  and  asked  that  a  Commission 

of  Inquiry  be  appointed,   whereupon   the  Chief  Justice  laid  on 

the    table    of    the    Legislative    Council    (November,    1870)    a 

memorandum  inveighing  against  the  inefficiency  and  corruption 

of  the  BV)rce  and  suggesting  that,  to  avoid  the  constant  friction 

between  the  Superintendent  of  Police  and  the  Registrar  General, 

the  district  watchmen   be  embodied  in  the  Police  Force  under 

one  head.     The  Chief  Justice  continued  his  adverse  criticisms  of 

the  Police  in  1871,  and  the  communitv  sided  with  him  in  the 

matter.     The  general  dissatisfaction  with  the  organisation  of  the 

Police  Force  rose  to  the  highest  pitch  when  a  greatly  popular 

public  officer  (G.  L.  Toinlin)  was  robbed  and  knocked  down  ou 

a  public  road  close  to  the  Central  Police  Station  (August  28, 

1871).     A  deputation  of  unofficial  Justices  of  the  Peace  waited 

forthwith  on  the   Lieutenant-Governor   (H.   W.  Whitfield)  and 

urged  him  to  take  immediate  steps  to  improve  the  Police  Force. 

Major-General     Whitfield's    reply,    referring    to    40    additional 

constables   having   been   ordered   from   Glasgow   and   promising 

that  Sir  Richard  would,  on  his  return,  deal  with  the  question 

of  police  reforms,  was  viewed  by  the  public  as  a  mere  evasion 

of  the  points  insisted  on  by  the  whole  community,  viz.  that  an 


448  CHAPTER   XIX. 

efficient  bead  should  be  provided  for  the  Police  Force  which 
they  considered  to  be  in  a  disoro^auized  state  and  that  a 
Commission  should  be  appointed  without  delay  to  inquire  into- 
he  real  causes  of  the  defective  state  of  the  Force.  A  public 
meeting  (September,  1871),  attended  by  upwards  of  350  residents, 
gave  expression  to  the  general  sense  of  insecurity  under  which 
the  community  laboured,  and  to  their  strong  disapprobation 
of  the  neglect  which,  it  was  alleged,  had  characterized  the 
action  of  the  Executive  with  regard  to  the  police.  A  Memorial 
was  forwarded  to  the  Colonial  Office,  praying  for  the  appointment 
of  a  Commission  of  Inquiry.  Before  Earl  Kimberley's  reply,, 
negativing  this  request,  reached  the  Colony,  Sir  Richard  had, 
immediately  upon  his  return,  appointed  (December,  1871)  a  Com- 
mission according  to  the  wishes  of  the  community  (T.  C.  Hayllar, 
W.  Keswick,  F.  W.  Mitchell,  F.  Stewart,  H.  Lowcock, 
W.  Lenmnn,  George  Falconer,  and  A.  Lister).  One  of  the 
principal  subjec^ts  of  inquiry  was  the  question  whether  the  plan 
of  divided  authority,  by  leaving  the  district  watchmen  under 
the  separate  control  of  the  Registrar  General,  should  be 
continued.  It  was  principally  on  this  point  that  the  views- 
of  the  Commission  and  of  the  Governor  were  divided,  and  the 
bifurcation  had  to  continue.  Whilst  leaving  a  reform  of  the 
police  to  his  successor.  Sir  Richard  started,  before  leaving  the 
Colony,  what  was  virtually  a  new  department  for  the  suppression 
of  gambling,  by  relieving  the  Police  Force  from  this  duty  and 
handing  it  over  to  personal  efforts  to  be  made  by  two  former 
Cadets,  the  Registrar  General  and  the  Superintendent  of  Police.. 
This  appointment  of  two  gentlemen  detectives,  with  which  was 
connected  a  handsome  remuneration,  was  viewed  bv  the 
community  as  a  mere  excuse  for  filling  the  pockets  of  the 
Governor's  'boys.' 

Sir  Richard's  energy  and  severity  as  a  disciplinarian  was 
bound  to  exercise  a  deterrent  influence  as  regards  crime.  There 
never  was  any  Governor  in  Hongkong  who  inspired  the  criminal 
classes  with  such  a  genuine  dread  of  his  personal  vigilance  and  of 
his  measures.    They  soon  found  that  the  licensed  gaming  houses- 


THE  ADMINISTRATIOX  OF  SIR  R.  G.  MacDOXNELL.  449 

were  a  trap  set  to  catch  tbeni  and  it  became  quickly  known 
that  confinement  in  ^aiol  was  now  a  real  punishment.  But  the 
most  marked  effect  attaclied  to  those  measures  of  Sir  Richard's 
administration  by  which  he  applied  whipping  and  solitary  con- 
finement to  cases  of  armed  or  violent  assault,  kidnapping-  and 
child-stealing  (Ordinances  12  of  18G5  and  3  of  18G8)  and  to 
criminals  returning  from  deportation  (Ordinance  7  of  1870). 
Compelled  by  financial  considerations  to  abandon  the  newly 
built  gaol  on  Stonecutters'  Island,  he  brought  all  prisoners  under 
a  uniformly  rigorous  system  of  discipline  in  Victoria  Gaol,  reduced 
the  dietary  scale,  made  gaol  labour  more  severe,  and  ordered 
gaol  offences  to  be  punished  with  the  cat  instead  of  the  rattan. 
By  these  measures  he  made  imprisonment  a  real  deterrent.  He 
was  so  determined  to  keep  the  number  of  prisoners  within  the 
limits  of  the  accommodation  afforded  by  the  old  gaol,  that  he 
resorted  to  and,  when  checked  by  the  Colonial  Office,  persevered 
in  the  application  of  other  measures  which  were  evidently  illegal. 
In  autumn  180G,  he  introduced  a  system  under  which  prisoners 
were  induced  to  petition,  that  they  might  be  liberated  on 
condition  of  their  voluntarily  submitting  to  be  branded  and 
deported  with  the  understanding  that,  if  they  were  thereafter 
again  found  in  the  Colony,  they  would  be  liable  to  be  flogged  by 
order  of  a  Magistrate  and  remitted  to  their  original  sentence.  He 
sought  to  give  to  this  system  a  colour  of  legality  by  that  Or- 
dinance 8  of  18GG  (for  the  maintenance  of  order  and  cleanliness) 
which  has  been  referred  to  above,  in  connection  with  the  equally 
illegal  system  of  licensing  gaming  houses.  When  this  Ordinance 
(in  its  original  form)  was  disapproved  by  H.M.  Government, 
Sir  Richard  abandoned  the  system  of  bringing  branded  and 
depoited  criminals,  who  returned  to  the  Colony,  before  a 
Magistrate,  but  continued  the  original  system  of  branding  and 
deporting  prisoners,  before  the  expiration  of  their  sentences, 
in  accordance  with  those  illegal  engagements  voluntarily  entered 
into  by  prisoners  and  ratified  in  each  case  by  the  Executive 
Council.  Criminals  thus  liberated  and  deported  were,  on  being 
found  again  in  the  Colony,  remitted  to  their  original  sentences 

29 


450  CHAPTER    XIX. 

and  then  flos::ged  in  ji^aol  as  a  matter  of  gaol  discipline.  This 
system  was  continued  nutil  ^Joth  Mav,  1870.  It  has  been 
alleged  that  this  rigorous  system  of  branding,  deporting  and 
flogging  was  applied  also  to  hundreds  of  prisoners  convicted 
merely  of  being  suspicious  characters,  I'ogues  and  vagabonds,  az:d 
that  the  Colony  was  thus  delivered  of  the  very  class  of  men  whose 
habitual  occupation,  as  professional  touts,  trainers,  aidors  and 
abettors  of  criminals,  formed  the  hotbed  of  prospective  crime. 

This  severely  deterrent  treatment  of  Chinese  criminals  met 
with  the  unqualified  approval  of  the  community.  The  Chinese 
and  European  residents  as  well  as  the  unofficial  Members  of 
Council  (September  11,  1871)  gave  at  sundry  times  expression 
to  their  conviction  of  the  absolute  necessity  of  such  measures 
in  order  to  make  Hongkong  and  its  humane  gaol  less  attractive 
and  comfortable  for  the  gaol  birds  of  Canton.  That  experienced 
police  officer  and  magistrate,  Ch.  May,  gave  it  as  his  opinion 
that  'corporal  punishment  is  absolutely  requisite  for  the  well- 
being  of  the  Colony.' 

That  these  measures,  initiated  by  Sir  Richaid,  served  to 
<liminisli  crime  for  the  time,  seems  incontrovertible.  An  imme- 
diate decrease  in  kidnapping  offences  was  specially  noticeable, 
as  G8  such  cases  occurred  in  18G7,  oS  cases  in  18G8  and  only 
7  cases  in  1869.  Comparing  the  six  months  ending  on  December 
31st,  1805,  with  the  six  months  ending  December  31st,  1860, 
it  is  seen  that  serious  offences  decreased  by  51  per  cent,  and 
minor  offences  by  45  per  cent,  during  these  four  years.  In 
<'omparison  with  the  year  1868,  the  criminal  statistics  of  18GI) 
show  a  decrease  of  22.6  per  cent,  in  serious  and  of  18.4  per  cent. 
in  minor  offences,  or  a  decrease  altogether  of  1,104  cases,  the 
total  having  been  5,705  cases  in  1868,  and  4,601  cases  in  1869. 
The  number  of  prisoners  committed  to  gaol  was  steadily  reduced, 
year  by  year,  from  6,246  in  1865,  to  3,059  in  1869.  The  Chief 
Justice  (J.  Smale)  who  did  not  approve  of  the  Governor's  illegal 
measures,  made,  on  19th  March,  1870,  the  following  remarks 
in  addressing  a  jury.  '  Some  years  since,  the  calendar  was  on 
au    average    very    large.      Life    and    property    were    insecure. 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  R.  G.  MacDONNELL.  451 

'Robbery  with  violence  on  land,  piracies  on  the  sea,  were  frequent. 
'They  are  now  more  rare.  Something  is  due  to  the  firmness 
and  good  sense  of  iuries  ;  but  more  is  due  to  the  energy  of  the 
Executive  of  which,  constituted  as  the  Colony  is,  the  Governor 
is  the  life  and  the  soul.' 

AVith  regard  to  the  repression  of  piracy,  also.  Sir  Richard 
scored  an  undoubted  success.     By  the  time  of  his  arrival  in  the 
Colony,  piracy  was  a  matter  of  almost   weekly  occurrence,  nob 
<only  interfering  with  the  nacive  junk  trade  and  small  European 
•coasting  vessels,  but  frequently  also  causing  the  loss  of  many 
Jives.     The   measures   taken  by  the  Britisli  Naval  Authorities, 
for  whom  Sir  Richard  secured  the  co-operation  of  the   steam- 
Hcruizers   of   the   Chinese   Customs,   were   viewed   by  the  public 
as  inefficient  or,  when  successful,  as  suspicious.     Individual  naval 
officers,   as   for   instance    the    commander    of    H.M.S.    Bouncer 
who  captured,  with  the  assistance  of  Chinese  revenue  cruizers, 
over   oO    piratical    jnnks  in  the  gulf  of  Tungking   (June  9   to 
•July    27,    IHGlj),    were    much    applauded.        Nevertheless    the 
impression  gained  ground,  that  frequently  British  gunboats  were 
•induced   by   Chinese   officials   to    treat,    as   pirates,    vessels   and 
men  whose  guilt  amounted  at  the  Avorst   only   to   attempts   at 
smuggling   or   resisting   the   illegal   exactions   of   the    rapacious 
.revenue  officers  of  China.     This  allegation  was  i)articularly  made, 
but   without   clear   proof,    with    regard   to   the   proceedings    of 
H.M.S.  AJfjerine  (June,  18G8).     The  most  effective  measure  that 
was    ever   launched    against   piracy    in    South-China    was    that 
{Ordinance  9  of  1800  and  12  of  18G7)   by  which  Sir  Richard 
brought  under  surveillance  and   severe   restrictions   the   haunts 
and  stores  established  in  the  Colony  by  the  aidors  and  abettors 
•  of  piracy,  and  particularly  the  native  dealers  in  marine  stores. 
Xext  in  effectiveness  ranks  Sir  Richard's  Junk  Ordinance  (1  of 
18G8)  which   amalgamated,  with   the   preceding    measure,   some 
stringent  regulations  providing  that  all   native   vessels  (junks) 
should  report  arrival  at  the  Harbour  Office,  take  out  an  anchor- 
age permit  by  payment  of  a  fee  (subsequently  remitted)   and 
-obtain  clearance  papers  before  sailing.     For  the  same  purpose 


452  CHAPTER  XIX. 

of  reprt'-ssing  piracy,  measures  were  taken  bv  the  Governor 
(Ordinance  2  of  18G8  and  2  of  1870),  to  provide,  in  conjunction 
with  similar  measures  to  be  enacted  in  Canton  by  the  Chinese- 
Autliorities,  the  disarmament  of  all  Chinese  trading  and  fishing 
junks.  But  as  the  Viceroy  of  Canton,  who  at  first  had  promised 
to  issue  the  same  order,  failed  to  do  so  and,  when  questioned, 
declared  it  impossible  to  enforce  such  a  law,  the  measure  was- 
abandoned.  Another  measure  devised  by  Sir  Richard  proved 
a  great  help  towards  suppressing  piracy,  viz.  the  establishment 
of  a  combination  of  Harbour  Office  and  Police  Office  duties,, 
entrusted  to  the  Pohce  Inspectors  at  Yaumafci,  Aberdeen,  Stanley, 
Shaukiwan  and  at  East  Point  (Whitfield  Station). 

The  good  results  of  the  foregoing  measures  were  obvious.. 
From  September,  18GG,  to  October  18G7  not  one  piratical  attack 
on  European  vessels  occurred  and  out  of  18  cases  of  piracy 
reported  by  Chinese  junk  owners,  most  were  comparatively  trivial.. 
During  the  two  years  immediately  preceding  1st  January,  18G7, 
no  fewer  tban  92  men  vrere  tried  for  piracy,  attended  in  most 
cases  with  violence  or  murder,  wliereas  during  the  two  years  (18G7 
and  18G8),  immediately  following,  only  15  men  were  tried  for 
that  crime,  and  not  one  single  trial  for  piracy  took  place  during 
the  years  18G0  and  1870. 

Commerce  in  the  Far  East  had,  at  the  beo-innins:  of  this 
period,  received  an  extraordinairiinpetus  through  the  opening 
of  the  Suez  Canal  (April  10,Q8G^,  which  filled  the  godowns 
of  Hongkong  and  the  Treaty  ports  to  overflowing,  increased  the 
volume  and  revolutionized  the  methods  of  trade,  without  however 
increasing  its  profitableness.  In  the  year  186G,  the  foreign 
trade  with  China  amounted  to  nearly  £95,000,000.  The  share  of 
Great  Britain  in  that  trade  amounted  to  no  less  than  £71,518,72^i 
or  nearly  G3  per  cent,  of  the  whole,  and  for  this  colossal  trade,  to 
which  must  be  added  the  Colony's  trade  with  Japan,  amounting 
in  ]8G7  to  £0,000,000,  Hongkong  now  served  as  the  principal 
emporium. 

The  history  of  local  commerce  during  this  period  commenced 
indeed  with  good  omens  for  the  future.     The  spirit  of  enterprise 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  R.  d.  M.vcDONNELL.  45S 

^iid  coin  petition   was  still  lively  aud  inapprebensive  of  the  ap- 
proaching commercial  depression.     The  formation  of  the  Union 
Dock  Company,  the  first  that  was  registered  (July  31,  1865) 
under  the  new  Companies'  Ordinance,  with  a  capital  of  ^500,000, 
■consisting  of  oOO  shares  of  ^1,000  each,  was  speedily  followed 
up  (October  11,  18GG)   by  the  formation  of  the  Hongkong  and 
Whampoa  Dock  Company,  which  purchased  the  dock  properties 
•of  Messrs.  Douglas  Lapraik  and  Th.  Sutherland,  with  a  capital 
of  ^750,000  in  1,500  shares  of  S^OO  each,  the  Hon.  J.  AYhittall 
acting   as   chairman   of   the   directors   and   Mr.    J.   Lapraik   as 
secretary.     The   new  dock  at  Aberdeen,   named   after  Admiral 
Hope,  was  opened  on  June  15th,  1867.    A  third  new  enterprise 
was  started  by  the  formation  (October  19,  1865)  of  the  Hongkong, 
'Canton    and    Macao    Steamboat    Company,   with    a   capital  of 
•-$750,000  divided  into  7,500  shares  of  $100  each.     The  principal 
promoter    of    this    association,    which    purchased    the    popular 
Americiin  river-steamers  Kinshan^   White  Cloud  and  Hire  Dart, 
was   Mr.    Douglas   Lapraik   by   his  attorney   J.   Lapraik.     The 
■other   directors  of  the   new   Company   were   Messrs.   J.  J.  dos 
Remedios,  A.  E.  Vaucher,  K.  Sassoon,  R.  Solomon,  D.  Ruttunjee, 
and  Bapoorjee  Pallunjee  Ranjee.     The  new  Company  met  indeed 
Avith  competitors  but  succeeded  (August,   1806)  in  buying  them 
•  out,  and  as  the   river-steamers  had  been  allowed   (since  April, 
1866)  by  the  Chinese  Authorities  to  land  and  take  in  cargo  and 
passengers  at  Chuenpi  (below  Whampoa),  it  was  thought  that  a 
new  important  outlet  for  trade  had  been  secured.     The  share- 
holders of  the  Hongkong  and  Shanghai  Bank  felt  confident  of 
coming  prosperity  when  they  resolved  (February,  1866)  to  convert 
the  new  Bank  into  a  corporation  by  charter.     The  new  Royal 
Mint  of  Hongkong  was  also  opened  with  some  hope  of  success 
(May  1,  1866),     Trade  with  Japan  received  a  real  and  permanent 
stimulus  by  the  establishment  in  Japan  of  bonded  warehouses 
and  a  liberal   tariff   (July,    1866).     The   old   Californian   trade 
likewise  expanded  throu2:h  arrangements  made  about  this  time 
T)y   the  Pacific  ^lail  Steamship  Company  in  San  Francisco   to 
•connect   that  port  with   Hongkong  by  a  regular  line  of  large 


464  CHAPTER  XIX. 

and  fast  steamci"S,  the  first  of  which,  the  Colorado,  arrived  iiv 
Hongkong  on  January  31st,  1867.  A  Hotel  Company  was 
formed  in  January  and  commenced  operations  in  July,  18G7. 

On  the  other  hand,  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1860,, 
complaints  were  heard  of  increasing  commercial  depression  iii' 
some  branches  of  business.  It  was  felt  by  many,  that  a  serious 
financial  crisis  was  approaching  from  abroad.  In  April,  186C, 
it  was  fnrther  stated  that  British  vessels  sailing  from  Hongkong 
had  practically  lost  their  hold  on  the  trade  along  the  coast  of 
China,  as  among  20  European  vessels  engaged  in  this  trade- 
only  ?)  were  British.  The  general  gloom  was  intensified  when' 
the  Agra  Bank  and  the  Commercial  Bank  suspended  payment 
(June,  18GG).  In  November,  18G6,  dulness  was  reported  to^ 
reign  in  most  branches  of  local  trade  and  in  December  great 
anxiety  prevailed  in  the  Colony  as  to  the  stability  of  a  number 
of  local  firms.  The  old  and  popular  firm  of  Dent  &  Co. 
suspended  payment  on  Jst  January,  18G7.  The  failure  of  Lyall,. 
Still  &  Co.  and  some  smaller  firms  followed  soon  after.  Iir 
March,  18G7,  a  panic  seemed  to  be  impending.  There  was  a- 
general  lack  of  confidence  in  all  mercantile  branches.  Even 
the  scrip  of  the  prosperous  Hongkong  &  Shanghai  Bank  began 
and  continued  for  some  time  to  droop,  although  the  directors: 
denied  (March  15,  18G7)  under  threat  of  prosecution  the  reports, 
current  as  to  the  cause  of  it,  and  declared  (August  28,  1867), 
after  providing  for  the  losses  entailed  by  the  failure  of 
Dent  &  Co.,  a  dividend  of  G  per  cent,  for  the  half  year.  This, 
period  of  commercial  stagnation  was  extraordinarily  prolonged 
as  it  continued  from  1866  until  the  fall  of  the  vear  18G0. 

Meanwhile  the  temper  of  the  community  vented  itself  im 
complaints.  In  18G7  people  commenced  to  lay  the  blame  for 
the  depression  of  trade  on  Sir  Richard's  legislative  measures,, 
ignoring  the  fact  that  a  contemporaneous  depression  existed 
elsewhere  and  in  places  which  were  not  in  any  way  affected 
by  local  legislation.  Various  causes,  however,  added  fuel  to- 
the  irritation  which  naturally  increased  as  the  commercial 
atmosphere    became    more    and     more    enveloped    in    gloonu. 


THK    ADMINISTUATION   OK   SlU    It.   fi.    M.vcDOXNKIJ-.  455 

Coiiiplaiuts  wej-e  made  as  to  the  mode  of  levylii":  lotal  rates  and 
taxes  in  advance  and  on  the  tenants  themselves  instead  of  the 
landlords  (January,  1807).  The  Formosan  camphor  trade  was 
seriously  interfered  with  by  illegal  exactions  and  by  monopolies 
claimed  bv  the  Chinese  Mandarins,  and  8ir  Richard's  remon- 
strances  proved  fruitless.  The  Canton  Customs  Blockade  was. 
hampering  many  branches  of  local  trade  (since  October,  1807)  and 
Sir  Richard  appeared  to  be  powerless  to  do  anything  more  than 
writing  protests.  The  Stamp  Ordinance  was  considered  to  press- 
unfairly  on  the  European  merchants  and  the  doubts  entertained 
at  first,  owing  to  the  intricacies  of  its  provisions  and  penalties, 
as  to  the  question  what  stamps  were  to  be  affixed  to  or  impressed 
upon  certain  documents,  operated  as  a  source  of  frequent 
perplexity  and  worry  (November,  1807).  As  things  went  from 
bad  to  worse  in  1 808,  merchants  began  to  talk  of  the  impending 
ruin  of  Hongkong  and  to  blame  Sir  Richard  for  it.  It  was^ 
seriously  proposed  to  demand  the  appointment  of  a  Commission 
to  inquire  into  the  working  of  certain  Ordinances  injurious  to- 
the  conmierce  of  Hongkong.  In  the  piece  goods  trade  thei'e 
were  also  special  complaints  of  that  mildew  in  cotton  goods 
which,  for  many  years  thereafter,  caused  much  trouble  and 
irritation,  and  which  was  believed  to  be  caused  by  fraudulent 
sizing  (March,  1801)).  Sir  Richard  himself  also  had  as  much 
to  worry  him,  as  the  merchants.  The  covert  hostility  of  the 
Cantonese  Authorities,  encouraged  by  H.  M.  Minister  in  Peking, 
the  growing  displeasure  with  which  successive  Secretaries  of  State 
in  Downing  Street  viewed  his  attempt  at  solving  the  gambling 
problem,  and  the  local  unjwpularity  of  all  his  best  measures^ 
must  have  had  a  depressing  effect  upon  Sir  Richard's  nervous- 
temjjerameut.  It  was  tantalizing  to  have  in  the  Special  Fund 
a  remedy  at  hand  for  the  distressed  state  of  the  Coloin'al  finances 
and  yet  to  be  forbidden  to  touch  it.  On  7th  July,  1809,  seeing 
no  signs  yet  of  the  better  times  that  were  coming  for  Hongkong,. 
he  v/rote  to  Earl  Granville  saying  that  'the  circumstances  of 
the  Colony  in  the  present  decline  of  commercial  prosperity, 
following   on   the  serious  depression   which   had    prevailed    for 


456  CHAPTER   XIX. 

sevenil  years,  rendered  ib  extremely  unlikely  that  the  Executive, 
without  aid  from  some  unusual  source,  could  increase  or  maintain 
iiu  increased  expenditure.' 

However,  towards  the  close  of  the  year  1869,  a  gradual 
improvement,  which  had  set  in  for  some  time,  became  visible. 
That  the  shipping  trade  of  the  Colony  greatly  increased  in  1869, 
is  clear  from  the  excess,  over  1868,  of  45  British  ships,  measuring 
41,615  tons  and  of  185  foreign  vessels  (Chinese  excepted) 
measaring  95,230  tons.  This  large  increase  of  shipping  business 
was  evidently  due  to  extended  traffic  between  the  Colony  and 
Australia,  the  United  States,  the  Philippine  Islands  and  Japan, 
while  trade  with  British  India  remained  about  the  same  as 
before.  Of  a  daily  average  of  107  vessels  in  port  in  1869,  fully 
18  per  cent,  were  steamers.  The  doubling  of  the  number  of 
the  steamers  of  the  Messageries  Imperiales  and  the  Pacific  Mail 
Oompany,  and  the  formation  of  two  additional  local  Steamship 
Oompanies,  left  no  doubt  of  the  undiminished  importance  of  the 
Colony  in  connection  with  the  trade  of  China  and  Japan. 

With  the  commencement  of  the  year  1870,  the  long 
continued  commercial  crisis  was  felt  to  be  over,  and  the  pent 
up  energies  of  local  enterprise  burst  forth  anew.  The  Chamber 
of  Commerce  interested  itself  in  Baron  von  Richthofen's  explo- 
ration of  Western  China  (December,  1869)  and  sent  (February, 
1870)  a  commercial  explorer  of  their  own  (M.  Moss)  to  ascertain 
the  commercial  capabilities  of  the  West  River  (Canton  to 
Nanningfu).  Mr.  Moss  travelled  through  Kwangtung  and 
Kwangsi  into  Yunnan,  but  his  report  was  not  encouraging. 
The  Hongkong  and  AVhampoa  Dock  Company,  under  the 
direction  of  Mr.  W.  Keswick,  amalgamated  with  itself  the  older 
Union  Dock  Company  under  the  direction  of  Captain  J.  B. 
Endicott  (March  8,  1870),  and  increased  its  capital  to  one  million 
dollars.  The  Indo-Chinese  Sugar  Company  was  formed  (April 
28,  1870)  to  purchase  a  crushing  factory  at  Saigon  and  to  erect 
mills  at  various  places  in  Cochin-China  and  in  China.  Two 
new  Insurance  Companies  having  lH;en  started  in  February, 
1870,  Chinese  merchants  established,  in  Api'il,  1870,  an  Insurance 


f 

THE    ADMINISTRATION   OP  SIR  R.    (J.   M.vcDONNELL.  457 

Oomp<any  of  their  own,  the  shares  of  whicli  could  be  held  only 
bj  Chinese.  The  shipping  returns  of  the  year  1870  shewed  an 
increase  of  2,483  vessels  with  a  carrying  capacity  of  311,025 
tons.  Nevertheless  there  were,  at  the  close  of  the  year  1870, 
many  who  took  a  despondent  view  of  the  future  of  Hongkong 
-as  compared  with  that  of  Shanghai.  The  general  China  trade, 
it  was  said,  was  now  developing  in  magnitude  corresponding 
to  the  diminution  of  profits  in  the  case  of  individuals.  Having 
no  power  of  expansion,  the  Hongkong  trade  was  more  keenly 
aifected  by  this  reduction  in  profitableness,  caused  by  the  natural 
working  of  increased  competition.  With  so  few  outlets  to  trade 
and  these  obstructed,  as  to  the  junk  trade,  by  the  Chinese 
Customs  Blockade,  Hongkong  now  possessed  but  small  oppor- 
tunities of  extending  its  trade  with  regard  to  imports  into 
China.  Hence  the  inference  was  drawn  that  the  commercial 
importance  of  the  Colony  must  thereafter  decline  very  materially 
in  comparison  with  that  of  Shanghai. 

Commercial  enterprise,  however,  continued  to  develop.  The 
Hongkong,  Canton  &  Macao  Steamboat  Company  once  more 
bought  out  competing  interlopers  in  the  river  trade  by  the 
purchase  of  the  steamships  Spec  and  Sjjark  (June  1,  1871).  Great 
improvements  were  made  in  telegraphic  communication  with 
other  countries.  Direct  communication  was  established  with 
^Shanghai  (May  20,  1871),  with  New  York  and  London  (June  9, 
1871),  and  with  Saigon  and  Singapore  (August  1,  1871).  To 
utilize  pier  and  godown  properties  at  Wantsai,  the  Hongkong 
Wharf  and  Godown  Company  was  formed  (August  1,  1871) 
ignoring  the  fact  that  the  increased  facilities  of  telegraphic 
•communication  with  Europe  tended  to  diminish  the  need  for 
godown  storage. 

The  emigration  question,  viewed  in  the  light  of  the  Macao 
coolie  trade,  occupied  the  minds  of  the  residents  off  and  on  through- 
out the  term  of  this  administration.  This  question  took  a  definite 
shape  on  the  passing  of  the  Hongkong  Emigration  Ordinance 
(6  of  1867),  when  the  Chief  Justice  (J.  Smale)  conjointly  with 
•one  of  the  unofficial  Members  of  Council  (J.  Whittall)  pleaded 


458  CHAl'TElt   XIX. 

in  Council  unci  mciuorialized  the  Secretary  of  State  ('Inly  27» 
1867)  to  the  effect  that  contract  emigration  from  Hongkong- 
should  be  entirely  prohibited,  on  the  ground  that  the  Macao- 
coolie  trade,  conducted  under  emigration  laws  similar  to  those 
of  Hongkong,  had  developed  into  a  veritable  slave  trade.  Sir 
Richard  opposed  the  two  enthusiasts,  and  stated  that  the 
Hongkong  Council  could  not  run  counter  to  Imperial  legislation 
(18  &  19  Yict.  ch.  10-4)  under  which  the  local  Chinese  Passengers^ 
Act  of  1855  had  been  framed.  The  whole  mercantile  community 
considered  this  agitation  against  the  local  coolie  trade  extremely 
ill-judged,  as  no  one  pretended  that  coolie  emigration  from 
Hongkong  was  conducted  in  any  sense  on  slave-ti-ading  principles. 
Fresli  discussions  arose  when  Sir  Richard  publis-hed  (July  4, 
1867)  a  refutation  of  the  arguments  advanced  by  those  two- 
Members  of  Council,  and  especially  when  the  horrors  connected 
with  numerous  mutinies  on  Macao  coolie  ships  filled  the  public 
papers  and  engaged,  in  a  few  instances,  also  the  attention  of 
the  Government  and  the  Supreme  Court  of  Hongkong  in 
connection  with  the  ships  3Iarie  Tkerese  (March  21,  1868), 
Frederic  (October  11),  18G9),  and  especially  in  connection  with 
the  above  mentioned  Kwok  Asing  case  (February  15,  to  April 
5,  1871).  The  net  result  of  all  these  discussions  was  the  general 
conviction  that  the  methods  by  which  coolies  are  collected  in 
Xhe  interior  and  brought  to  Hongkong  for  shipment,  though 
free  from  the  evils  attaching  to  the  crimping  system  of  the 
Macao  coolie  trade,  necessitated  the  strictest  surveillance  of  all 
contract  emigration,  and  some  thought  that  even  the  new 
Hongkong  Emigration  Ordinance  (12  of  1868)  was  insufficient, 
though  it  provided  for  the  punishment  of  persons  improperly 
obtaining  emigrants,  as  long  as  contract  emigration  to  non- 
British  ports  was  allowed.  More  stringent  regulations  were 
made  by  the  Governor  in  Council  (July  6,  1869),  but  on  19th 
October,  1809,  Earl  Granville  informed  the  Governor  that  he 
concurred  with  Earl  Clarendon  and  the  Emigration  Commis- 
sioners, that  contract  emigration  from  Hongkong  should  be 
strictly  confined  to  emigration  to  British  Colonies.     Sir  Richard 


THE   AD.MIXrSTRATlON   OF   Sill   K.   (J.   M.vcDOXNKLL.  459^ 

accordingly  passed  tlu'ougli  Legislative  Couucil  (March  80,  1870) 
a  Bill  giving  the  Governor  power  to  make  such  regulations 
with  regard  to  emigration  as  he  may  think  proper  under 
instructions  from  the  Colonial  Office.  Sh*  Richard  stated  on 
this  occasion  that  he  personally  deprecated  the  entire  abolition 
of  contract  emigration  to  foreign  countries  which  under  existing 
instructions  he  would  be  obliged  to  effect,  but  that  his  instruc- 
tions were  peremptory.  Later  on,  difficulties  were  made  by 
the  Colonial  Secretary  (in  the  absence  of  Sir  Richard)  even  as 
to  shipping  coolies  by  the  Pacific  mail  steamers,  as  it  was  stated 
(October  IT),  1871)  that  the  Colonial  Office  instructions  prohibited 
emigration,  whether  under  actual  or  merely  implied  contract, 
to  anv  non-British  counti'v.  The  U.S.  Minister,  the  Hon. 
AV.  H.  Seward,  passing  through  Hongkong  in  January,  1871, 
held  a  reception  at  the  JJ.S.  Consulate,  when  he  gave  it  as- 
his  opinion  that  Chinese  emigration  to  the  United  States  is 
desirable  as  tending  to  the  advancement  of  western  civilization  in 
China,  and  that  by  this  means  enterprises,  such  as  railways  and 
mining  operations,  will  be  introduced  into  China,  and  excessive 
emigration  to  America  stopped,  so  soon  as  the  Chinese  labourers- 
will  be  able  to  find  in  their  own  country  that  employment  which 
now  induces  them  to  go  abroad.  Mr.  Seward's  influence  caused 
emigration  from  Hongkong  to  California  to  expand  considerably 
during  the  next  few  yeai*s. 

The  Chinese  commerce  of  Hongkong  rapidly  expanded  at 
the  beginning  (18()5  to  18G8)  of  this  period  at  the  expense  of 
the  Canton  trade  which  then  laboured  under  illegal  exactions, 
made  by  the  Mandarins  and  their  favoured  monopolists,  which 
caused  even  the  manufacture  of  vermilion  and  the  clarifying 
of  ginseng  to  be  removed  from  Canton  to  Hongkong.  Even 
ill  the  piece  goods  trade,  a  very  large  business  was  now  done 
in  Hongkong,  particularly  in  cotton  fabrics,  the  goods  being 
sent  into  the  interior  of  the  Canton  Province  without  passing 
through  or  near  Canton,  and  at  Canton  itself  the  import  of 
piece  goods  fell  entirely  into  the  hands  of  Chinese  who  came 
down   to   Hongkong  to  buy.     The  rice  trade  also  was  drivea 


460  CHAPTER  XIX. 

4iway  from  Canton  by  the  exaction  of  tounacre  dues  and 
thenceforth  entirely  conducted  in  Hongkong  whence  the  rice 
was  sent  to  Canton  in  junks.  Opium  was  at  tiiis  time  shipped 
less  to  Canton,  and  chiefly  to  Kongmoon,  Samshui  and  Sheklung, 
where  lower  duties  were  levied  than  in  Canton.  Likewise  also 
the  numerous  small  ports  between  Swatow  and  Hongkong  were 
supplied  from  Hongkong  with  opium  by  junks  which  had  to 
pay  a  duty  of  20  taels  at  those  intermediate  ports,  whilst  at 
Swatow  30  taels  import  duty  and  10  taels  Li-kin  had  to  be 
paid.  This  was  not  a  smuggling  trade  but  a  judicious  avoidance 
of  a  port  (Canton)  where  extra  charges  w'ere  made.  But  it  was 
the  resultant  expansion  of  the  Hongkong  junk  trade,  coupled 
with  the  simultaneous  decline  of  the  Canton  trade,  that  induced 
the  Cantonese  Authorities  to  establish  the  Customs  Blockade 
of  Hongkong  in  order  to  levy  here  those  extra  charges  and 
thus  to  force  the  junk  trade  back  into  its  former  channel  for 
the  benefit  of  Canton. 

The  result  was  striking.  At  the  close  of  the  year  18G8, 
a  sudden  depression,  which  reached  its  height  in  1809,  came 
over  the  native  trade  of  Hono-konof.  The  cotton  dealers  of 
Hongkong  exported  in  18G9  only  110,000  bales  in  place  of 
200,000  exported  in  18G8.  No  more  than  335,000  piculs 
•of  rice  passed  through  the  Colony  in  1869.  The  sugar  trade 
also  shewed  a  considerable  decline.  The  market  compradors 
reported  sales  amounting,  in  18G9,  to  $146,000  against  $165,000 
in  the  previous  year.  The  salt  fish  trade  continued  on  the 
decline  which  had  set  in  from  the  moment  when  the  Customs 
Blockade  commenced.  The  rent  of  Chinese  houses  fell  in  18G9 
about  25  per  cent,  and  some  250  business  houses  in  the  principal 
streets  stood  empty  and  unoccupied.  Nevertheless  the  reviving 
•energies  of  foreign  commerce  in  1870  appeared  to  stimulate  also 
the  native  trade  of  Hongkong,  which  recovered  slowly  from 
the  injuries  inflicted  upon  it  by  the  Chinese  Customs  Blockade. 

Li  the  government  of  the  Chinese  population,  Sir  Richard 
;systematically  gave  to  the  Registrar  General  the  most  extensive 
powers.     But  he  took  a  personal  interest  in  every  detail,  probed 


THK  ADMINISTRATION  OF   SIR  R.  G.  MacDONNELL.  461 

the  correctness  of  translations  of  petitions  and  notifications^ 
watched  with  eagle's  eye  the  editing-  of  the  Chinese  issue  of 
the  Government  Gazette  and  inquired  into  the  ins  and  outs  of 
every  complaint  made  by  the  Chinese.  He  occasionally,  but 
sparingly,  received  Chinese  deputations,  argued  with  them  in 
a  stately  way  and  took  infinite  pains  in  controverting  their 
arguments,  both  orally  and  in  print,  and  repeatedly  made 
semi-mutinous  deputations  confess  that  their  objections  to  his 
measures  were  based  on  misunderstanding  or  imperfect  translation 
and  invariably  sent  them  away  crestfallen.  It  was  by  these 
methods  that  he  averted  serious  impending  strikes  in  connection 
with  the  new  Registration  and  Junk  Ordinances  (6  and  7  of 
1860)  in  September,  1800  and  in  January,  1807.  It  has  been 
mentioned  above  that  the  Junk  Ordinance  did  excellent  service 
towards  the  repression  of  piracy.  The  Registration  Ordinance 
also  worked  satisfactorily  and  003  householders  were  speedily 
registered  under  it,  but  the  provisions  regarding  the  registration 
of  Chinese  servants  were  viewed  by  European  employers  as 
useless  and  irksome  and  soon  became  a  dead  letter.  In  1809, 
the  Chinese  inhabitants  of  several  districts  in  town,  acting  on 
the  provisions  of  the  Registration  Ordinance,  recommended  a 
body  of  men  as  district  watchmen  to  be  paid  for  by  themselves. 
The  duties  of  these  special  Chinese  constables,  under  the  sole 
direction  of  the  Registrar  General,  were  connected  exclusively 
with  the  Chinese  portion  of  the  city.  The  Registrar  General 
reported,  year  by  year,  favourably  on  the  working  of  this  special 
body  of  police.  But  the  system  caused  friction  between  the 
Registrar  General  and  the  Superintendent  of  Police,  particularly 
in  connection  with  the  permits  issued  for  religious  ceremonies, 
which,  by  their  accompanying  noise,  created  a  nuisance,  at  night- 
time, to  European  residents  and  caused  objections  disregarded  by 
the  district  watchmen  but  upheld  by  the  police. 

The  absence  of  a  mortuary  for  Chinese  and  of  a  hospital 
conducted  in  consonance  with  Chinese  ideas  of  therapeutics, 
caused  the  local  compradors,  merchants  and  shopkeepers  to 
establish  (in  1807)  what  they  called  the  I-tsze.     Their  aim  was 


462  CHAPTER   XIX. 

not  cliaritable,  but  ratlier  to  have  a  place  where  dying  hnsiness- 
■eniployees  miglit  l)e  deposited,  to  avoid  the  troublous  rites  and 
-ceremonies  connected  witli  death,  and  where  encoffined  bodies 
might  be  stored  a\vaitini>-  removal  to  the  mainland.  This  institn- 
tion  was  established,  in  the  centre  of  Taipin,(2:shan,  unbeknown  to 
the  Government.  In  May,  18()1),  accident  led  to  the  discovery 
that  sick  persons  were  dumped  there  and  left  to  die  like  doo-s, 
untended  and  uncared  for,  except  that  there  were  coffins  ready 
for  them.  When  the  foreign  community  raised  an  outcry,  the 
Chinese  came  forward  with  liberal  subscriptions  towards  the 
erection  of  a  Chinese  Hospital,  and,  as  it  was  a  clear  case  for  the 
application  of  the  Special  Fund,  Sir  Richard  at  once  offered  a 
grant  of  ^l^^^O^  iii  addition  to  a  free  site  near  Possession  Point. 
The  I-tsze  was  forthwith  converted  into  a  temporary  hospital 
-conducted  on  Chinese  principles,  as  nearly  all  Chinese  in  the 
Colony  would  rather  die  like  dogs  than  enter  the  Government 
Civil  Hospital.  It  was  originally  proposed  that  the  piece  of  land 
•granted  by  Government  should  be  vested  in  trustees  and  that 
the  permanent  hospital,  to  be  built  there,  should  be  carried 
-on  under  a  trustdeed.  But  the  Attorney  General  (J.  Pauncefote) 
wisely  suggested  to  form  a  corporation  which  would  build  and 
manage  the  hospital  through  a  board  of  Chinese  directors 
under  proper  supervision  by  the  Government.  Thus  the  Tungwa 
Hospital  was  established  by  Ordinance  (3  of  1870)  as  an 
eleemosynary  corporation.  By  the  special  order  of  Sir  Richard, 
a  provision  was  included  in  this  Ordinance  to  make  sure  that, 
if  the  corporation  should  fail  to  carry  out  in  a  satisfactory  manner 
the  objects  and  purposes  of  the  Ordinance,  the  incorporation 
should  be  repealed  and  the  property  of  the  hospital,  subject 
to  the  ])aymeut  of  debts,  should  then  vest  in  the  Crown.  The 
new  hospital  was  speedily  erected  and  opened  by  Sir  Richard 
on  February  li,  1872,  when  he  announced  that  the  Government 
had  voted  (out  of  the  Special  Fund)  a  further  sum  of  ^115,000 
for  the  purposes  of  the  hospital.  He  also  praised  the  Chinese 
for  their  liberality  in  guaranteeing  annual  subscriptions  to  the 
•extent  of  $7,000,  but  warned  them  that,  if  any  abuses  should 


THE   ADMINISTKATION   OF   SIR   1{.   (;.   .MacDOXXELL.  463 

■<;reep  in,  the  Govenimenfc  would  tike  the  itianaoeineiit  of  the 
hospital  out  of  their  hands.  This  was  a  fair  specimen  of 
Sir  Riehard's  way  of  deahno-  with  the  Cliinese  community.  He 
invarial)ly  treated  them  with  unwearied  consideration  but  with 
rigid  strictness.  The  result  was  that,  by  the  time  of  Sir 
Richard's  departure,  his  administration  left  upon  the  Chinese 
people  rather  a  favourable  impression.  Though  they  dreaded 
him  at  first  as  a  stern  disciplinarian,  they  always  respected  him 
iind  finally  he  became  rather  a  popular  hero  in  their  eyes. 

The  population  of  Hongkong  increased,  during  this  admini- 
stration, from  117,471  souls  in  the  year  18(50  to  124,198  in 
the  year  1871.  But  this  is  no  progi-ess  when  it  is  compared 
with  the  state  of  the  population  (125,504)  in  the  year  1865, 
tind  indicates  that  the  general  influence  of  Sir  Richard's 
administration  did  not  tend  to  encourage  Chinese  to  settle  in 
Hongkono^. 

The  sanitation  of  the  Colony  was  at  a  low  ebb  in  January, 
1800,  when  the  mortality  among  the  troops  reached  an  extra- 
ordinary rate,  supposed  to.be  caused  by  the  severe  n4ght  duties 
thrown  upon  European  soldiers  in  consequence  of  the  withdrawal 
of  Indian  regiments.  Hongkong,  once  more,  gained  an  unenviable 
notoriety  through  exaggerative  descriptions  of  the  insalubrity 
of  its  climate  published  in  home  papers  in  ISOG  and  18(17,  and 
particularly  in  the  Times  and  in  the  Ann//  d'  Navy  Gazette. 
In  April,  1861),  it  was  locally  reported  that  the  sanitary  conditions 
had  been  steadily  improving  and  that,  with  the  exception  of 
the  case  of  the  troops,  the  rate  of  mortality  among  European 
residents  had  steadily  decreased  since  1863.  Indeed  a  table 
of  the  mortality  of  Hongkong  inhabitants  from  1858  to  1868 
shewed  that  in  no  year  registered  had  the  mortality  been  so 
low  (2  per  cent.)  among  Europeans  as  during  the  year  1869. 
The  Colonial  Surgeon,  in  his  report  for  1861),  reported  a  rise 
in  the  death  rate,  which  he  ascribed  to  the  longer  duration 
'of  the  sunnner  heat,  but  declared  Hongkong  to  be  remarkably 
healthy  for  the  tropics.  Great  importance  was  now  attached  to 
the  extension  of  afforestation  coupled  with  the  unsparing  removal 


464  CHAPTER  XIX. 

of  all  undergrowth.  Carbolic  acid  was  freelj  used  to  disinfect 
drains.  The  sudden  and  startling  death  of  a  number  of 
prominent  members  of  the  foreign  community,  guA'e  to  the 
year  1870  the  aspect  of  a  specially  unhealthy  year.  It  was- 
pointed  out  that  in  the  early  part  of  summer  and  up  to  3rd 
August,  1870,  there  was  an  unusually  small  rainfall,  and  an 
unusual  increase  of  fever,  accompanied  by  a  tendency  to  relapse 
which  caused  great  prostration  and  in  some  cases  assumed  the 
character  of  typhus.  Most  practitioners  attributed  the  cause 
to  earth  cutting  on  the  hill  sides.  r>r.  J.  T.  Murray,  however, 
persisted  in  tracing  the  disease  to  the  paucity  of  rain  but  he 
also  complained  thnt  the  drains  of  the  town  remained  what 
they  ever  had  been  (in  the  absence  of  rain),  the  source  of  disease^ 
and  urged  that  they  be  run  out  into  deep  watei'  and  frequently 
flushed.  An  epidemic  of  smallpox  having  broken  out  in 
December  1870,  and  the  temporary  matsheds  erected  near  the 
Civil  Hospital  being  overcrowded  (January,  1871),  the  deserted 
Gaol-buildings  on  Stonecutters'  Island  were  converted  into  a 
smallpox  hospital  which  answered  all  expectations.  Among  101 
cases  treated  (73  civilians  and  28  soldiers),  there  were  only 
9  deaths. 

The  subject  of  contagious  disease  engaged  Sir  Richai'd's 
attention  soon  after  his  arrival.  He  found  fault  with  the  CD. 
Ordinance  of  1858,  as  its  penal  provisions  were  directed 
exclusively  against  indoor  prostitution,  also  against  the  keepers 
of  illicit  establishments  only  and  not  against  the  inmates. 
Believing  that  the  existing  system  failed  to  check  disease,  Sir 
Richard  forthwith  inaugurated  a  more  vigorous  policy.  A  new 
Ordinance,  passed  on  23rd  July,  18G7,  subjected  accordingly 
both  the  keepers  and  the  inmates  of  unlicensed  houses  to  fine  and 
imprisonment,  prohibited  solicitation  in  the  streets,  extended  the 
application  of  medical  examination  and  detention  in  the  Lock 
Hospital,  gave  the  Police  power  to  break  into  suspected  houses 
without  a  warrant,  and  conferred  upon  the  Registrar  General 
judicial  as  well  as  executive  powers,  in  order  to  remove 
prosecutions   under   the   Ordinance   from    the   publicity   of   the 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  R.  G.  MacDONNELL.  465 

Police  Court.  It  was,  however,  u<rain  found  impracticable  to 
bring  the  inmates,  of  establishments  intended  for  the  use  of 
</hinese  only,  under  periodical  medical  examination.  Moreover, 
it  was  now  found  impossible  to  carry  out  this  vigorous  policy 
-effectively  without  extensive  employment  of  paid  informers, 
and  this  proved  in  after  years  to  be  a  serious  flaw  in  the  system. 
Public  feeling  on  the  subject  of  C.  D.  Acts  was  by  this  time 
undergoing  a  change  in  England,  where  the  conviction  of  the 
necessity  of  extending  the  powers  of  the  Imperial  Act,  on  which 
the  Hongkong  Ordinance  of  18(57  had  been  founded,  was  steadily 
gaining  ground.  In  Hongkong  there  was  at  this  time,  amongst 
those  who  interested  themselves  in  public  affairs,  no  general 
feeling  for  or  against  the  working  of  Sir  Richard's  new  Ordinance, 
but  the  magisterial  functions  now  exercised,  as  it  were  in  secret, 
by  the  Registrar  General,  were  looked  upon  i^y  some  of  the 
unofficial  Members  of  Council  as  a  source  of  mischief.  Dr. 
R.  Young,  in  charge  of  the  Lock  Hospital  with  a  daily  average 
of  34  in-patients,  reported  favourably  on  the  working  of  the 
Ordinance  (10  of  1807).  That  the  type  of  disease  had  gradually 
become  more  amenable  to  treatment,  appeared  from  the  fact  that 
the  average  number  of  days,  during  which  patients  were  detained 
in  hospital,  was  reduced  in  .1871  to  a  shorter  period  than  had 
ever  been  reached  during  the  14  years  of  the  hospital's  existence. 
Surgeons,  well  qualified  to  give  an  opinion,  testified  in  1871  that 
at  this  time  there  was  no  placq  in  the  East  so  free  from  syphilitic 
disease  as  Hongkong. 

During  the  interregnum  of  the  Hon.  W.  T.  Mercer  some 
important  events  took  place  in  the  sphere  of  education.  The 
premature  death  of  Miss  Baxter  (June  oO,  18G5)  was  a  great 
loss  for  Hongkong,  but  the  Baxter  Schools  were  contimied, 
first  by  Miss  Oxlad  and  then  by  Miss  Johnstone,  on  whom 
Miss  Baxter's  mantle  had  evidently  fallen.  The  establishment,. 
by  Bishop  Raimondi,  of  a  large  and  distinctly  commercial  School 
(St.  Saviour's  College)  brought  into  play  a  healthy  emulation 
between  the  principal  local  schools,  and  this  competition  acted 
thenceforth  as  a  prominent  factor  in  the  educational  movement 

JO 


466  •  CHAPTER   XIX. 

of .  the  Colony.  Ar.ofcher  important  event  of  tlie  interregnum 
was  tlie  extinction  of  the  Board  of  Education  and  the 
appointment  (June  24,  180.")),  at  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Legge, 
of  Dr.  Stewart  as  Head  of  the  Education  Department, 
havin"-  under  liis  direction  hot-h  the  Central  School  and  the 
outside  Government  Schools,  then  14  in  number  but  increased 
to  25  schools  by  the  end  of  this  ])eriod.  Dr.  Stewart  urged 
upon  the  Government  (in  IHOT)  and  in  1871)  the  introduction 
of  an  education  tax  and  a  compulsory  school-attendance  law, 
but  neither  Mr.  Mercer  nor  Sir  Richard  would  consent  to  such 
a  measure.  The  Central  School,  whicli  had  hitherto  received 
only  Chinese  boys,  was  thrown  open  by  Sir  Richard  (in  LSOG) 
to  boys  of  all  nationalities.  The  new  Bishop,  Dr.  Alford, 
engaged  in  a  controversy  with  Dr.  Stewart  by  opposing  the 
system  of  secular  or,  as  he  called  it,^  godless  education  in 
Government  Schools,  but  without  avail.  St.  Paul's  College, 
iiaving  lost  its  funds  by  the  failure  of  Dent  &  Co.,  had  to  be 
closed  in  1867,  and,  when  an  attempt  to  re-open  it  in  1808 
failed,  the  College  was  absorbed  (in  1809)  in  the  Diocesan 
Orphanage.  The  Morrison  Education  Society  wns  also  deprived 
of  its  funds  by  the  failure  of  Dent  &  Co.  and  hand<^d  over  its 
library,  together  with  a  painting  of  Cliinnery's  (representing 
Dr.  Morrison)  and  a  bust  of  the  Hon.  H.  R.  Morrison,  to  the 
City  Hall  Library  as  a  free  gift  for  the  use  of  the  public 
(March  30,  1801)). 

Bishop  Smith  having  resigned,  the  Rev.  Ch.  R.  Alford, 
M.A.,  was  appointed  by  Letters  Patent  (January  14,  1807)  Lord 
Pishop  of  the  See  of  Victoria  and  AVarden  (for  the  Church 
Missionary  Society)  of  St.  Paul's  College.  The  new  Bishop 
appointed  the  Colonial  Cl.aplain  (W.  R.  Beach)  as  residentiary 
Canon  of  St.  John's  Cathedral.  Bishop  Alford  did  much  to  cement 
good  understanding  between  the  clergy  and  the  missionaries  of 
all  persuasions  and  exercise!  upon  the  general  community  a 
powerful  influence  for  goo  I.  For  the  benefit  of  the  funds  of  the 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,  he  organised  a  local  Auxiliary 
<H.  Laurence,  Hon.  Secretary).     Sir  Richard  MacDonnell,  who 


THE   ADMIXISTRATIOX  OF  SIR  R.    G.  M.vcDONXELL.  407 

Avitbal  was  a  religions  character,  repeatedly  presided  at  the 
iheetings  of  this  Society  and  occasionally  gave,  as  for  instance 
on  1st  Fcbrnary,  1<S()<),  a  powerfnl  address  in  snpport  of  its  aims. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Bishop,  thongh  in  friendly  relations 
with  Sir  Richard,  did  not  shrink  from  passing  the  very  next 
day  (Febrnary  2,  1801))  the  strongest  pnblic  condemnation  on 
the  Governor's  •system  of  licensing  gaming  honses  and  on  the 
provisions  of  his  Contagions  Diseases  Ordinance.  The  principal 
I'elic  of  l)ishop  Alford's  work  in  the  Colony  is  St.  Peter's 
Chnrch.  At  the  sno-^estion  of  one  of  the  Trastees  of  Sailors* 
Home  (Captain  Thomsett),  weekly  services  for  seamen  had  been 
organized  at  the  Home  in  ISGG.  Soon  after  his  arriv^al.  Bishop 
Alford  proposed  the  erection  of  a  chnrch  for  seamen,  and 
secured  from  the  Trustees  the  grant  of  a  portion  of  their  ground 
for  the  purpose.  During  a  visit  to  Enghmd  in  1870,  Bishop 
Alford  further  secured  from  some  Society  a  donation  of  £500 
and  the  promise  of  an  annual  contribution  towards  the  salary 
of  a  seamen's  chaplain.  On  his  return  to  Hongkong  (March, 
1871),  he  appealed  to  the  public  for  subscriptions.  The  family 
of  the  late  Mr.  Margesson  (lost  at  sea)  donated  £300,  the 
Governor  made  a  grant  of  ^2,500,  the  community  subscribed 
liberally,  the  Trustees  of  St.  John's  Cathedral  gave  a  spare 
bell,  and  the  building  was  rapidly  pushed  on.  On  22nd  March, 
1871,  the  foundation  stone  was  laid  by  Bishop  Alford  and  on 
14th  January,  1S72,  the  new  church,  dedicated  to  St.  Peter, 
was  opened  (in  the  absence  of  the  liishop)  by  the  Rev.  .1. 
Piper.  Bishop  Alford  was  erjually  successful  in  his  efforts 
to  arouse  ])ul)lic  interest  in  the  improvement  of  St.  John's 
Cathedral.  The  Hon.  F.  Parry  donated  a  peal  of  bells  which 
were  runo:  for  the  first  time  on  the  new-vear's  eve  of  Slsfc 
December,  18G9.  By  a  public  subscription,  yielding  ^8,r>00  and 
forthwith  doubled  by  the  Government,  Bishop  Alford  secured 
also  the  erection  of  a  ncw^  chancel  (November  21),  1870),  which 
was  enriched  by  the  erection  of  a  memorial  window  by  the 
executors  of  the  late  Douglas  Lapraik.  But  the  tower  of  St. 
John's  Cathedral  was  left  as  before  waiting  for  its  spire.    Sir 


468  CHArTER  XIX. 

Richard  made,  shortly   before  he  left    the    Colony,   an    order 
(February,  1872)  to  the  effect  that  no  fees  whatever  should  be- 
charged  for  any  ecclesiastical  service  connected  with  St.  JohnV 
Cathedral. 

The  principal  events  of  the  social  life  of  this  period  were  the- 
festivities  connected  with  the  visit  to  Hongkong  of  H.R.H. 
Prince  Alfred,  Duke  of  Edinburgh,  and  particularly  the  opening 
of  the  new  City  Hall,  the  foundation  stone  of  which  had  been 
laid  on  23rd  February,  18G7,  by  Sir  R.  MacDonnell.  For  weeks, 
preparations  had  been  made  for  the  Duke's  reception,  on  the  basis 
of  a  programme  devised  by  Sir  Richard  and  published  in  the 
Government  Gazette.  From  the  moment  when  H.M.S.  Galatea 
arrived  (October  31,  1869)  with  the  Duke  on  board,  until  16th 
November,  when  he  finally  left  the  Colony,  Hongkong  society, 
both  foreign  and  Chinese,  was  revelling  in  incessant  festivities. 
Immediately  on  his  arrival,  the  Duke  landed  privately  and  dined 
at  Government  House  with  .the  Governor  and  Admiral  KeppeU 
his  former  chief.  Next  evening  he  privately  attended  a  dinner 
given  by  the  Hon.  W.  Keswick  at  the  mansion  of  Jardine,, 
Matheson  &  Co.,  and  then  inspected  incognito  the  illuminations, 
fire  works  and  dragon  processions,  which  kept  the  whole  town  ins 
a  blaze  of  light  till  the  early  morning.  On  2nd  November,  three 
liours  before  the  time  fixed  for  the  official  landing  of  the  Duke, 
Admiral  the  Hon.  Sir  H.  Keppel,  K.C.B.,  whom  the  Colony  had 
honoured  with  a  farewell-banquet  as  the  embodiment  of  the 
true  British  policy  in  China,  having  to  leave  for  England,  came 
down  at  8  a.m.  to  embark  at  Murray  Pier,  when,  to  his  surprise,. 
he  found  there  a  barge  manned  by  the  officers  of  the  Galatea  who* 
rowed  him  to  the  mail  steamer,  the  Duke  himself  at  the  stroke 
oar  and  Commodore  Oliver  J.  Jones  acting  as  coxswain.  At  11 
a.m.  the  Duke  landed  with  due  ceremony  at  Pedder's  AVharf, 
attended  by  Sir  H.  Kellett  and  his  two  equerries.  Sir  Richard, 
having  formally  bid  him  welcome,  conducted  him  in  great 
state  to  the  City  Hall  which  the  Duke  opened  and  inspected. 
Some  300  gentlemen  were  then  introduced  to  the  Duke,  wha 
graciously  replied  also  to  four  addresses  presented  to  him,  viz.  by 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  R.  G.  MacIX)NNELL.  469 

IVIr.  Tb.  Pyke  for  the  general  community,  by  Mr.  D.  liuttiinjee 
for  the  Parsee  merchants,  and  by  Chinese  deputies  of  the  native 
merchants  and  Government  schoolmasters,  whose  gorgeous  uni- 
forms and  elaborate  kotows  gave  to  the  scene  a  picturesque  Oriental 
•<)olouring.     In  the  evening  the  Duke  was  present  at  a  banquet 
given  at  Government  House  and  followed  by  a  reception  held  by 
Lady  MacDonnell.     On  3rd  November,  the  Duke  drove  out  with 
the  Governor  to  the  Happy  Valley,  and  attended  in  the  evening 
the  first  |x;rformances  given,  at  the  new  City  Hall  Theatre,  by 
•the  Amateur  Dramatic  Corps  and  by  the  members  of  the  German 
'Club  Concordia.     A  grand  ball  held  next  day  at  the  City  Hall, 
and  a  magnificent  performance  given,  on  the  following  day,  by 
'<]!hinese  actors  at  the  Tunghing  theatre  and  followed  by  a  Chinese 
•dinner,  concluded  the  first  part  of  the  programme.  AVhilst  the  Duke 
paid  a  visit  to  Canton  and  Macao,  by  means  of  the  river-steamer 
Kinshan  which  the  H.  C.  &  M.  Steamboat  Company  had  placed 
at  his  disposal,  the  Chinese  festivities  and  dragon  processions 
continued  Tii  Hongkong.     After  his  return  (9th  November),  the 
Duke  visited   Major-General   Whitfield  who   was   laid  up  witli 
•sickness,  dined  with  Colonel  Milles  and  the  officers  of  the  75th 
Regiment  and  subsequently  with  Commodore  Jones.     He  further 
attended  two  more  banquets  and  public  receptions  at  Government 
House,  received  two  additional  addresses  (by  the  clergy  and  the 
masters  of  the  mercantile  marine),  attended  a  cricket  match,  took 
part  in  a  game  at  bowls  at  the  Oriental  Bowling  Alley,  acted 
;as  conductor  of  the  orchestra  at  a  theatrical  performance  given 
by    the    officers    of    the    Galatea    in    the    City   Hall   Theatre, 
entertained  the  Governor  and  Lady  MacDonnell  on  board  his 
ship,   and   finally   laid,   immediately   before   his   departure,    the 
first  stone  of  the  new  chancel  of  St.  John's  Cathedral  (November, 
16th).      The   Duke's  courtesy   and   gracious   bearing   on  every 
•occasion  won  for  him  the  greatest  popularity,  whilst  the  success 
■which  attended  all  the  festivities  given  in   his   honour   was   a 
-source  of  much  pride  and  pleasure  to  the  whole  community. 

Among  the  many  signs  of  healthy  social  life  and  progress 
:manifested    during    this    period    stands    out    prominently    the 


470  CHAPTER   XIX. 

formation  (November  12,  18G7)  of  the  Association  for  securing 
parliamentary  influence  on  behalf,  of  the  Colony.  It  was  hoped 
that  relief  might  by  this  means,  rather  than  by  appeals  to  the 
Colonial  Office,  be  obtained  for  the  most  pressing  grievances 
under  which  the  community  laboured.  Mr.  A.  P.  Sinnett  acted 
as  secretary  for  the  society  until  July,  18GS.  On  23rd  Decem- 
ber, 18G7,  a  meeting  of  the  Association  adopted  a  Memorial 
to  be  presented  to  the  House  of  Commons.  It  AA'as  a  forcible 
protest  against  the  levy  of  the  Military  Contribution.  During  the 
following  year  the  influence  of  the  Association  was  strengthened 
by  the  formation  in  London  (April,  .18G8)  of  a  corresponding. 
Association  of  former  colonists,  and  the  Hongkong  Association 
received  same  recognition  by  a  Committee  of  the  Legislative 
Council,  consulting  the  Association  in  the  matter  of  the  Building 
Ordinance  then  under  discussion.  However,  the  Petition  to 
the  House  of  Commons  fell  to  the  ground  owing  to  the  inaction 
of  the  London  branch  of  the  Association.  Moreover,  the  action. 
of  the  local  4ssociation  was  paralysed  for  the  tinft  (July  8, 
18G1))  by  internal  dissensions  as  to  ^he  question  whether  the 
scope  of  the  Association  was  confined  to  local  grievances  or 
included  the  general  tenor  of  British  policy  in  China  and  Japan. 
Another  semi-political  but  less  aspiring  association  was  that, 
formed  by  Mr.  W.  N.  Middleton,  and  supported  by  other  talented 
local  artists  (Mr.  J.  C  Coughtrie  and  Mr.  E.  Beart),  who 
humorously  but  most  effectively  criticized  and  caricatured, .  to 
the  intense  amusement  of  the  community,  local  politics  and. 
manners,  celebrities  and  oddities,  by  means  of  the  China  Ptmch,. 
published  at  irregular  intervals  from  .  28th  May,  18G7,  until, 
28th  May,  18G8.  In  the  Public  Gardens,  where  the  Parsee. 
community  erected  a  handsome  Bandatand,  great  improvements- 
were  made  by  the  new  Curator  (Ch.  Ford)  and  public  interest 
was  enlisted  for  the  time  in  the  management  of  the  Gardens 
(January  10,  1872)  by  withdrawing  the  Gardens  and  Afforestation. 
Department  from  the  supervision  of  the  Surveyor  General  and 
placing  it  under  a  representative  Advisory  Committee.  The  re- 
opening of  the  Seamen's  Hospital  which  Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co.. 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR   R.  0.   .M.vrDONNKLL.  471 

(May,  18GG)  had  rebuilt  at  a  co3t  of  $oO,000,- the  transformation  of 
'the  old  Victoria  Library  and  Reading  Rooms  into  a  Club  (August 
15,  l<S71);thenceforth  known  as  Victoria  Club,  and  the  short-lived 
attempt  to  establish  a  public  refuge  for  tlie  destitute  and  for 
discharged  prisoners  (May,  1871),  were  also  indications  of  a 
healthy  public  spirit.  On  the  other  hand,  the  collapse  of  the 
Volunteer  .Corps,  which  had  to  be  disbanded  (June  1,  1800) 
owing  to  .the  non-attendance  of  its  members,  has  also  to  be 
recorded,  but  hitd  perhaps  a  deeper  source  in  the  commercial 
crisis  which  just  then  paralysed  local  activities. 

The  establishment  of  a  Swimming  I>ath  (June,  18GC),  of 
ocean  yacht  race3  (December,  18(!8)  and  of  bicycle  races 
(February  lo,  187(>),  provided  new  incentives  an:l  facilities  for 
public  recreation.  Complaints  were  made  at  the  Wongnaichung 
races  of  March,  18()1),  that  the  Americans  present  forsook  the 
Grand  Stand  for  the  superior  attractions  of  a  private  shed 
belonging  to  the  leadiiig  American  firms  (Rnssell  &  Co.  and 
A.  Heard  &  Co.).  Bub  harmony  was  soon  restored.  On 
28tli  FebruaiT,  1870,  an  address  signed  bv  the  entire  communitv 
was  presented  to  Admiral  Rowan  in  command  of  the  U.  S. 
Asiatic  Squadron,  to  express  the  sympathy  universally  felt  in  the 
Colony,  with  the  sufferers  from  the  shipwreck  of  the  U.'  S. 
Corvette  Oneida  in  the  gulf  of  Yeddo,  caused  by  collision  with 
the  P.  &  0.  S.  S.  Bomhcnj  on  24th  January,  1870.  The  departure 
of  the  U..  S.  flagship  Delaware  (June  19,  1870),  the  officers 
of  which  had  been  general  favourites  in  lo.ml  society,  was  much 
regretted.  The  anniversary  of  Washi niton's  birthday  was 
celebrated  (March,  1871)  by  the  whole  foreign  community  as  the 
guests  of  the  officei-s  of  the  U.  S.  S.  Colomdo  who  enlivened 
their  entertainment  by  an  improvised  regatta. 

The  German  community  was,  in  1870  and  1871,  much 
exercised  bv  the  successive  events  of  the  Franco-German  war. 
Tiarge  sums  were  collected  in  Hongkong  and  forwarded  for  the 
relief  of  the  sick  and  wounded  of  both  belligerents.  At  one 
single  concert  (December,  1870)  a  sum  of  ^2,{)0()  was  raised. 
The  Ciiimi  Mail  was  for  some  time  ostracized  by  the  German 


f 


^7^  CHAPTER  XIX. 

residents  who  saw  unfairness  in  the  unfriendly  criticisms  which- 
the  editor  passed  on  the  measures  taken  by  Germany  after  the 
battle  of  Sedan.     The  restoration  of  peace  was  celebrated  (March^ 

1871)  by  a  public  banquet.  In  November,  1871,  the  German 
Olul)  raised,  by  a  concert,  a  considerable  sura  in  aid  of  the  relief 
fund  which  was  organized  in  Hongkong  as  soon  as  the  news 
of  the  great  conflagration  at  Chicago  was  received.  The  new 
building  erected  for  the  German  Club  in  Wyndham  Street,  a 
iine  structure  of  Gothic  design,  was  opened  on  2nd  February, 
1872.  About  the  same  time,  a  collection  was  organized  for 
the   foundation   of   a   new   library  at   Strassburg  (February  8,. 

1872)  and  a  considerable  number  of  Chinese  w^orks,  including 
some  rare  manuscripts  from  Formosa,  were  secured  for  the 
Blew  library. 

Among  the  minor  events  of  the  social  life  of  this  period 
may  be  chronicled  the  dedication  of  the  new  Masonic  Hall 
(December  27,  1865),  a  public  farewell  dinner  given  to  Dr. 
Kane  (May,  18G7),  the  opening  of  the  new  Hongkong  Hotel 
building  (February  29,  18G8),  the  arrival  of  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  expedition  under  Admiral  Baron  Petz,  with  Professor 
8cherzer  (June,  18G9),  the  public  dinner  given  to  Commodore 
-Jones  (April,  1870),  the  arrival  of  Mr.  George  Francis  Train 
(September  8,  1870),  a  series  of  public  lectures  given  by  Dr. 
liCgge  on  Confucianism  and  by  Dr.  Eitel  on  Buddhism  (Decem- 
ber, 1870  to  February,  1871),  the  celebration  of  Beethoven's 
centenary  by  a  concert  given  in  the  City  Hall  (Deceml)er  20, 
1870),  the  arrival  of  the  Hon.  Mrs.  Yelverton  (Lady  Avanmore) 
from  San  Francisco  (September  15,  1871),  and  a  public  lecture 
on  Knox  by  Dr.  Legge  (December,  1871). 

Fifteen  different  countries  were  by  this  time  represented 
in  Hongkong  by  officially  recognized  Consufe,  viz.:  Austria  by 
G.  von  Overbeck  (March  19,  18G7);  Belgium  by  H.  Nicaise 
(August  29,  1871);  Denmark,  Sweden  and  Norway  by  G.  J. 
Helland  (December  2G,  1865) ;  France  by  H.  du  Chesne  (January 
U,  1865) ;  Germany  by  A.  Eimbke  (August  7,  1869);  Italy  and 
Hawaii  by  W.  Keswick  (April  28,  1868,  and  April  10,  1869).; 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  R.  G.  MacDONNELL.  473 

the  Netherlands  by  L.  Beyer  (June  4,  1870) ;  Portugal  by  J.  J. 
dos  Remedios  (January  19,  1872) ;  Russia  by  J.  Heard  (April  16,  ^ 
1802);  Siam  by  J.  Fraser  (May  26,  1868);  Spain  by  F.  Ortufio^ 
(February  11,  1867);  the  United  States  by  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Ooulding,  succeeded  by  I).  H.  Bailey  (October  21,  1870). 

As  regards  public  calamities,  the  period  of  Sir  Richard's 
administration  is  characterized  by  an  extraordinary  frequency 
of  serious  typhoons.  On  30th  June,  1865,  a  typhoon,  which 
did  comparatively  little  damage  in  the  Colony,  engulfed  two 
Hongkong  steamers,  Corea  and  Chanticleer,  which  had  left  Swatow 
on  that  day  for  Hongkong  in  company  and  disappeared,  leaving 
no  trace  behind.  The  edge  of  a  typhoon  touched  Hongkong  on 
7th  July,  1866,  and  did  considerable  damage.  During  the  next 
year  (1867),  three  successive  typhoons  (8th  August,  8th  September, 
and  1st  October)  caused  serious  disasters  both  ashore  and  afloat, 
particularly  the  first  of  them,  by  which  four  large  vessels  in 
liarbour  were  driven  on  shore,  two  sunk,  and  innumerable  junks 
wrecked.  On  2()th  September,  1870,  great  damage  to  life  and 
property  was  occasioned  by  a  typhoon,  the  Praya  AYall  was 
broken  up  in  places,  the  S.S.  Walter  and  a  yacht  were  sunk, 
and  on  board  the  junks  whose  wrecks  covered  the  Praya  hundreds 
of  lives  were  lost.  The  same  scenes  were  enacted  on  2nd  Septem- 
ber,  1871,  when,  beside  the  injuries  caused  to  houses  in  town, 
many  vessels  in  harbour  were  damaged  or  stranded,  and  the 
French  barque  Nancy  and  the  German  barque  Hans  became 
total  wrecks.  Few  conflagrations  occurred  during  this  period, 
but  one  of  them  (November  28,  1867)  was  of  extraordinary 
magnitude,  as  nearly  500  houses  were  destroyed.  The  year 
(1867)  in  which  this  disaster  occurred,  and  which  is  also  marked 
by  the  occurrence  of  three  serious  typhoons,  is  further  distin- 
guished by  a  gunpowder  explosion  and  by  two  serious  landslips. 
On  17th  January,  1867,  the  barque  Themis  was  lying  near 
Stonecutters'  Island  alongside  the  powder-hulk  Zephyr,  which  had 
200,000  pounds  of  gunpowder  on  board,  and  a  gang  of  coolies  was 
at  work  moving  barrels  of  powder,  when  suddenly  an  explosion 
occurred  which  blew  both  vessels  to  pieces,   caused  the  death 


474  CHAPTER  XIX. 

of  some  forty  persons,  and  shook  most  houses  in  town.  In  the 
mouth  of  October,  two  laiidsHps  took  place,  one  destroying  the 
gas  mains  at  Westpoint  and  leaving .  the  whole  Colony  in 
darkness  for  one  iiiulit,  while  the  other  converted  a  row  of 
eight  Chinese  houses  at  Taipingshan  into  a  heap  of  ruins, 
involving  also  the  loss  of  some  lives,  whereupon  a  jury. blamed 
the  Surveyor  General  for  not  having  foreseen  the  accident. 
On  8th  May,  1870,  the  singular  spectacle  occurred  of  a  vessel, 
the  Dunmall^  sailing  into  harbour  and  being  wrecked  in  the 
act  of  anchoring  witliin  a  few  hundred  yards  from  trie  Docks, 
on  the  rocks  near  Hunghom. 

The  obituary  of  this  period  is  particularly  distinguished 
by  the  death,  at  Headquarter  House,  of  Mrs.  Brunker  (July  1, 
J  808)  and  Major-General  Brunker  (March  23,  18(11)),  and  further 
includes  the  names  of  Mrs.  Smale  (October,  1808),  Assistant 
Surveyor-General  Clark  (October,  1808),  Mr.  Margesson  (July, 
1801));  G.  J.  Barber,  R.N.  (December  28,  1809),  Dr.  A  Cochran 
(March  7,  1870),  H.  P.  Austin  (;September  14,  1870),  Mrs. 
Kresser  (September,  1870),  Captain  J.  B.  Endicott  (November 
0,  1870),  Th.  Doniddson  (November,  1870),  J.  Donoval,  Elec- 
trician of  the  Telegraph  Company  (Febrnary  1),  1871),  F.  T. 
irazebnd.  Crown  Solicitor  (February  21,  1871),  Bishop  Snn'th, 
who  died  in  England  (December  14,  1871),  and  Mrs.  Hugh 
Hughes  (January  5,  1872). 

By  the  time  when  Sir  Richard's  term  of  administration 
came  to  an  end,  in  April  1872,  the  whole  community  of 
Hongkong  sincerely  regretted  his  departure.  Besides  a  farewell- 
dinner  given  in  his  honour  by  the  members  of  the  Civil  Service 
(April  .')),  the  foreign  community  gave  him  a  magnificent  banquet 
(April  D),  and  the  Chinese  merchants  presented  a  grandiloquent 
but  genuine  laudatory  address  (April  11)  together  with  a 
Memorial  against  the  coolie  trade.  Sir  Richard  left  the  Colony 
on- 11th  April,  1S72,  by  Fren(;h  mail-steamer,  having  for  his 
fellow-passengers  the  Portuguese  Governor  of  Macao-  and  the 
Spanish  Governor-General  of  the  Philippine  Islands.,  After  his 
return  to  England,  he  retired  from  the  service,  occupied  himself. 


THE   ADMIXISiTRATlOX   OF   SIR   R.   G.   M.U DOXXHLL.  47  fh 

for  some  years  with  various  literary  studies  and  died  ou  5th 
February,   1881. 

That  Sir  U.  MacDonnell  had  understood  the  real  position 
and  needs  of  tlie  Colony  better  than  most  of  its  Governors, 
appears  clearly  from  the  following  extracts  taken  from  one  of  his 
published  dispatches  (October  29,  18G7).  'The  circumstances 
of  the  Colony  of  Hongkong  are  so  entirely  exceptional  and 
l^ecnliar,  that  it  is  difficult  for  the  Executive  to  derive  from  the 
experience  of  other  Colonies,  or  the  precedents  established  by 
the  practice  and  traditions  of  P]urope,  any  adequate  system  foi* 
its  government  and  legislation...!  would  advoc^e  the  policy  of 
leaving  the  Colony  as  far  as  possible  the  liberty  to  expend,  on 
local  improvements  and  works,  all  the  availai)le  public  income 
that  can.  be  raised  from  the  community  for  these  purposes, 
because  the  prestige  and  the  preference  given  to  it,  as  a  depot, 
depends  greatly  on  the  advantages,  as  a  residence  and  as  a 
convenient  depot,  which  it  may  continue  to  offer... I  should 
gladly  see  more  activity  in  making  sanitary  improvements  and 
in  rendering  the  loading  and  discharge  of  vessels  more  easy  and 
less  expensive  than  at  present.' 

The  general  feeling  of  the  community,  at  the  time  of  Sir 
Richard's  final  departure,  was — that  he  was  an  emphatically 
sincere  and,  though  a  stern  character,  by  no  means  an  acrid  man  ; 
that  he  was  an  able  ruler,  one  of  the  most  able,  if  not  the  best, 
of  Hongkong's  Governors  ;  that  he  failed  to  please  everybody 
becanse  he,  on  principle,  strove  to  do  only  what  he  himself 
thought  best  in  the  interests  of  the  Colonv,  without  fear  or  favour 
of  any  man ;  that  he  improved  the  police,  the  roads  and  the  water- 
works of  the  Colony  ;  that  he  was  nob  only  careful  in  the  man- 
agement of  the  Colonial  finances  but  established  prosperity  in 
place  of  positive  insolvency ;  that  he  succeeded  where  every 
preceding  Governor  had  failed,  viz.,  in  suppressing  the  local 
haunts  and  resources  of  piracy;  that  he  knew  how  to  govern  the 
Chinese  and  gave  them  their  proper  subordinate  place ;  that  the 
best  and  most  popular  trait  of  his  administration  was  the  true 
English  jealousy  with  which  he  guarded  the  honour  and  position 


476  CHAPTER  X)X. 

■of  the  Colony,  the  f re adorn  of  the  port  and  its  tradal  interests, 
against  Hongkong's  enemies,  both  Chinese  and  British.  In  short, 
the  verdict  of  the  community  on  the  value  of  Sir  R.  MacDonnell's 
administration  may  be  summed  up  in  the  words  of  Shakespeare  : 
Here  goes  a  Caesar  I     When  comes  such  an  other  i 


3 


CHAPTER  XX. 


Thp:  a dminist ration  of  8ir  Arthur  E.  Kennedy. 
April  16,  187.2,  to  March  J,  Un. 

^gJR  Arthur  E.  KenDedy,  k.c.m.g.,  c.b.,  who  had  previously 
^^  acted  as  Governor  of  several  Colonial  Possessions  (West- 
coasb  of  Africa,  "Western  Australia,  Vancouver's  Island,  and 
West  African  Settlements),  arrived  in  Hongkong,  as  Governor 
and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Colony  and  its  Dependencies, 
on  16bh  April,  1872.  During  his  tenure  of  office.  Sir  Arthur 
was  absent  from  the  Colony  bat  twice.  On  15th  October,  1874, 
lie  left  for  England  but,  hearing  in  Singapore  of  Lady  Kennedy's 
death,  he  immediately  returned  to  Hongkong  (November  5, 
1874).  Again,  on  11th  March,  1875,  Sir  Arthur  left  the  Colony 
on  furlough  and  returned  on  2nd  December,  1875.  On  both 
occasions  the  Government  v^as  administered  during  his  absence 
by  the  Colonial  Secretary,  the  Hon.  J.  Gardiner  Austin. 

AVhen  Sir  Arthur  was  sworn  in  as  Governor  and  Commander- 
in-chief,  an  error  was  made  in  the  oath  tendered  to  him  by  the 
Acting  Chief  Justice  (H.  J.  Ball)  and  consequently  he  had  to 
be  sworn  in  again  as  to  the  part  in  which  the  wrong  oath  had 
before  been  administered.  Major-C eneral  Whitlield,  who  had 
administered  the  Government  previous  to  Sir  Arthur's  arrival, 
remained  in  command  of  Her  Majesty's  Forces  in  China  and 
the  Straits  until  April  1874.  A  public  address  was  presented 
to  him,  on  his  departure  from  the  Colony,  testifying  to  the 
respect  in  which  he  was  held  among  the  community,  on 
account  of  the  conscientiousness  and  the  unassuming  geniality 
he  displayed  in  the  discharge  of  his  several  offices. 

Sir  A.  Kennedy  had  hardly  anything  to  do  in  the  way  of 
diplomatic  negotiations  with  foreign  Governments,  but  a  great 


478  CHAPTER    XX. 

deal  by  waj  of  hospitable  entertain meiifc  of  the  representatives  of 
i'oreit'-n  Powers.  The  oiilv  dii)lomatic  note  the  Governor  was 
called  upon  to  write  was  a  mild  remonstrance  addi'essed  to  the 
Governor  of  Macao  when  ^Ir.  AV.  H.  Forbes'  yacht  had  been  iired 
upon  (April  27,  1870)  by  Portuguese  soldiers.  The  ^lacao  Govern- 
ment forthwith  tendered  a  sa'isfac^tory  apology.  Another  Macao 
(Governor,  Seidior  C.  C.  da  Silva,  visited  Hongkong  (December 
29,  187G)  and  received  quite  an  ovation  from  the  local  Portuguese 
residents  and  the  friendliest  reception  from  the  Governor. 

As  regards  the  Imperial  Government  of  China,  Sir  Arthur 
was  indeed  for  many  years  occupied  with  an  international  diplo- 
matic question,  in  the  shape  of  the  Hongkong  Customs  Blockade, 
but  he  discussed  it  exclusively  with  the  Colonial  Office  in  Downing 
Street  and  not  witli  the  Authorities  at  Peking.  The  Governor's 
communications  with  Chinese  officials  were  therefore  confined 
to  visits  h€  received  from  the  Canton  Hoppo,  Tsun  Kai  (August 
11,  1870)  and  from  Kwoh  Sung-tao  (December  0,  1870),  China's 
first  Ambassador  to  London,  and  to  tlie  publication  in  the 
(Jovcrnment  Gazette  (May  24,  1872)  of  a  Dispatch  from  the 
Tsungli  Yameii  at  Peking  to  the  Viceroy  of  Canton,  requesting 
the  latter  to  order  the  issue  of  proclamations  calling  upon  the 
Chinese  people  to  treat  foreigners  with  politeness  because  it  was 
necessary  for  China  that  the  friendly  relacions  with  foreigners 
should  be  firmly  and  closely  knit.  "When  the  Emperor  of  China, 
reigning  under  the  style  Tungchi,  died  of  smallpox  (January  12, 
1875)  and  was  succeeded  by  the  infant  Tsai  Tien,  placed  under 
a  regency  formed  by  the  two  Empresses  under  the  style  Kwongsui 
(February  2;'),  1875),  Sir  Arthur  took  no  official  notice  of  either 
of  these  events,  although  H.  M.  ^Minister  at  Peking  sent  him 
telegraphic  information  on  both  occasions.  The  Chinese  popu- 
lation of  Hongkong  likewise  evinced  no  interest  whatever  in 
those  events,  although  they  consider  themselves  to  be  still  subjects 
of  the  Empire  of  China,  whilst  enjoying  in  Hongkong  all  the 
essential  privileges  of  British  subjects. 

Among  the  representatives  of  foreign  Powers  to  whom  Sir 
Arthur  had  the  honour  of  shewing  hospitality  on  behalf  of  the 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR   A.   K.   KENNEDY.  470 

Colony,  there  was  the  King:  of  C:i!nb)dja,  who  arrivefl  (Jnly  lO, 
1872)  in  "the  Frcncih  Corvette  Boarai/iie  and  was  entertained  by 
the  Governor  with  royal  honours.  There  was  farther  H.I.H. 
the  Grand  Dnke  Ale.xis,  third  son  of  the  Czar,  who  arrived 
(September  13,  1872)  as  an  officer  of  the  Russian  Corvette 
Suetlcma.  He  held  a  levee  on  board  (September  IC,  1872), 
followed  by  a  reception  given  in  his  honour,  on  the  same  evening, 
at  Government  House.  After  a  visit  to  Japan,  he  returned 
to  Hongkong  (January  15,  1873)  and  attended  various  enter- 
tainments given  in  his  lionoui',  visiting  also  the  race-conrse  on 

'  every  race  day  (20th  to  22nd  Februaiy,  1873).  Finally  there 
were  two  German  Princes,  Philip  and  Augustus  of  Sachse-Cobnrg 
Gotha,  cousins  of  Her  Majesty,  who  stayed  at  Government 
House  for  some  days  (21st  to  25th  December,  1872)  en  route 
to  Shanghai. 

The  constitution  of  the  Colonial  Government  was  amended 
during  Sir  Arthur's  administrati'on  by  the  issue  of  Tjetters  Patent 
(Jnne  8,  1875)  granting  a  Supplementary  Charter,  by  which 
the  administration  of  tlie  Government,  in  the  case  of  the 
Governor's  death,  incapacity  or  absence,  was  vested  in  tlie 
Lieutenant-Governor  or  Colonial  Secretary  for  the  time  being. 
The  same  document  enlai-ged  also  the  Governor's  power  of 
granting  pardons   to  criminals. 

Sir  Arthur  continued  the  work  of  his  predecessors  in 
perfecting  the  organisation  of  the 'various  Departments  of  the 
Civil  Service.  In  the  Colonial  Secretary's  Department  he 
amalgamated  the  office  of  Auditor  General  with  that  of  Colonial 

.  Secretary  (December  10,  1872),  a  measure  aoainst  which  the 
Hon.  Ph.  Ryrie  made  a  protest  in  Legislative  Council,  but, 
as  the  motion  was  left  unsupported,  ic  fell  to  the  ground. 
Sir  Arthur  created  also  the  post  of  Assistant  Colon inl  Secretary 
(February  10,  1875),  appointing  Mr.  A.  Lister  to  the  post, 
but  when  the  latter  was  soon  after  removed  to  another  office, 

5  this  new  post  was  not  continued.     The  Supreme  Court  organi- 

:  zation  was  modified  during  this  period  (Ordinance  12  of  1873). 

-A  codeof  €ivil  procedure  was  established  (Ordinance  13  of  1873) 


480  CHAPTER  XX. 

and  the  Summary  Court  was  abolished  by  conferring  upon  tlie 
Supreme  Court,  under  a  Judge  and  Puisne  Judge,  a  summary 
jurisdiction  at  law  and  in  equity  (Ordinance  14  of  1873).  The 
effect  of  this  reconstitution  of  the  Hongkong  Supreme  Court 
was  to  assimilate  it  to  that  which  had  been  established  in 
Shanghai  for  British  subjects  in  China  and  Japan  under  an 
Order  in  Council.  The  Registrar  General's  Department  also 
underwent  some  changes.  The  establishment  of  a  system  of 
registering  all  births  and  deaths'  (Ordinance  7  of  1872) 
necessitated  the  addition  of  a  new  registration  branch,  whilst 
by  another  measure  (Ordinance  2  of  1876)  the  Registrar  General 
was  divested  of  the  judicial  functions  he  had  hitherto  exercised 
in  connection  with  the  working  of  the  Contagious  Diseases 
Ordinance.  But  the  powers  of  the  Registrar  General  to  order 
persons  to  undergo  periodical  medical  examinations  and  to  be 
subsequently  detained  in  hospital  were  still  reserved  to  that  officer. 
The  Survey  Department  was  not  considered  to  work  satisfactorily 
for  some  time  previous  to  the  resignation  of  Mr.  L.  H.  Moorsom 
(October  5,  1872),  provisionally  succeeded  by  Lieutenant 
McHardy,  R.E.,  who  was  succeeded  (July  21,  1873)  by  Mr. 
J.  M.  Price,  as  Surveyor  General.  This  Department  was  now 
enlarged  by  constituting  the  Public  Gardens  and  Afforestation 
office  as  a  Sub-Department  (December  15,  1873)  under  the 
Surveyor  General,  assisted  by  that  Advisory  Committee  (thence- 
forth known  as  the  Public  Gardens  Committee)  which  had 
been  appointed  in  January,  1872,  and  by  the  appointment 
of  an  Assistant  Surveyor  General  (September  9,  1874)  in  the 
person  of  Mr.  E.  Bowdler.  The  office  of  the  Head  of  the 
Survey  Department,  the  principal  spending  branch  of  the  Civil 
Service,  was  enhanced  in  importance  by  appointing  the  Surveyor 
General  (by  warrant  of  17th  February,  1877)  a  member  of 
both  the  Legislative  and  Executive  Councils.  Li  the  Medical 
Department  under  Dr.  R.  W.  McCoy  (since  May  30,  1872), 
succeeded,  after  his  death,  by  Dr.  G.  Dods  (April  10,  1873) 
and  subsequently  by  Dr.  Ph.  Ayres  (since  November  4,  1873), 
there    was    at    first    some    friction    which    culminated    in  the 


THE    ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  A.  E.  KENNEDY.  481 

resignation  (September  G,  1872)  of  the  Superintendent  of  the 
Civil  Hospital.  Dr.  R.  Young,  whose  place  was  temporarily 
taken  by  Dr.  Scanlan  and  Dr.  Drew  and  permanently  (February 
22,  1878)  by  Dr.  C.  J.  Wharry.  When  the  Hon.  Ph.  Ryri'e 
asked,  according  to  previous  notice,  a  question  in  Legislative 
Council  concerning  that  resignation,  the  reasons  for  which  had 
been  stated  in  a  pamphlet  circulated  by  Dr.  Young  among 
his  friends  in  the  Colony,  the  question  was  ruled  out  of  order 
on  the  ground  that  it  was  not  within  the  functions  of  the 
Legislative  Council  to  constitute  itself  a  Court  of  Appeal.  To' 
encourage  and  direct  the  study  of  the  Chinese  Language  on 
the  part  of  Government  officers,  Sir  Arthur  established  (in  1872) 
a  Board  of  Examiners,  charged  with  the  duty  of  examining 
Government  officers  drawing  Chinese  teachers'  allowance,  and 
issuing  certificates  of  proficiency  in  Chinese  Colloquial  to- 
European  or  Indian  police  constables  Sir  Arthur  connected 
also  with  this  Board  an  office  of  Superintendent  of  Chinese 
Studies  (A.  Lister,  succeeded  by  E.  J.  Eitel),  but  the  names  of 
the  members  of  this  Board  (F.  Stewart,  E.  J.  Eitel,  J.  Russell, 
Wong  Shing,  A.  Lister)  were  not  published  till  four  years  after 
its  establishment  (March  17,  1870).  At  the  suggestion  of 
this  Board,  proper  Chinese  titles  were  fixed  for  all  the  various 
Government  offices  and  buildings  and  published  in  Government 
Gazette  (December  28,  1874),  and  the  Regulations  for  Cadetships 
were  also  revised  (September  3,  1872).  Even  questions  of 
precedence  and  etiquette  occupied  the  Governor's  attention 
occasionally  and  it  was  formally  decided  that  the  Commodore 
on  the  Station  should  take  precedence  next  after  the  Chief 
Justice  (September  3,  1872),  the  Puisne  Judge  immediately 
after  the  Colonial  Secretary  (October  10,  1873),  and  that 
official  Members  of  Council  only  are  entitled  to  wear  the  civil 
uniform  (April  IG,   1873). 

The  constitution  of  the  Legislative  Council  was  not  modified 
by  this  administration,  during  which  the  unofiicial  element  in 
the  Council  was  represented  by  the  Hon.  Ph.  Ryrie,  R.  Rowett^ 
W.  Keswick,  H.  Lowcock,  J.  Greig  and  J.  Whittall,  of  whom, 

3^ 


482  CHAPTER  XX. 

Jiowever,  no  more  than  three  oflRciated  at  any  one  time.  The 
Governor  amended,  however,  the  standing  orders  and  rules  for 
the  guidance  of  the  Council  (July  2,  1873),  which  had  not  been 
revised  since  12th  July,  1858.  An  important  rule  was  also 
made,  in  connection  with  a  protest  which  the  Hon.  Ph.  Ryrie 
had  made  (August  2C,  1873),  complaining  of  the  short  time 
-allowed  to  Members  of  Council  to  consider  the  Estimates  before 
•they  were  to  be  discussed  in  Council,  when  it  was  stated  (April 
16,  1874),  that  the  Secretary  of  State  had  acknowledged  that 
protest  as  reasonable. 

One  of  the  features  of  this  administration  was  the  attention 
bestowed  on  le2:islative  measures.  Among  the  many  new  Or- 
•dinances  passed  during  this  period,  the  following  deserve  special 
mention,  as  dealing  with  Relief  for  Trustees  (7  of  1873), 
Dangerous  Goods  (8  of  1873),  Emigration  (5  of  1874  and  5 
•of  187()),  Steam  Launches  (8  of  1875),  Rates  (12  of  1875), 
Magistrates  (IG  of  1875),  Contagious  Diseases  (2  of  187G), 
Gambling  (1)  of  187G),  Post  Office  (10  of  187G)  and  River- 
Steamers  (11  of  187G).  But  whilst  thus  multiplying  legislative 
•enactments.  Sir  Arthur  aimed  also  at  reducing  the  chaos  of  local 
Ordinances  by  several  efforts  at  consolidation  and  especially  by 
the  appointment  of  a  Commission  (September  11,  1876)  for 
the  purpose  of  preparing  a  ncAv  edition  of  the  Ordinances  of 
Hongkong. 

In  this  quiet  legislative  activity  the  unofficial  Members  of 
Council,  though  generally  in  a  minority,  took  an  active  share. 
In  June  1873,  the  Chief  Justice,  Mr.  (subsequently,  since  March 
27,  1874,  Sir)  John  Smale,  having  appointed  the  Judge  of  the 
Summary  Court,  who  was  in  feeble  health,  to  try  some  criminal 
biases,  the  unofficial  Members  of  Council,  together  with  other 
leading  residents  and  lawyers,  addressed  to  the  Governor  a  request 
that  the  i30wcr  of  appointing  persons  to  preside  at  the  Supreme 
•Court  should  be  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Chief  Justice 
and  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Governor.  This  was  accordingly 
done  in  connection  with  the  reconstitution  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
which  was  then  under  consideration.     On  19th  August,  1873, 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  A.  E.  KENNEDY.  48^ 

'the  Hon.  R.  Rowefcfc,  supporfced  by  the  Hon.  Ph.  Rjrie,  and  by 
a  letter  (August  7,  1873)  signed  by  various  merchants  and 
■bankers,  moved,  that  for  the  convenience  and  in  the  interest  of 
the  public,  it  was  desirable  that  all  Barristers  at  Law,  admitted  to 
practise  as  Advocates  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  this  Colony,  should 
'be  permitted  to  take  business  from  clients  personally  without 
'the  intervention  of  attornies  in  all  cases  except  those  in  which 
ilitigation  has  actually  commenced  in  the  Supreme  Court.  The 
Attorney  General,  however,  supported  by  the  Hon.  J.  Whittall 
and  all  the  official  Members  of  Council,  objected  to  this  revival 
•of  the  old  amalgamation  question.  Accordingly  a  compromise 
was  resorted  to  in  the  shape  of  Ordinance  15  of  1873  (confirmed 
January  31,  1874),  which  slightly  modified  the  existing  practice 
but  did  not  go  far  enough  to  satisfy  the  community.  In 
November  1873,  the  Coroner  took  to  selecting  three  out  of  five 
jurors  instead  of  leaving  the  selection  to  be  decided  by  ballot. 
This  measure  caused  the  burden  of  Coroner's  juries  to  fall  0!i  tije 
more  inteHigent  portion  of  them.  The  unofficial  Members  of 
■Council  took  the  matter  up  and  in  consequence  of  their  represen- 
itations  (made  privately)  the  ballot  was  thenceforth  resorted  to, 
but  doubts  were  freely  and  generally  expressed  as  to  the  utility  of 
<]oroner's  juries  altogether.  There  is  yet  another  case  on  record 
.in  which  the  influence  of  unofficial  Members  of  Council  mani- 
ifested  itself.  On  22nd  April,  1870,  a  Bill,  to  allow  the  China 
Traders'  Insurance  Company  to  subdivide  its  shares,  was  under 
the  discussion  of  the  Council.  The  three  unofficial  Members 
>(Ryrie,  Keswick  and  Lowcock)  strongly  objected  to  the  principle 
of  the  Bill.  But  the  Bill  was  passed  and  all  they  could  do 
-was  to  lodge  a  formal  protest  against  the  confirmation  of  this 
•Ordinance  (4  of  187G).  The  result  was  that  the  Secretary  of 
State  disallowed  the  Ordinance  (July  25,  187G)  on  the  ground 
that  it  would  be  better  that  any  measure  dealing  with  the 
-question  of  subdivision  of  shares  should  have  a  general  application. 
As  the  Secretary  of  State,  however,  approved  of  tbe  general 
^principle  of  the  Ordinance  which  he  disallowed,  the  Legislative 
•Council  (September  21,  187C)  substituted  for  it  an  amendment 


j^^  CHAPTER  XX. 

of  the  Companies'  Ord'inance  of  18G5  by  introducing  into  it  the 
principle  of  allowing  subdivision  of  shares.     But  now  the  Chief 
Justice  joined  with  the  unofficial  Membei-s  in  their  opposition  to- 
the  Bill,  and  it  was  accordingly  withdrawn  by  the  Government. 

Among  the  cases  tried  in  Court,  during  the  jDcriod  under 
review,  there  are  a  few  which  call  for  record.  On  4th  April,. 
1872,  the  French  mail-steamer  Ava,  having  collided  with  the 
British  S.S.  Rona,  was  detained  under  a  w^arrant,  issued  by  the 
Registrar  of  the  Vice-Admiralty  Court,  and  executed  by  an  armed 
detachment  of  police.  The  French  Consul  forthwith  protested 
asfaiust  the  arrest,  which  he  declared  to  be  a  violation  of  the- 
Postal  Treaty  concluded  between  Great  Britain  and  France. 
The  matter  was  brought  before  the  Acting  Chief  Justice  Ball,, 
who  heard  the  case  at  his  own  residence  at  9  o'clock  at  nighb 
and  ordered  the  warrant  to  be  cancelled.  The  following  year, 
when  the  same  ship  was  sued  for  damages  caused  by  collision, 
the  Admiralty  Court  (February,  1873)  decided  ithat  the  ship 
was  not  amenable  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court,  because  she 
had  the  status  of  a  man-of-war.  Previous  to  this  case,  the 
local  Agents  of  the  French  mail-steamers  had  always  waived 
their  privileges  as  mail-steamers  under  such  circumstances.  Iq 
October,  1872,  the  Judge  of  the  Summary  Court  refused  to 
allow  the  managing  Clerks  of  Solicitors  to  plead,  although  it 
had  been  the  practice  of  the  Court  for  over  six  years,  and  refused 
to  give  leave  to  appeal.  Application  was  made  to  the  Supreme 
Court,  when  the  Acting  Chief  Justice,  the  Hon.  (subsequently 
Sir)  Julian  Pauncefote,  who  had  lately  been  appointed  to  the 
post  by  order  of  the  Secretary  of  State  (October  7,  1872),  refused 
bo  grant  a  formal  judgment  but  expressed  an  opinion  adverse 
to  the  ruling  of  the  Court  below.  About  the  same  time  the^ 
French  Consul  (October,  1872)  charged  the  Superintendent  of 
Sailors'  Home,  in  the  Police  Court,  with  harbouring  deserters. 
The  case  was  dismissed  by  the  Magistrate,  but  it  called  attention 
bo  the  fact  that  the  Government  claims  a  right  to  prohibit 
the  commanders  of  foreign  vessels,  whilst  in  Hongkong  waters, 
from  putting  men  in   irons  for  breaches  of  ship's  discipline. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  A.  E.  KENNEDY.  485 

In  November,  1874,  the  question  was  raised,  in  connection 
with  the  finding  of  the  Marine  Court  in  the  case  of  the 
8.S.  White  Cloud,  lost  in  the  typhoon  of  1874-  by  negUgence 
of  the  Master,  whether  the  Governor  has  power  to  alter  or 
add  to  the  finding  of  the  Marine  Court  of  Inquiry.  No  decision 
was  however  obtained  to  solve  the  question. 

Turning  now  to  the  subject  of  the  local  population,  it 
appears  that,  during  the  first  year  of  Sir  Arthur's  administration, 
there  was  a  slight  falling  off,  as  the  population  of  Hongkong 
decreased,  from  124,198  people  in  1871,  to  121,985  people  in 
1872.  During  the  next  four  years,  however,  the  population 
increased  by  17,159  people,  as  the  Census  of  187G„  proved  the 
population  to  amount  to  139,144  souls.  It  is  noteworthy  that 
the  foreign  population  received  proportionately  the  greatest 
increase,  as,  after  the  typhoon  of  1874,  which  destroyed  so  many 
houses  at  Macao,  hundreds  of  Portuguese  families  removed  from 
Macao  to  Hongkong. 

The  I'evenues  of  the  Colony  did  not  advance  during  this 
period.  The  revenue  of  1872  rose  indeed  to  £192,714,  constitu- 
ting an  increase  of  £10,752  as  compared  with  the  revenue  of  the 
preceding  year,  but  during  the  following  years  it  fell  off  again 

-:aud  amounted  in  1870  to  no  more  than  £184,405.  Nor  did 
the  expenditure  vary  much  from  year  to  year,  that  of  1871  being 
£180,075,  while  that  of  1870  amounted  to  £187,509.  In  facL 
a  small  deficit  in  any  one  year  was  succeeded  during  this 
administration  by  a  small  surplus  in  the  next  year.  The  same 
sluggishness  is  observed  in  the  annual  produce  of  the  stamp  tax 
and  of  rates,  the  former  decreasing  from  £24,574  in  1872  to 
£21,034  in  1870,  and  the  latter  increasing  from  £38,002  in  1872, 

ito  no  more  than  £38,439  in  1870.  Special  pains  were  taken  by 
Sir  Arthur  to  stimulate  the  revenue  from  opiujn.  He  appointed 
(June   8,   1872)    a   Commission   (Ph.  Ryrie   and    Ch.  May)  to 

inquire  into  the  working  of  the  opium  monopoly,  because  there 
was  very  good  reason  to  suppose  that  the  amount  received  from 

Kthis  farm  was  far  short  of  what  it  ou^t  to  have  realized.     The 

^Commissionei-s,  however,  failed  to  ascertain  the  real  value  of  the 


486  •  CHAPTER  XX. 

monopoly,  as  they  could  nob  obtain  satisfactory  information  ;  bub 
they  recommended  (Xovember  9,  1872),  that  the  farm  should 
thenceforth  be  let  by  public  auction  for  three  years  at  a  time.. 
This  was  done,  but,  owing  to  combinations  among  the  competitors, 
for  the  farm,  the  opium  revenue,  which  stood  at  £25,500  in  1872^ 
increased  but  slightly,  as  it  amounted  in  187G  to  £27,708.  The- 
same  standstill  occurred  in  the  yield  of  the  land  leases,  which 
reahzed  £24,602  in  1872  and  £24,512  in  1876.  Land  sales^ 
were  frequent  during  this  period,  and  the  value  of  land  gradually 
increased  in  the  central  districts,  especially  since  1876.  But 
while  the  value  of  land  was  steadily  rising  in  the  most  populous 
parts  of  the  town,  most  suburban  lots,  and  especially  those  in* 
the  neighbourhood  of  Eastpoint,  had  become  so  reduced  in  value 
that  many  lease-holders  could  not  afford  to  pay  the  crown  rents, 
and  consequently  wholesale  re-entries  by  the  Crown  took  place 
from  time  to  time.  Land  at  Kowloon  began  to  rise  steadily 
into  importance  since  1874,  and  by  the  year  1876  great  plans 
were  entertained  for  creating  a  new  town,  with  public  park, 
churches  and  schools,  at  Tsimshatsui.  The  limitation  of  Kowloon, 
garden  leaseholds  to  14  years  (August  9,  1873),  and  of  the  com- 
pensation for  lots  built  upon  and  then  resumed,  before  expiry 
of  the  lease,  for  public  purposes,  at  ^1,000  per  lot,  caused  much 
dissatisfaction  among  the  holders  of  Kowloon  garden  lots.  As 
to  marine  lots,  a  special  Commission  (Ch.  May,  E.  Sharp,  M.  S. 
Tonnochy)  was  ap^winted  (November  1,  1873)  to  investigate  the 
title  of  all  claimants  to  foreshore  reclamations  and  to  define 
the  boundaries.  Eighteen*  months  later  another  Commission  (J. 
Bramston,  Ch.  May,  Ph.  Ryrie,  H.  Lowcock,  J.  M.  Price)  was 
appointed  (May  3J,  1875)  to  inquire  into  complaints  made  that 
crown  rents  on  lands,  situated  in  the  less  populous  parts  of  the 
Colony,  were  out  of  proportion  to  the  real  value  of  such  lands, 
and  to  investigate  the  scale  of  rents  properly  chargeable.  The 
report  of  this  Commission  (published  November  27,  1875)  stated 
that  at  "Wantsai  and  Bowriugton  the  tenants  of  the  Crown  were- 
suffering  from  a  general  depreciation  of  property,  that  from  1865 
■to  1875  rents  had  fallen  there  40  or  50  per  cent.,  that  this 


THE  ADMIXISTRATIOX  OF   Sill   A.   K.   KKNNKDV.  487 

depreciation  was  caused  by  tlie  withdrawal  of  business  houses 
from  the  ^ast,  and  by  their  concentration  in  tlie  central  and 
western  parts  of  the  town,  and  by  the  silcinoj  up  of  the  harbour 
to  the  eastward.  But,  owing  to  the  great  and  constant  fluctua- 
tion of  Colonial  values,  the  Commissioners  did  not  see  their 
way  to  recommend  any  general  remission  of  rents  either  there 
or  in  the  case  of  numerous  speculative  purchases  of  land  made 
on  Robinson  Road  and  other  high  levels. 

With  the  exception  of  the  completion  of  the  works  con- 
nected Avith  the  Pokfulam  reservoir  and  dam  ^.commenced  in 
1871),  the  new  Harbour  Master's  Office  (1872)  and  the  new 
Civil  Hospital  (commenced  in  1874),  no  public  works  of  any 
magnitude  were  undertaken  during  this  administration.  Sir 
Arthur  had  under  consideration  two  great  projects,  the  Taitam 
Reservoir  and  the  re-construction  of  the  Prava,  both  of  which 
he  left  to  his  successors  to  undertake.  On  1st  November  l87o, 
the  Surveyor  General  (J.  M.  Price)  proposed  to  secure,  at  the- 
cost  of  £300,000,  an  efficient  supply  of  water  (18  to  30  gallons 
per  head)  to  be  brought  into  the  city  by  an  acpieduct  (with  a 
tunnel)  from  a  large  reservoir  to  be  constructed  at  Taitam.  As 
objections  were  raised  to  the  costliness  of  tliis  plan,  a  reduced 
scheme  was  proposed  (March  4,  1874)  to  supply  daily  15  gallons 
per  head  at  a  cost  of  £280,000.  This  reduced  plan  was  con- 
sidered in  Legislative  Council  (March  5,  1874),  when  a  sum  of 
§5,000  was  voted  to  make  a  detaile<:l  survey  and  borings  which 
were  entrusted  to  Mr.  AV.  Danby.  On  the  basis  of  this  survey* 
Mr.  Price  proposed  a  new  plan  (July  10.  1875),  consisting  of 
an  alternative  scheme,  viz.  a  high  level  project  to  cost  £39,085, 
and  a  low  level  project  at  an  estimated  cost  of  £122,590.  But 
nothing  further  was  done  in  this  matter  for  the  present.  Another 
great  undertaking,  the  proposal  to  substitute  a  new  and  more 
durable  Praya  wall  for  the  one  destroyed  by  the  typhoon  of  1874, 
was  reported  upon  (May  20,  1875)  by  a  Commission  (C.  C. 
Smith,  Ch.  May,  Ph.  Ryrie,  H.  Lowcock,  J.  M.  Price),  which 
recommended  that  the  Government  should,  at  an  outlay  of 
^212,000,  build  a   new  and  stronger  wall  from   White's   Lane  ' 


488  CHAPTEll  XX. 

(near  Fire  Brigade  Stafcion)  fco  Murray  Pier,  repair  the  old  wait 
from  the  Gasworks  to  White's  Lane  and  from  th€  Arsenal  to 
East  Point,  but  increase  the  width  of  the  Praya  all  along.  This 
work  was  also  left  to  the  next  administration  to  consider.  But 
the  minor  typhoon  repairs  were  executed  in  1874  and  1875  at 
n  total  cost  of  £15,(525. 

As  re^rards  crime,  the  annual  Police  Reports  of  this  period 
give  proof  positive  that  from  1872  down  to  1875  (inclusive) 
there  was  a  steady  annual  decrease  in  crime,  and  especially 
as  resfards  burglaries  and  piracies.  It  is  specially  pointed  out 
that,  since  the  cessation  of  coolie  emigration  from  Macao  (1874), 
•even  kidnapping  diminished  sensibly.  But  in  the  year  187G  crime 
ciommenced  again  to  increase  slightly,  and  piracies  began  to 
multiply.  A  change  in  the  kiw  was  suggested  so  as  to  bring 
marine  hawkers  under  it,  and  the  transfer,  from  the  Registrar 
•Oeneml's  office  to  the  Police  Department,  of  the  licensing  of 
hawkers  and  chair-coolies,  was  also  suggested.  At  the  criminal 
session  of  18th  January,  1877,  the  Chief  Justice  was  presented 
with  a  pair  of  white  gloves,  emblem  of  a  session,  the  first  since 
1866,  free  from  crime.  On  this  occasion  the  Chief  Justice 
stated  that  during  the  past  ten  years  crime  had  wonderfully 
<lecreased  ;  that  in  18G0  there  were  384  persons  convicted  of 
highway  robbery,  and  in  1876  only  24  ;  that  in  1866  there 
were  24  murders  and  in  1876  only  3  ;  that  in  1866  there 
were  2{j  piracies  and  in  1876  only  5. 

The  Gaol  Department,  which  (since  August  4,,  1863)  was 
for  so  many  years  under  the  management  of  Mr.  F.  Douglas, 
was,  after  the  death  of  the  latter,  entrusted  (June  8,  1874) 
to  Mr.  M.  S.  Tonnochy  and  subsequently  (March  11,  1875)  to 
Mr.  G.  L.  Tomlin,  Now  in  1872  there  was  re-introduced  Sir  R. 
MacDonnell's  system  of  legahxing  the  branding  and  dejwrtation 
to  China  of  Chinese  criminals,  on  their  applying  for  conditional 
pardons  with  the  understanding  that  if  they  returned  to  Hong- 
kong, after  being  branded  and  deported,  they  should  be  flogged. 
The  new  Ordinance  (4  of  1872)  stated  in  its  preamble  that 
■crime  had  been  found  to  increase  after  the  discontinuance  of  tiie 


XJNIVERSITT 

THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  A.  E.  KENNEDY.  ^^        489 

practice  of  brandinof,  deportincTr  and  flogo:ing  (on  return  to  the 
Ooloiiy),  At  the  same  time  when  this  Ordinance  became  la^y, 
the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  Gaol  were  made  more  severe 
(September,  1872).  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  above-mentioned 
steady  decrease  in  crime  from  1872  to  1876  commenced  when 
severer  measures,  calculated  to  make  prison  discipline  strongly 
-deterrent,  were  introduced.  It  is  only  to  be  regretted  that 
another  measure,  largely  discussed  in  December,  1874,  was  not 
•attended  to,  viz.  the  segregation  in  Gaol  of  youthful  offenders. 
It  was  urged  at  the  time  that  influences  of  hardened  professional 
•criminals  on  youthful  offenders  was  greater  in  China  than  in 
Europe. 

The  condition  and  proper  organization  of  the  Police  Force 
had  been  a  burning  public  question  even  before  Sir  A.  Kennedy's 
arrival.  The  Commission  appointed  (December  22,  1871)  by  Sir 
R.  McDonnell,  advised  Sir  A.  Kennedy  in  their  report  (July, 
1872),  to  increase  the  pay  of  the  men,  to  form  a  detective  staff, 
and  to  give  due  encouragement  to  European  and  Indian  constables 
to  study  the  Cantonese  dialect,  but  as  to  the  question  of  largely 
increasing  the  number  of  Chinese  constables,  the  members  of  the 
Commission  were  equally  divided.  Sir  Arthur  at  once  telegraphed 
(August,  1872)  for  an  additional  relay  of  Edinburgh  constables 
and  altogether  45  Scotch  policemen  were  enlisted  in  1872.  No 
attention  was  paid  to  the  strange  suggestion,  made  by  the 
Assistant  Superintendent  of  Police,  Mr.  Th.  F.  Rice  (who  soon 
^fter  resigned,  oOtli  September,  1872,  and  joined  the  Japanese 
Police  Department),  to  fuse  all  nationalities  in  the  Police  Force, 
-even  if  such  a  measure  should  occasionally  place  Westindians 
or  Chinese  in  command  of  Europeans.  The  Governor  resolved, 
contrary  to  the  views  of  unofticial  Members  of  Council,  to  increase 
the  Chinese  contingent  of  the  Police  Force,  and  when  the  Hon. 
Ph.  Ryrie  protested  against  this  measure  (September  5,  1872), 
the  Governor  took  the  occasion  to  state  that  he  was  satisfied 
with  the  general  results  of  the  Police  administration  and  con- 
tended that  the  Colony  was  in  as  good  a  condition  of  peace  and 
ordei-  as  any  of  Her  Majesty's  dominions.     After  the  resignation 


490  CHAPTER  XX. 

of  Mr.  Rice,  the  office  of  Assisfcanfc  Superintendent  was  abolishe(] 
and  replaced  (1873)  by  tbe  post  of  Chief  Inspector  ((t.  Horspool) 
who  acted  nnder  the  orders  of  the  Deputy  Superintendent  (C.  V. 
Creagh)  and  Captain  Superintendent  (W.  M.  Deane),  whilst  the 
Chinese  portion  of  the  Force  w'as  placed  (January  14,  1873) 
under  a  special  Superintendent  (H.  E.  Wodehouse).  The  action 
taken  by  Captain  Deane  during  the  height  of  the  typhoon  of 
1874,  in  keei:)ing  those  of  the  men,  who  were  to  go  on  duty  next 
morning,  indoors  during  the  night,  and  in  not  repeating  the 
alarm  of  fire  which  had  been  raised,  aroused  a  strong  feeling 
among  a  section  of  the  community.  A  petition  for  an  in([uiry 
was  addressed  to  the  Governor,  and  v/hen  he  refused  the  request,. 
the  three  unofficial  Members  of  Council  (Ph.  Ryrie,  R.  Rowett, 
and  J.  Wln'ttall)  went  so  far  as  to  protest  at  the  next  Estimates 
Meeting  (November  13,  1874)  against  any  provision  being  made 
in  the  Estimates  for  the  salary  of  the  Captain  Superintendent. 
Referring  to  these  proceedings,  Lord  Carnarvon  stated  in  a 
dispatch  (published  in  July,  1875)  that  the  action  of  the 
Superintendent  constituted  a  case  which  only  local  experience 
could  decide,  and  that  the  Superintendent  had  evidently  adopted, 
from  the  best  motives,  that  course  which  to  him  seemed  most 
expedient. 

The  most  flourishing  corporation  in  Hongkong,  the  Hong- 
kong and  Shanghai  Bank,  acted  like  a  thermometer  indicating 
the  periodic  condition  of  the  commercial  atmosphere  of  Hongkong 
throughout  Sir  Arthur's  administration.  In  Febrnarv,  1872, 
the  Bank  declared  a  dividend  equal  to  12  per  cent,  for  the 
year  upon  the  paid  up  capital,  and  so  also,  with  a  little  hesitation, 
in  February,  1873,  but  in  August,  1874,  the  Directors  declared 
themselves  unable  to  pay  any  dividend  at  all,  and  complained 
of  heavy  losses  and  failures  all  round,  and  in  March,  1875, 
the  Bank,  though  carefully  managed  in  the  face  of  adverse 
surroundings,  was  still  in  the  same  position,  so  much  so  that  a 
Commission  of  Inquiry  was  suggested.  But  in  September,  187G, 
the  Bank  had  fully  recovered  lost  ground,  changed  its  Manager, 
rid  itself  of  encumbered  estates,  and  paid  £1  dividend  per  share. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  A.  E.  KENNEDY.  491 

and  on  15th  February,  1877,  whilst  continuing  to  pay  the  same 
dividend,  the  Bank  increased  its  reserve  fund  to  lialf  a  milUon 
dollars,  which  called  forth,  in  favour  of  the  Chairman  of  the 
Directors  (E.  Belilios)  and  the  new  Manager  (Th.  Jackson) » 
votes  of  thanks,  with  acclamation  bv  the  verv  men  who  stated 
at  the  time  that,  18  months  previous,  they  had  thought  very 
hard  things  about  the  prospects  of  the  Bank.  The  history  ol" 
most  local  mercantile  houses,  and  even  of  joint-stock  enterprises 
like  the  H.  &  W.  Dock  Company  and  the  H.  C.  &  M.  Steamboat 
Company,  would  be  found,  if  examined,  to  run  parallel  with 
the  experiences  of  the  Hongkong  and  Shanghai  Bank,  and  to 
furnish  the  same  report  concei'uing  commercial  affairs  during^ 
this  period,  viz.  that  a  change,  amounting  to  a  complete 
subversion  of  former  conditions,  came  over  the  commerce  of 
Hongkong  from  1872  down  to  the  spring  of  1876,  when  the 
general  depression  had  passed  its  nadir,  and  commerce  began 
to  emerge  out  of  the  gloom  that  had  enveloped  it  for  years 
and  to  enter  upon  a  sunny  period  of  prosperity  under  altered 
conditions.  The  collapse  of  the  Indo-Chinese  Sugar  Company, 
the  failure  of  Norton  and  Lyall  (August  8,  1873),  the  liquidation 
of  the  Distillery  Company  (August  :>,  1878),  the  closing  of  the 
Pier  and  Godown  Company  (September  17,  1873),  the  failure 
of  Augustine  Heard  &  Co.  (April,  1875),  the  winding  up  of 
the  Victoria  Fire  Insurance  Company  (May  25,  1875),  form 
the  most  conspicuous  milestones  of  the  pei-iod  of  commercial 
decline  which  commenced  in  1872,  but  reigned  particularly  from 
1873  to  1875.  The  annual  amounts  of  liabilities  set  forth  in 
Bankrupts'  Schedules  filed  in  Supreme  Court  tell  the  same  tale, 
for  in  the  successive  years  from  1873  to  187G  these  amounts  were 
respectively  as  follows,  in  1873  $108,390,  in  1874  $121,707, 
in  1875  $1,990,31)1,  and  in  1870  $75,070.  The  only  puzzle  is 
that  in  1872  the  respective  amount  was  |1 10,743,  which  would 
indicate  that  the  depression  had  already  commenced  ia  1872. 

Proceeding  now  to  mention  particular  questions  which 
agitated  commercial  circles  during  the  period  under  review,, 
precedence  is  claimed  by  the  brokers  who  came  largely  to  the- 


4:92  CHAPTER   XX. 

front  all  throiigli  tbc  year  1872.  Tbe  system  of  doing  bnsiness- 
tbrongh  foreign  brokers  bad  for  many  years  quietly  made  its 
way,  cutting  out  tbe  Cbinese  compradors  wbo  formerly  were  tbe 
only  medium  of  settling  transactions  between  foreign  bouses  and 
native  buyers.  Yet,  even  in  1872,  tbere  were  still  influential 
foreign  merchants  in  Hongkong  who  saw  no  need  for  European 
brokers  except  for  bullion  and  exchange  operations,  and  wbo 
stubbornly  adhered  to  the  comprador  system.  In  January,  1872, 
-it  was  publicly  urged  that  the  system  of  foreign  brokers,  having 
now  obtained  a  recognized  footing,  should  be  subjected  to 
Government  control,  or  that  the  brokers  should  themselves 
establish  an  exchange  and  frame  their  own  regulations.  As 
nothing  was  done  in  the  matter,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce 
(April  25,  1872)  fixed  a  scale  of  brokerage  charges,  but  the 
brokers,  not  having  been  consulted,  defiantly  resolved  to  adhere 
*to  their  former  rates.  At  last  a  Bill  was  framed,  which  met  the 
views  of  the  leading  foreign  brokers,  and  it  was  read  a  first 
time  in  Legislative  Council  (July  9,  1872).  The  Bill  was  then 
referred  to  a  Select  Committee  (Th.  C.  Hay  liar,  H.  Lowcock, 
-J.  Greig),  published  in  Government  Gazette  (July  18,  1872), 
and  tbe  hrokei*s  received  an  invitation  to  communicate  their 
views  to  the  Committee.  This  Bill  proposed  to  enact  a  rule 
that  no  person  should  act  as  a  broker  without  having  obtained 
-a  Hcence ;  that  licences,  subject  to  an  annual  fee,  be  granted  by 
the  Governor  in  Council:  that  brokers,  in  taking  out  a  licence, 
rshould  file  a  declaration  not  to  trade,  buy  or  sell,  on  their  own 
account,  and  that  any  one  committing  a  fraud  or  acting  in  con- 
travention of  that  declaration,  should  be  disqualified  acting  as 
broker.  Whilst  the  Bill  was  under  tbe  consideration  of  the 
•Committee,  tlie  brokers  held  a  meeting  (August,  1872),  condemned 
'the  Government  measure,  resolved  to  incorporate  themselves  as 
a  Brokers'  Association,  and  appointed  a  Committee  to  frame 
by-laws.  W-ben  the  Bill  came  up  in  Council  for  its  second 
reading,  the  Select  (committee  reported  tlmt  there  was  a  difficulty 
in  applying  the  Ordinance  to  Chinese  brokers  (who  in  most  of 
■their  tra-nsactions  arc   both   principals  and-  parfcrrcrs),   that  the 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  A.   E.  KENNEDY.  49t'^ 

Oi-dinanee  was  favourably  regained  by  a  majority  of  bill  and 
bullion  brokers,  but  that  the  proposed  Ordinance  would  not  affect 
€xchange  brokere  in  any  way,  and  that  therefore  the  object 
of  the  Government  would  be.  better  fulfilled  by  means  of  an 
Association  invested  with  certain  powers  of  regulation  over  its 
members.  Legislation  was  accordingly  postponed,  in  order  to* 
give  the  brokei*s  time  and  opportunity  to  form  such  an  Association, 
and  the  Bill  was  withdraw-n.  This  was  virtually  the  end  of  the- 
Avhole  movement,  for  the  proposed  Association  was  not  formed,. 
and  although  a  spasmodic  effort  was  made  a  year  later  (December 
18,  1873), to  start  an  open  stock  exchange,  where  shares  were 
to  be  sold  by  public  auction,  the  attempt  was  a  conspicuous 
failure. 

Another  set  of  questions,  which  troubled  the  mind  of  the 
commercial  community  off  and  on,  from  1872  down  to  187(5, 
was  connected  with  the  systematic  adulteration  of  grey  shirtings 
in  England  and  of  tea  leaves  in  China  and  in  England.  What,  in 
the  history  of  British  manufactures,  is  known  as  the  sizing 
question,  troubled  the  minds  of  Hongkong  merchants,  particularly 
since  1872,  under  the  name  of  the  mildew  question,  sizing  and 
mildew  being  related  as  cause  and  effect.  During  the  American 
War,  the  British  manufacturers  of  cotton  goods  had  to  use  bad 
and  short-fibred  cotton,  w^hicli  required  proportionately  more 
sizing  with  flour  and  tallow.  But  when  the  Russian  War  raised 
the  price  of  tallow,  the  practice  arose  of  substituting,  for  tallow, 
the  cheaper  China  clay  which  increased  the  weight  of  the  fabrics 
considerably.  Now  to  counteract  the  destructive  effects  of  the 
clay  on  the  fibre  of  the  cotton  stuffs,  it  became  necessary  to  use 
certain  dehquescent  salts  which,  while  invisible  in  the  fabrics 
before  shipment  in  England,  developed  mildew  whilst  in  the 
hold  of  steamers  in  transit  through  the  Suez  Canal.  But  what 
irritated  Honorkono^  merchants  in  the  matter  was  further  this, 
that,  whilst  they  looked  upon  this  system  of  sizing,  as  a  fraud 
practiced  by  the  manufacturers,  the  advocates  of  the  latter  repre- 
sented sizing  as  a  practice  resorted  to  by  order  of  British  merchauta 
in  China,  who  asked  for  cheap  and  inferior  goods,  necessarily 


494  CHAPTER  XX. 

requiring  more  sizing  than  superior  qualities.  The  use  of  steam 
in  the  manufacture  of  the  yarns  and  the  imperfect  ventilation 
of  steamers'  holds  and  of  godowns  in  China  were  also  named 
as  subordinate  causes  of  mildew.  Mr.  (subsequently  Sir)  John 
Pender,  of  Manchester,  recommended  (October  30,  1872)  a  formal 
investigation  and  a  Committee,  representing  both  China  merchants 
and  Manchester  manufacturers,  was  appointed  to  inquire  into  the 
matter  with  a  view  to  remove  all  cause  of  complaint.  The 
problem  was,  however,  too  complicated  to  admit  of  a  ready 
solution.  Strange  to  say,  it  was  also  found  (February,  1873) 
that  goods  which,  on  arrival  in  Hongkong,  were  found,  by  official 
inspection,  to  be  badly  mildewed,  condemned  and  returned  to 
England,  were,  on  arrival  there,  when  inspected  by  official 
surveyors,  found  perfectly  free  of  mildew.  The  mildew^  had 
■evidently  been  developed  by  the  tropical  temperature  and  re- 
absorbed on  return  to  a  temperate  climate.  On  27th  January, 
1873,  the  Hongkong  Chamber  of  Commerce  resolved  to  co-operate 
with  the  Shanghai  Chamber  in  making  representations  to  Mr. 
Pender's  Committee,  both  Chambers  being  convinced  that  the 
remedy  must  be  found  at  Manchester.  No  tangible  solution  of 
the  difficulty  was,  however,  found  and  it  appeared  to  all  concerned, 
that  the  evil  had  to  be  left  to  work  its  own  cure.  Oversizing 
and  dressing  was  continued  by  Lancashire  manufacturers  with 
little  abatement,  and  in  consequence  Hongkong  merchants  en- 
<30uutered  occasionally  losses  which  kept  up  the  irritation,  whilst 
Chinese  buyers  began  to  take  up  Indian  cotton  goods  in  place  of 
the  Manchester  fabrics.  The  same  process  went  on  in  the  tea 
trade,  especially  since  187-4,  when  the  import  duties  on  tea  were 
reduced  in  England  by  about  one  half,  and  when  increased 
exports  from  China  were  accompanied  by  increasing  complaints 
of  the  admixture  of  strange  leaves  and  other  materials  and  an 
undue  proportion  of  tea  dust.  It  was  the  mildew  question  over 
again,  only  in  another  form.  The  complaints  were  the  same  and 
the  evidence  equally  conflicting,  the  blame  being  laid  by  one 
party  upon  the  other,  by  the  consumers  in  England  on  the  retail 
•dealers,  by  the  retail  dealers  on  the  merchants,  and  by  the 


THE  ADMINISTR^VTIOX  OF  SIR  A.  E.  KENNEDY.  495 

merchants  on  the  Chinese  packers  who  in  turn  blamed  all 
the  others.  But  the  results  of  this  practice  of  adulterating  tea 
were  curiously  like  the  consequences  of  oversizing.  As  the 
ikildew  in  Manchester  goods  caused  the  Chinese  buyers  to  take 
up  with  Indian  fabrics,  so  the  systematic  adulteration  of  Chinese 
tea  leaves  induced  the  English  consumer  to  give  the  preference 
to  Indian  teas.     India  reaped  the  advantage  in  both  cases. 

Two  minor  questions  were  much  discussed  during  the  year 
1873,  viz.  different  forms  of  bills  of  lading  and  ocean  racing. 
On  27tli  January,  1873,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  adopted 
the  homeward  bill  of  lading  known  as  Xo.  4,  drawn  up,  after 
much  public  discussion,  by  a  Committee  of  London  merchants, 
and  resolved  that  shippers  should,  whenever  practicable,  give 
preference  to  steamers  agreeing  to  make  .use  of  this  form. 
Subsequently,  however,  much  discussion  and  dissension  arose  in 
the  Colony  as  to  the  comparative  position  of  shippers  under  the 
so-called  eastern  bill  of  lading  and  that  of  Holt's  line  of  steamei*s 
which  at  the  time  (April,  1873)  commenced  running  on  the 
Yangtsze  also.  Another  subject,  connected  with  rates  of  freight 
rather  than  bills  of  lading,  but  equally  the  subject  of  public 
tittention  in  1872  and  1873,  was  the  practice  of  ocean  racing, 
frequently  indulged  in  between  fast  tea  steamers.  The  loss  of 
■the  S.S.  Drummond  Castle  (May  31,  1873)  having  been  attributed 
to  this  previously  rather  popular  practice,  the  Hongkong  Insurance 
Company  addressed  (July,  1873)  a  letter  to  Lloyds,  pointing 
out  the  tendency  which  the  system  of  graduating  rates  of  freight, 
in  proportion  to  the  speed  of  the  vessel,  had  towards  encouraging 
ocean  racing  at  dangerous  speed,  and  thus  needlessly  adding 
to  the  risks  of -the  underwritei-s.  In  consequence  of  this  action, 
the  P.  &  0.  Company  gave  up  the  system  of  a  differential  scale 
of  rates  for  freight,  in  order  to  avoid  even  the  appearance  of 
encouraging  the  practice  of  preferring  speed  to  safety. 

The  currency  question  engaged  the  attention  of  the  mercantile 
community  and  of  the  Government  frequently  during  this  period. 
The  dollar  had  practically  been  the  unit  of  value  for  the 
European  community  from  the  earliest  days  of  the  Colony  and 


496  CHAPTER  XX. 

the  Mexican  dollar  had  been  made  (January  9,  18G9)  a  legal 
tender.  But,  side  by  side  with  the  dollar,  the  local  Chinese 
eommunity  had  all  along  employed  the  national  Chinese  tael 
standard  (0.717  taels'  weight  of  sycee  silver  being  counted  equal 
to  one  dollar),  and  European  merchants,  in  dealing  with  Chinese 
in  Hongkong  or  with  any  merchants  in  the  open  ports  of  China, 
had  likewise  to  use  the  tael  standard,  side  by  side  with  the  dollar 
standard  in  which  they  kept  their  own  accounts.  The  Chinese, 
having  no  faith  in  foreign  dollars,  bored  and  cut  them  for 
purposes  of  testing  and  stamped  or,  as  it  is  locally  called,  chopped 
them  for  purposes  of  identification.  Every  dollar  became  thus 
after  a  short  time  terribly  defaced  and  mutilated  or,  as  it  was 
called,  a  chopped  or  chop  dollar.  Moroever,  as  the  Chinese 
looked  upon  every  coin,  even  when  known  to  be  genuine,  only 
as  so  much  sycee  silver,  they  took  dollars,  clean  or  chopped,, 
only  by  weight,  broke  chopped  dollars  into  pieces,  and  used 
broken  particles  of  dollars  in  place  of  small  coins.  Chop  dollars, 
in  different  stages  of  laceration,  and  broken  pieces  of  silver,, 
weighed  out  from  hand  to  hand  and  re-assayed  (shroffed)  by 
experts  in  every  transaction,  were  thus  the  medium  of  business. 
Undefaced  dollars,  fancied  for  special  purposes,  were  always  at 
a  premium.  For  small  transactions,  the  Chinese  used  their 
national  copper  cash,  but  these  cash  had  likewise  a  fluctuating 
value  and  the  proportion  of  clean  and  defaced,  whole  and  broken 
cash,  intermixed  in  every  hundred,  also  affected  the  value  of 
every  string  of  cash.  At  the  beginning  of  this  period  there  was 
thus,  apart  from  banknotes,  virtually  no  fixed  money  cuiTcncy 
in  the  Colony,  and  it  is  one  of  the  merits  of  his  administration 
that  it  partially  remedied  this  defect. 

The  annual  circulation  of  local  banknotes  (from  five  dollars 
upwards)  averaged,  from  18G4  down  to  1872,  about  two  and  a 
half  million  dollars.  But  although  these  notes  were  popular 
among  the  Chinese,  the  experience  of  the  past  had  shewn  that 
the  Chinese  mercantile  community  are  liable  to  sudden  panics. 
For  twelve  months  after  the  collapse  of  the  Agra  mid  Commercial 
Banks,  which  was  followed  by  a  run  upon  the  Oriental  and 


THE  ADMIXISTRATION  OF  SIR  A.  K.  KENNEDY.  497 

(Jharterecl  Banks,  the  circulation  of  banknotes  in  Honjrkonsr 
averaged  only  one  and  a  bait"  million  dollars.  Now  in  June 
1872,  tbc  Hongkong  and  Sbangbai  Bank  obtained  the  CJovernor's 
permission  to  issue  one  dollar  notes  and  thus  to  supply  a  much 
felt  want.  The  Bank  accordingly  issued  (October,  1872)  such 
notes,  of  which  there  were,  twelve  months  later,  about  |1 75,000 
in  circulation.  This  raised  the  total  of  banknotes  in  circulation 
in  1878  to  three  and  one  fourth  million  dollars,  and  in  1874 
the  circulation  of  banknotes  reached  three  and  a  half  millions. 
But  in  December,  1873,  the  Governor  received  an  intimation 
that  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Her  Majesty's  Treasury 
disapproved  of  the  issue  of  one  dollar  notes  on  the  ground  that 
these  notes  would  be  largely  in  the  hands  of  the  poorest  Chinese 
who  might  be  even  more  subject  to  panics  than  the  mercantile- 
classes.  The  Governor  was  instructed  to  order  the  withdrawal 
of  these  notes  unless  serious  public  inconvenience  should  I'esult 
from  such  a  course.  When  the  Governor  accordingly  called 
upon  the  Bank  (February,  1874)  to  show  cause  why  the  one 
dollar  notes  should  not  be  called  in,  the  \vliole  communitv  took 
up  the  matter  and  a  numerously  signed  Memorial,  supported 
by  a  special  resolution  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  was 
forwarded  to  H.M.  Government  (March,  1874)  in  favour  of" 
the  retention  of  these  one  dollar  notes. 

There  were,  at  the  beginning  of  this  period,  three  new  silver 
dollars  competing  for  public  favour,  viz.,  a  new  Mexican  dollar, 
the  American  trade  dollar  and  a  Japanese  dollar  (yen).  The 
Chinese  shroffs  and  traders  of  Hongkong  and  Carjton  havings 
formed  a  combination,  with  a  view  to  reject  the  new  Mexican 
dollar,  the  Viceroy  of  Canton  had  it  assayed  (March  13,  1872) 
and  issued  (November  30,  1872)  a  proclamation  which  was. 
published  in  the  Hongkong  Government  Gazette  (December  7^ 
1872).  It  was  thus  officially  announced,  that  the  new  Mexican 
dollar  consisted  of  9  parts  pure  silver  and  1  ptirt  alloy;  that  to 
pay  100  taels'  weight  of  pure  sycee,  it  would  be  necessary  to  pay 
111*11  in  new  Mexican  dollars;  that  100  new  Mexican  dollai*s 
are  equal  to  101*41  old  Mexican  dollai-s,  the  new  Mexican  dollar 

3^ 


CHAPTElt   XX. 

l)eiiig,  within  a  fraction  of  1.5  per  cent.,  better  than  the  old. 
Next  vear  the  Chinese  Government  likewise  had  the  American 
trade  dollar  assayed  (September  27,  1873),  when  it  was  found  to 
•{ionsist  of  8,'JGl  parts  of  pure  silver  and  1,039  alloy,  and 
it  was  stated  that  to  pay  100  taels'  weight  of  pure  sycee,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  pay  11  TO  taels'  weight  of  American 
trade  dollars,  and  that  100  American  trade  dollars  are  w^orth 
100*07  new  Mexican  dollars  or  101*48  old  Mexican  dollars, 
.the  American  trade  dollar  being,  within  a  fraction  of  15 
per  cent.,  better  than  the  old  Mexican  dollar.  In  consequence 
of  the  publication  of  these  assays,  the  new  Mexican  dollar 
jmssed  into  favour  with  the  Chinese  of  Hongkong.  The 
foreign  mercantile  community,  though  practically  accepting 
the  new  Mexican  dollar,  was  anxious  to  obtain  an  English 
^lollar  which  should  be  guarded,  by  special  prohibition,  against 
defacement  by  stamping.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Chamber  of 
(Jommerce  (January  IG,  1874)  a  strong  feeling  was  manifested 
in  favour  of  doing  away  with  chopjxjd  dollars  altogether.  A 
<lesire  Avas  expressed*to  obtain  the  necessary  coins  from  England, 
instead  of  being  dependent  upon  two  foreign  countries  for  them. 
An  adjourned  meeting  of  the  Chamber  (February  2,  1874) 
<;xpressed  an  almost  unanimous  opinion  against  introducing  the 
.American  trade  dollar  and  the  Japanese  yen  as  legal  tenders 
in  the  Colony,  and  a  decided  preference  for  a  suitable  dollar  to 
.1)6  coined  by  the  Royal  Mint  in  London.  Later  on,  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce  advised  the  Colonial  Secretary  to  com- 
-niunicatc  with  the  Authorities  of  the  Mint  as  to  the  coinage 
of  a  suitable  dollar  for  the  Colony.  In  reply,  the  Governor 
informed  the  Chamber  (July  31,  1875)  that  Mr.  Fremantle, 
the  Deputy  Master  of  the  Mint,  .was  of  opinion  that  the 
.Japanese  yen  might  be  accepted  as  a  legal  tender  in  Hong- 
kong, that  the  America,n  trade  dollar,  not  being  a  dollar  of  an 
^equivalent  value,  should  be  rejected,  but  that  the  proposal  to 
€oin  in  England  a  special  dollar  for  Hongkong  was  impracti- 
cable, as  it  would  cost  two  per  cent,  for  coinage  and  one  jxii* 
<;ent.  for  freight  to  lay  it  down  in  Hongkong.     This  brought 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   A.  E.  KENNEDY^  499 

the  movement  to  a  standstill.  But  when,  next  year,  the  Shanghai 
Chamber  of  Commerce  invited  the  Hongkong  Chamber  to  join 
in  an  address  advocating  the  establishment  by  the  Chinese 
(Joveniment  of  a  Mint,  the  Hongkong  Chamber  resolved 
(November  2,  187(5)  not  to  make  any  recommendation  of  that 
sort,  but  expressed  itself  in  favour  of  the  dollar  being  made 
the  uniform  standard  of  value  in  China.  Whilst  thus  the 
general  desire  for  a  special  Hongkong  dollar  remained  unfulfilled, 
the  Government  obtained  from  the  Mint  in  London  a  new  supply 
of  subsidiary  coins  for  use  in  the  Colony.  A  quantity  of  bronze 
<'ents  was  obtained  first  (July  10,  1875)  and  subsequently  a 
large  supply  of  silver  five  cent  pieces,  ten  cent  pieces  and  twenty 
cent  pieces  (June  20,  1870),  which  has  been  kept  up  ever  since. 

On  27th  January,  1873,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  resolved 
to  memorialize  each  of  the  Xaval  Commanders-in-chief  on  the 
Station,  requesting  them  to  assist  in  obtaining  a  new,  complete 
and  reliable  sur\ev  of  the  coast  from  Hons^kono-  all  the  wav  to 
AVoosung.  The  local  (Tovernment  also  joined  in  this  movement, 
when  the  mail-steamer  Bolduira  struck  (June  21,  1873)  on  a 
])reviously  unknown  rock  in  the  fairway  just  outside  Lyeemoon 
pass,  and  a  reward  of  ten  dollars  was  oifered  to  fishermen  foi* 
]X)inting  out  any  hitherto  unknown  rock  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Hongkong.  The  Chamber,  having  received  favourable  replies 
from  the  British  and  American  Admirals,  proceeded  (August  27, 
1873)  to  memorialize  both  the  British  and  the  United  States 
(jovernments,  to  move  them  to. take  concerted  action  in  com- 
])letiug  the  surveys  required.  In  January,  1874,  the  Chamber 
was  informed  by  Vice-Admiral  Shadwell,  that  the  Admiralty  was 
going  to  send  out. at  once  a  suitable  surveying  vessel  to  complete 
the  survey  of  the  coast  of  China. 

In  the  matter  of  lighthouses,  the  Chamber  requested  the 
Covernor  (January  27,  1873)  to  obtain  from  the  Secretary  of 
State  a  grant  from  the  Special  Fund,  to  cover  the  cost  of  erecting 
several  lighthouses.  This  application  was  indeed  negatived 
(June,  1873),  but  on  27th  August,  1873,  the  Chamber  was 
informed  that  the;  Government  had  resolved  to  erect  lighthouses 


500  CHAPTER  XX. 

at  Cape  D'Agiiilar,  Cape  Colli iison  and  Green  Island.  An^ 
Ordinance  (17  of  1873)  was  passed  (December  1),  1873)  giving 
the  Government  power  to  advance,  for  the  pnrpose,  out  of  the- 
Colonial  Treasury,  funds  to  be  subsequently  repaid  out  of  the  light 
dues.  At  Cape  D'Aguilar,  a  round  stone  tower  was  erected. 
200  feet  above  the  sea,  and  measuring  from  base  to  vane  57  feet. 
It  was  furnished  with  a  fixed  dioptric  white  light  of  the  first 
order,  which  was  lit  for  the  first  time  on  IGth  April,  187r>,  and 
found  to  be  visible  at  a  distance  of  21  nantical  miles.  The 
position  of  the  lighthouse  was  calculated  to  be  in  22°  12'  14" 
Lat.  N.  and  114°  15'  44"  Long.  E.  The  lighthouse  erected  (July 
1,  1875)  on  Green  Island  was  furnished  with  a  fixed  dioptric 
red  light  of  the  fourth  order,  visible  at  a  distance  of  14  miles.. 
The  third  lighthouse,  that  on  Cape  Collinson  (between  Cape 
D'Aguilar  and  the  Lyeemoon),  was  completed  eight  months  later 
(March  1, 1876).  It  was  supplied  with  a  fixed  dioptric  apparatus 
of  the  sixth  order,  shewing  a  white  light  visible  at  a  distance  of 
8  miles.  Light  dues  were  forthwith  (March  30,  1875)  levied 
on  every  ship,  entering  the  waters  of  the  Colony,  at  the  rate  of 
one  cent  per  ton ;  men-of-war,  Chinese  junks,  and  river-steamers 
entering  the  harbour  in  daytime  only,  were  exempt,  and  river- 
steamers  entering  by  night  had  (since  September  1,  1875)  to  pay 
only  one  third  of  a  cent  per  ton. 

It  appears  that,  previous  to  Sir  Arthurs  arrival,  the  British 
Cabinet  addressed  some  remonstrance  to  the  Lisbon  Government 
with  reference  to  the  undeniable  horrors  of  the  Macao  coolie 
trade,  whereupon  the  Portuguese  Government  replied,  that  the 
coolie  emigration  referred  to,  whether  slave  trade  or  not, 
flourished  as  much  in  Hongkong  as  in  Macao.  This  was  rather 
a  home  thrust.  But  whilst  one  unofficial  Member  of  Council 
(J.  Whittall)  denied  this  insinuation  and  stated  in  Council 
(February  11,  1873)  that  English  merchants  in  Hongkong  had 
no  interest  in  the  Macao  coolie  trade,  another  unofficial  Member 
(R.  Rowett)  subsequently  alleged  that  London  commercial 
houses  and  banks  of  the  highest  standing,  as  well  as  certain 
men  and  firms  in  Hongkong,  had  derived  large  profits   from. 


« 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  Sill  A.  E.  KENNEDY.  501 

the  Macao  coolie  trade.  The  Chief  Justice  (J.  Smale),  now 
itook  occasion  to  announce  from  the  Bench  (April,  1873),  that 
he  held  the  coolie  trade  to  be  a  slave  trade,  and  that  any  one  in 
Hongkong  taking  part  in  it,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  would 
be  liable  to  be  punished  for  felony  under  the  Imperial  Act 
for  the  suppression  of  slavery.  The  result  of  all  this  agitation 
was  that,  with  special  reference  to  the  fact  that  two  Spanish 
ships  (the  Buena  Ventura  and  Yrurac  Bat)  had  been  fitted 
up  in  Hongkong  before  proceeding  to  ^lacao  to  load  coolies, 
an  Emigrant-ship  Fittings  Ordinance  (3  of  1873)  was  passed 
(April  24,  1873)  and  came  into  force  a  few  months  later 
(August  2,  1873).  The  effect  of  this  Ordinance  was  to  prevent 
any  person  in  the  Colony  in  any  way  supplying  stores  or  fittings 
to  vessels  in  the  harbour  destined  to  carry  emigrants  from  any 
place  outside  of  Hongkong.  Not  content  with  this  Ordinance, 
the  Governor  brought  before  the  Council  (April  17,  1873),  with 
special  reference  to  the  ship  Fatclioij,  which  had  taken  emigrants 
to  Cuba,  another  Bill  for  the  repression  of  abuses  in  relation 
to  Chinese  Emigration.  Messrs.  Ph.  Ryrie  and  J.  Whittall 
strongly  opposed  this  Bill  (April  28,  1873),  on  the  ground 
that  the  Fittings  Ordinance  was  perfectly  sufficient  to  rectify 
and  prevent  all  abuses  connected  with  coolie  emigration,  and 
that  the  present  Bill  was  too  sweeping.  The  protest  of  the 
.two  unofficial  Members  having  been  disregarded,  they  absented 
themselves  from  the  meetings  of  Council  until  the  Bill,  after 
>niany  alterations  and  additions,  had  passed  as  Ordinance  5  of 
1873.  When  the  Macao  coolie  trade  had  been  entirely  closed 
(March  27,  1874),  both  Ordinances  were  repealed  (September  7, 
1874)  by  the  consolidated  Emigration  Ordinance  (5  of  1874). 
This  Ordinance,  once  more,  placed  the  issue  of  warrants  in 
connection  with  emigrant  ships  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the 
Governor,  who  was  instructed  to  allow  contract  emigration  only 
:to  countries  where  a  British  Magistrate  could  control  the 
•enforcement  of  the  contracts.  To  stop  abuses  connected  with 
emigration,  the  Committee  of  the  Tungwa  Hospital  applied 
for  and  received  permission  from  the  Governor  to  employ  special 


502^  CHAPTER  XX. 

detectives  to  discover  kidnappers,  and  in  May,  187o,  whilst 
the  Macao  coolie  trade  was  still  going  on,  these  detectives 
brought  almost  every  day  some  two  or  three  cases  into  Court. 
Two  years  later  a  deputation  of  Chinese  merchants  agreed 
(August  9,  1875)  with  the  U.S.  Consul,  D.  H.  Bailey,  to  form 
a  Committee  to  assist  him  in  ascertaining  the  moral  character 
of  women'  wishing  to  emigrate  to  America,  with  a  view  to  stop 
the  manifest  abuses  connected  with  voluntary  emigration  from 
Hongkong  to  San  Francisco.  The  Dutch  Government  at  Batavia 
also  made  an  attempt  to  start  Chinese  emigration,  under  Dutch 
official  management,  from  Hongkong  to  Acheen  (August  20,. 
1875),  but  the  Governor  refused  to  sign  a  warrant  or  to  sanction 
such  emigration,  although  it  was  eventually  proposed  to  do  away 
with  contracts  altogether. 

In  the  old  question  of  the  Customs  Blockade  of  Hongkong,, 
the  mercantile  community  had  a  fertile  source  of  constant  irri- 
tation. A  report  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  published  (April 
30,  1872)  within  a  fortnight  after  Sir  A.  Kennedy's  arrival, 
stated  that  a  Memorial  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  in  course  of 
preparation,  had  not  yet  been  completed,  because  the  Chinese 
were  afraid  to  give  evidence,  but  that  a  system  of  espionage 
within  and  a  blockade  outside  the  Colony  existed.  The  Chamber 
also  expressed  a  hope  that  Sir  A.  Kennedy  would  institute  a 
strict  inquiry  with  a  view  to  prevent  Chinese  in  the  Government 
Service  from  rendering  assistance  to  the  Chinese  Blockade  officers.. 
It  was  an  open  secret  at  the  time  that  these  remarks  j^ointed 
again  at  the  Registrar  General's  Office,  a  Chinese  clerk  of  which 
resigned  soon  after  (June,  1872).  What  gave  the  blockade 
question  sj^ecial  importance  in  the  eyes  of  Hongkong  merchants, 
was  the  general  behef  that  Sir  R.  Hart  encouraged  the  Chinese 
to  believe  that  eventually  the  English  Government  might  be 
brought  to  consent  to  the  surrender  of  all  ex-territoriality  rights 
over  Hongkong  and  to  include  the  Colony  in  the  list  of  Chinese 
Treaty  ports.  Sir  Arthur  was  very  slow  in  taking  up  this  grievance 
of  Hongkong  merchants,  but  at  last  (December  15,  1873)  he 
appointed  a   Commission  (Ph.  Ryrie,  H.  G.  Thomsett,  M.  S. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  A.   K.   KKNNEPV.  503 

Tonnochy)  to  inquire  into  abuses  connected  witli  ilie  action  of 
the  Chinese  Maritime  Customs  in  the  ueishbourhood  of  Honcr- 
kong.  Whilst  this  Commission  was  sitting,  the  Harbour  Master 
(H.  G.  Thomsett)  stated,  in  his  official  report  for  tlie  year  1873, 
that  the  junk  trade  of  Hongkong  had  diminished  in  consequence 
of  the  interference  of  Chinese  cruisers.  Moreover  the  latter, 
seizing  a  junk  bound  for  Hongkong,  the  Kamhnpsing,  in  the 
Lyeemoon  pass  (January  19,  1874),  aptly  ilhistrated  the  truth  of 
the  Harbour  Master's  statement.  Tlie  report  of  the  Commission 
(April  28,  1874)  entirely  confirmed  the  vie\Ys  of  the  community, 
but  the  Governor  refused  to  publish  it  until  the  decision  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  on  the  report  was  received  (May  10,  1875). 
Meanwhile  a  fresh  outrage  occurred.  A  Chinese  revenue  junk 
was  arrested  near  Cape  D'Aguilar  (May,  1874)  in  the  act  of 
firing  into  some  fishing  boats  in  British  waters.  The  crew 
of  the  junk  were  tried  in  the  Supreme  Court  on  a  charge  of 
piracy,  but  the  Viceroy  of  Canton  wrote  to  the  Governor  claiming 
the  vessel  as  a  Government  cruiser,  acknowledging  that  she  had 
no  right  to  fire  in  British  waters  and  promising  to  punish  the 
men.  Thereupon  the  Attorney  General  was  ordered  by  the 
Governor  to  enter  a  nolle  2^^'o^equi.  The  men  were  accordingly 
discharged  to  the  great  regret  of  the  Chief  Justice  and  the  whole 
community.  The  Chinese  community  also  presented  (June  24, 
1874)  a  petition  to  the  Queen,  and  this  petition  was  followed 
up  by  a  decision  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  (August  3,  1874) 
to  memorializ.e  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  by  a  public  meeting 
(September  14,  1874)  which  condemned  the  blockade  as  an 
organized  invasion  of  the  freedom  and  sanctuary  of  the  port  and 
harbour  of  Hongkong.  In  reply  to  a  Memorial  agreed  to  at  this 
meeting,  Lord  Carnarvon,  in  a  dispatch  published  11th  May, 
1875,  admitted  tliat  abuses  and  excesses  had  occurred  in  con- 
nection with  the  action  of  the  Chinese  revenue  cruisers,  but 
pleaded  that  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  search,  in  close  proximity 
to  Hongkong,  for  the  purpose  of  defeating  attempts  on  the  part 
of  Chinese  subjects  to  defraud  the  revenue  of  their  country,  did 
not  affect  the  freedom  of  the  port,  and  afforded  no  valid  ground 


504  CHAPTER  XX. 

for  diplomatic  remonstrance.  As  a  remedy  of  the  existing  state 
of  thintrs,  Lord  Carnarvon  revived  (March  22,  1875)  the  old 
susrirestion  of  Sir  R.  Alcock,  to  entrust  to  a  Chinese  Consul  in 
Hongkong  the  privilege  of  collecting  from  junkmasters  the 
receipts  for  export  duty  levied  in  China  and  issuing  to  them 
in  the  Colony  similar  receipts  for  duty  payable  on  account  of 
importation  into  China.  Lord  Carnarvon's  reply  caused  much 
discontent  in  Hongkong,  as  the  position  taken  by  him  was 
honestly  believed  by  Hongkong  merchants  to  impair  British 
prestige  in  China.  Considerable  excitement  was  caused  soon  after 
by  the  news  that  the  British  steamer  CarisbrooJc  had  been  fired 
into  (June  13,  1875)  when,  crowded  with  Chinese  passengers  and 
(^ptured  by  the  Chinese  Customs  cruiser  Pengchaulioi  (officered 
by  Englishmen  in  the  Hoppo's  pay)  for  landing  passengers 
at  Hainan  when  that  island  was  not  yet  opened  to  foreign 
trade.  Great  rejoicing,  however,  took  place  in  Hongkong,  when 
a  dispatch  from  Mr.  Herbert,  the  Under-Secretary  of  State, 
was  read  in  Council  (January  7j  1876)  announcing  that  Lord 
Carnarvon  had  formally  renounced  the  views  of  Sir  Brooke 
Robertson  and  come  round  to  see  that  the  community  of 
Hongkong  really  had  a  grievance  and  were  entitled  to  protection 
and  relief.  Sir  Arthur  now  at  last  took  up  the  matter  and 
recommended  three  proposals,  intended  to  solve  the  knotty 
])roblem,  viz.  (1)  that  all  Chinese  revenue  cruisers  should  be 
prohiljited  interfering  with  Hongkong  junks  with  the  exception 
of  those  of  the  Hoppo  ;  (2)  that  a  definite  Chinese  tariff  of 
import  and  export  duties,  applicable  to  Hongkong  junks,  and 
fixed  regulations  for  the  Hoppo's  dealings  with  Hongkong  junk- 
masters l)e  published  and  adhered  to ;  (3)  that  a  joint  Board 
should  be  appointed  to  investigate  all  complaints  of  illegal 
seizure.  The  Chamber  of  Commerce  endorsed  these  proposals 
(February  3,  187G)  and  addressed  Lord  Carnarvon  accordingly 
(February  10,  187()).  The  matter  now  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  Foreign  Office  and  became  the  subject  of  negotiations  between 
H.M.  Minister  at  Peking  (Sir  Thomas  Wade)  and  the  Tsungli 
Yameu.     The  latter,  of  course,  denounced  the  first  and  second 


THE  ADMIXISTRATIOX  OF  SIR  A.  K.   KENNEDY.  505 

of  Sir  Ai'thiir's  proposals  as  utterly  impracticable,  but  adopted 
a  shadow  of  the  third  by  including  in  the  Chefoo  Convention 
(September  17,  187G)  a  stipulation  providino-  that  a  Mixed 
Commission,  consistino;  of  a  British  Consul,  a  Hongkong  Officer 
and  a  Chinese  Official,  should  ari-ange  a  set  of  regulations 
•calculated  to  benefit  the  revenue  collection  of  China  without 
interfering  with  the  commercial  interests  of  Hongkong.  AVhen 
it  was  rumoured  later  on,  that  Sir  Brooke  Robertson  was  to 
be  appointed  a  Member  of  the  proposed  Commission,  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce  at  once  passed  a  unanimous  resolution 
(February  12,  1877),  protesting  against  such  a  measure  as 
-^lefeating  the  ends  of  justice  and  common  fairness. 

Besides  harassing  the  junk  masters  and  subjecting  the  local 
junk  trade  to  severe  exactions,  the  Customs  Blockade  caused  a 
portion  of  the  Chinese  trade,  formerly  confined  to  junks,  to  be 
conducted  bv  means  of  foreign-owned  steamers  and  sailing 
vessels.  The  Hoppo  at  Canton,  whose  revenues  accrue  ex- 
clusively from  the  junk  trade,  found  his  monopoly  seriously 
impaired  by  the  preference  which  Chinese  merchants  now  gave 
to  the  employment  of  foreign  vessels.  Accordingly  he  did 
everything  in  his  power  to  counteract  this  movement  and  sought 
even  to  draw  away  from  foreign  steamers  goods  which  for  years 
l)ast  had  always  been  conveyed  by  them.  It  was  discovered 
(July,  1874),  that  the  Hoppo  had  for  some  time  charged 
<lifferential  duties  on  cotton  imported  in  Chinese  junks,  lowering 
the  duty  so  far  below  the  tariff  rate  levied  by  the  Foreign 
^laritime  Customs  that,  even  if  foreign  steamers  had  offered  to 
carry  cotton  gratis,  it  would  still  have  paid  Chinese  importers 
better  to  import  the  cotton  by  junks  charging  heavy  freight. 
But  the  movement  in  favour  of  foreign  vessels  continued  to 
spread  among  the  Chinese.  This  movement,  however,  did  not 
stop  at  giving  business  to  foreign  steamers,  but  Chinese 
merchants  gradually  took  to  i)urchasing  steamers  and  working 
them  on  their  own  account.  The  starting  of  the  first  merchant 
steamer,  Aden,  under  the  Chinese  flag  (December,  1872),  by  a 
Chinese   Company  which   would   not   allow  foreigners   to   hold 


506  CHAPTER   XX. 

any  of  its  sbares  and  which  sought  to  obtain  admission  for 
its  steamers  to  ports  in  China  not  open  to  foreign  trade, 
heralded  a  change  in  the  share  which  foreign  merchants  had 
hitherto  enjoyed  in  the  coasting  trade,  and  the  movement  was 
viewed  by  many  with  serious  apprehensions.  This  Company, 
which  (in  1874)  developed  into  the  well-known  China  Merchants 
Steam  Navigation  Company,  failed  indeed  to  obtain  the  privilege 
of  trading,  by  means  of  steamers,  with  ports  not  opened  to 
foreign  connnerce,  but  instead  of  that  monopoly  the  Company 
received  official  recognition  and  organization  and  the  privilege 
of  carrying  027,000  oat  of  a  total  of  1,800,000  piculs  of  the 
annual  tribute  rice.  There  was  at  the  bottom  of  this  movement 
the  vain  hope  of  developing  this  Chinese  Company  to  such  an 
extent  as  to  drive  foreign-owned  steamers  entirely  out  of  the 
coasting  trade.  But  although  the  Company  was  well  supplied 
with  funds,  strongly  supported  by  Chinese  officials  and  merchants 
in  every  port,  and  purchased  (January  15,  1877)  the  whole  of 
the  steamers,  real  estate,  wharves  and  plant  of  the  Shanghai 
Union  Steam  Navigation  Company,  it  only  proved  how  un- 
founded was  the  fear  that  the  whole  coasting  trade  would  pass 
into  native  hands.  This  Chinese  Company  obtained  no  more 
than  that  share  in  the  coasting  trade  which  naturally  belongs 
to  the  Chinese,  and  its  history  demonstrated  the  truth  that  it 
is  in  the  matter  of  money  where  the  strength  of  the  foreign 
trade  in  China  lies,  and  that  the  greater  the  share  which  the 
Chinese  take  in  the  minor  portions  of  the  trade,  the  greater 
will  be  the  growth  of  the  more  important  portions  of  the 
foreign  trade  with  China,  loss  in  one  direction  being  directiv 

'  CD  *■■ 

compensated  by  gain  in  another. 

Sir  A.  Kennedy  was  the  first  Governor  of  Hongkong  who 
invited  prominent  Cliinese  merchants,  although  they  were  mostly 
the  servants  (compradors)  of  the  principal  English  firms,  to 
social  gathei'ings  and  public  receptions  at  Government  House. 
This  practice,  Avhich  was  rather  distasteful  to  most  English 
merchants,  Sir  Arthur  stoutly  adhered  to.  He  also  for  some 
time   encouraged   the  Chinese  to  bring   any  public   grievances, 


THE  ADMINISTRATION'  OF  SIR  A.  E.  KENNEDi'.  507 

tbev  miglib  have,  before  him.  Shortly  after  his  arrival,  a 
Chinese  cle])ntation  waited  on  him  (April  4,  1872),  when  he 
told  them  that  the  Chinese  could  always  see  him  when  they 
had  matters  to  lay  before  him,  if  they  gave  notice  before  hand 
and  brought  an  interpreter  with  them.  The  Chinese  were  not 
slow  in  a\'ailiug  themselves  of  this  offer  which  rescinded  smi.'i 
frifon  the  policy  initiated  by  Sir  H.  Robinson.  The  outgoing 
and  incoming  Directors  of  the  Tungwa  Hospital  now  made 
it  a  rule  to  wait  on  the  Governor  once  a  vear.  The  first  thinir 
they  asked  of  the  Governor  (December,  1872)  was  that  he 
should  pass  an  Ordinance  punishing  adultery  in  the  case  of 
Chinese  women.  Considering  that  nearly  every  inan  in  the 
deputation  had  formally  married  several  wives  and  was,  if 
English  law  had  been  applied,  liable  to  be  punished  for  bigamy, 
it  was  rather  naive  of  these  Chinamen  to  ask  that  their  runawav 
concubines  should  be  punished  under  English  law  for  adultery. 
The  next  thing  they  asked  (July,  187o)  was  that  the  Governor 
should  grant  the  Chinese  community  soma  form  of  municipal; 
government,  and,  to  begin  with,  authorize  the  election,  by  the 
people,  of  a  Chinese  Municipal  Board,  consisting  of  two  Chinese 
residents  from  each  district,  to  assist  the  Registrar  General  with 
their  advice  in  all  Chinese  municipal  matters.  In  December 
1874,  they  urged  the  Governor  to  pass  an  Ordinance  making- 
it  compulsory  for  all  Chinese  shops  and  firms  to  register  the 
names  of  all  their  active  and  sleeping  partners.  In  the  following- 
year  they  solicited  an  improved  Bankruptcy  Law,  the  erection' 
of  a  harbour  of  refuoe  to  be  used  bv  small  craft  in  case  of  a- 
typhoon,  the  grant  of  a  site  for  the  erection  of  a  (.hinese- 
townhall,  and  the  opening  of  a  lepers'  asylum  on  some  small 
island.  It  is  only  to  be  regretted  that  Sir  Arthur  could  not 
see  his  way  to  take  up  any  of  these  suggestions,'  with  the 
exception  of  a  site  for  a  public  meeting  hall  which  he  promised 
to  give  them,  and  that  he  failed  to  make  good  the  promise  he 
had  hastily  given.  Towards  the  close  of  his  administration, 
when  he  knew  the  Chinese  character  better.  Sir  Arthur  changedi 
his  attitude  towards  the  Chinese  and  made  an  order  (January  8. 


508  fHAPTER   XX. 

1876),  coucLed  in  lanofuage  of  extraordinary  circumlocution,  the 
effect  of  which  briefly  was,  that  the  Chinese,  whenever  they 
had  any  grievance  or  petition  to  present,  should  communicate 
with  the  Goveriunent  through  the  Registrar  General. 

How  little  hold  the  Government  really  had  on  the  Chinese 
population,  was  shewn   by  several  incidents  during  this  period. 
In  August,  1872,  the  Executivejordered  a  small  tax  to  be  levied 
on  coolie  lodging  houses,  with  a  view  to  bring  these,  generally 
overcrowded,  places  under  sanitary  surveillance.      But  small  as 
the  fee  was,  the  Chinese  at  once  resisted  and  the  whole  com- 
munity was  put  to  great  inconvenience  by  a  general  strike  of  all 
carrying  coolies,  kept  up  for  three  days.     The  coolies  did  not 
resume  work  until  they  were  given  to  understand  that,  as  soon  as 
they  returned  to  their  work,  the  Government  would  entertain  their 
petition  and  repeal  the  tax.    Another  case  in  point  is  the  Servants 
Registration  Ordinance  (7  of  18G6).     Efforts  were  made  during 
Sir  A.  Kennedy's  administration,  and  esixjcially  in  August,  1874, 
to  prevent  this  Ordinance  continuing  to  be  a  dead  letter,  but 
it  was  found  impossible  to  enforce  its  provisions.     The  Chinese 
managed  to  evade  the  law  or  persisted  in  disregarding  it.     The 
same  was  the  case  with  the  measures  taken  by  the  Government 
to   repress   public  gambling.     The   Registrar   General   and   the 
•Captain  Superintendent  of  Police,  having  been  appointed  si^ecial 
commissioners  to  see  to   the   suppression   of   public   gambling, 
caused  prosecutions  to  be  instituted  (May,  1872)  against  land- 
lords owning  houses  in   which  secret  gambling  establishments 
were  kept,  but  the  prosecutions  broke  down  and  whatever  the 
Government  did  in  the  matter  proved  fruitless.     Public  gambling 
•continued  as   before   by   means   of   pretended   clubs   and   other 
arrangements  which   proved   to   be  entirely   beyond   the    reach 
of  the  law. 

As  regards  sanitation,  Dr.  Dods,  in  his  report  for  1872, 
formulated  the  theory  that  fever  is  most  prevalent  in  Hongkong 
when  the  rainfall  is  below  the  average  and  the  range  of  the 
thermometer  is  small,  and  Dr.  Ayres  added,  in  1873,  the  axiom 
ithat  the  heavier  the  rainfall,  the  better   is  the  health  of   the 


THE  ADMIXISTRATION  OB^  Sill  A.   E.  KENXEDi'.  509* 

conuuimity.  One  hiiiKlred  men  of  H.^I.S.  JJarossa  were  attacked 
with  fever  in  1872,  whilst  the  ship  was  in  dock  at  AWdeeu. 
Genuine  typhoid  fever  was  not  noticed  in  the  Colony  until  1874, 
when  some  cases  were  imported  by  ships.  Dengue  fever  occurred 
in  Hongkong  for  the  first  time  in  September,  1872,  imported 
from  the  North.  It  was  officially  declared  an  infectious  disease 
(October  4,  1872).  In  1874.  many  cases  of  phthisis  occurred 
both  among  tlie  European  and  Chinese  communities.  But  on 
the  whole  there  was  no  extraordinary  outbreak  of  serious  disease 
during  this  period.  The  attention  of  the  Government  w'as  drawn 
by  Dr.  Ayres,  in  spring  1874,  to  the  extraordinary  defects  of 
scavenging  and  domestic  sanitation  in  the  Chinese  quarters, 
of  Taipiugshan  and  Saiyingpun,  where  it  had  become  customary 
to  keep,  under  Government  licences,  pigs  on  the  upper  floore  of 
densely  crowded  houses.  The  scavenging  arrangements  of  the 
town  were  somewhat  improved  in  consequence  (October  2,  1874), 
but  otherwise  the  sanitation  of  the  Colony  remained  as  it  was. 
The  annual  death  rate  of  Hongkong  per  1,000  of  the  whole 
population  was  22*57  in  1873,  32*23  (owing  to  the  many  deaths 
caused  by  the  typhoon)  in  1874,  and  24'29  in  1875,  but  Dr. 
Ayres  remarked,  in  his  report  for  187C,  that,  considering  the 
defective  sanitation  of  the  town,  it  was  a  wonder  to  him  that 
the  mortality  was  so  small.  Mount  Davis  and  the  hill  side  above 
Kennedy  Road  were  covered  with  fir  trees  in  187G  and  a  large 
number  of  eucalyptus  trees,  imported  from  Australia,  were  planted 
in  different  localities.  Building  operations  on  the  Peak  multi- 
plied in  summer  187 G  and  residence  on  the  Peak  now  commenced 
to  be  widely  popular  as  a  summer  resort.  The  Civil  Hospital 
having  l)een  demolished  by  the  typhoon  of  1874,  the  patients  were 
accommodated  in  the  former  Hotel  de  VUnivers  in  Hollywood 
Road  whilst  a  new  and  larger  hospital  was  erected.  The  private 
Seamen's  Hospital,  erected  by  Jardine,  Mathesou  «fc  Co.  on  the 
hill  above  Wantsai,  having  for  years  been  carrieil  on  at  a  loss, 
was  closed  in  March  1873.  The  Small-pox  Hospital,  which 
from  1871  to  1873  had  been  located  on  Stonecutters'  Island, 
was  also  closed  in  April,  1873,  and  the  patients  were  thenceforth 


^ 


10  CHAPTER   XX. 


accommodated  in  town  at  the  Civil  Hospital.  A  new  Lock 
Hospital  was  established,  in  connection  Avith  the  new  Civil 
Hospital,  and  a  series  of  regnlations  for  it  published  in  the 
(jazette  (Xovember  2,  1875).  The  Chinese  also  started  what 
was  at  first  intended  to  be  a  branch  of  the  Tungwa  Hospital 
at  Waiitsai  (December,  1872)  but  subsequently  developed  into 
:a  separate  public  dispensary  at  the  Wato  Temple. 

In  the  educational  problem  of  the  Colony  Sir  A.  Kennedy 
took  much  interest,  but  only  as  an  uncompromising  secuUn-ist. 
The  Hon.  Ph.  Ryrie  having  mentioned  in  Council  (April  29, 

1872)  the  need  of  a  Public  School  for  the  education  of  the 
children  of  middle-class  Europeans,  the  Governor  stated  at  the 
next  meeting  of  Council  (May  H),  1872)  that  in  his  opinion 
the  Government  should  not  move  in  the  matter  until  the  views 
iind  requirements  of  the  community  uix)n  the  subject  had  been 
fully  ascertained.  Accordingly  a  public  meeting  was  held  at 
the  City  Hall  (June  25,  1872)  and  attended  by  the  Governor 
himself,  who  spoke  strongly  in  favour  of  a  non-denominational 
scheme,  and  the  general  feeling  of  the  majority  of  those  present 
appeared  to  be  in  favour  of  that  view.  A  Committee  was 
appointed  to  report  upon  the  suggestion,  made  at  this  meeting, 
to  resuscitate  St.  Paul's  College,  to  turn  it  into  a  secular 
European  middle-class  school  and  to  work  it  as  a  feeder  of  the 
Government  Central  School.  Eventually  a  Grant-in-Aid  school, 
under  the  management  of  the  Hon.  Ph.  Ryrie,  was  established 
by  Mr.  and  Mi-s.  Hanlon,  called  the  Victoria  English  School, 
but  it  failed  to  fulfil  its  purpose  and  soon  became  a  Portuguese 
fichool  under  the  management  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Mission. 

For  the  better  promotion  of  elementary  education  in  the  Colony, 
Dr.   Stewart   recommended   to   the   Government    (Februnry  14, 

1873)  the  introduction  in  the  Colony  of  an  adaptation  of  Foi-ster-g 
Education  Act  of  1st  August,  1870.  But  in  adapting  Foi-ster's 
Scheme  to  the  peculiarities  of  Hongkong,  Dr.  Stewart  stripped 
it  of  the  concessions  which  the  Education  Act  of  1870  made  to  the 
iticognized  needs  of  a  religious  education.  Instead  of  adopting 
Forster's  conscience  clau.^e,   Dr.  Stewart  made  the   Hongkong 


THE    ADMINISTRATION  OF   SIH   A.   K.   KI'XXEDY.  511 

({rmit-iii-Aid  Scheme  an  absolutely  secular  measure,  offering  to 
all  schools,  willinj)^  to  devote  four  consecutive  hours  a  day  to 
exclusively  secular  teaching-,  annual  grants,  on  the  basis  of 
delinite  results  in  secular  instruction,  ascertained  by  examining 
each  individual  scholar.  This  Scheme  hnving  been  approved  bv 
the  Legislative  Council  (April  24,  1873)  and  provisionally 
accepted  by  the  Protestant  and  Catholic  Missionaries,  was  at 
once  put  in  operation,  5  Protestant  and  1  Catholic  school  being 
placed  under  the  Scheme.  To  conciliate  objections  raised  by 
some  of  the  ^rissionaries  (Dr.  Eitel  and  Bishop  Raimondi) 
to  the  absolutely  secular  teaching  demanded  of  Grant-in-Aid 
schools,  whilst  the  Government  schools  used  Chinese  school 
books  containing  Confucian  and  Buddhist  religions  teachings, 
a  compromise  (refused  by  the  Catholics)  was  made,  allowing 
the  Grant-in-Aid  schools  to  use  Chinese  reading  books  containing 
an  admixture  of  religious  teaching.  To  compile  these  reading 
books,  the  Governor  appointed  (April  17,  1878)  Dr.  Eitel  as 
chairman  of  a  Schoolbook  Committee  which  produced  without 
delay  a  set  of  three  graduated  readers  after  the  i^ttern  of  the 
Irish  National  Schoolbook  Society's  publications.  By  the  end 
of  the  year  187()  there  were  11  Protestant  schools  under  the 
Grant-in-Aid  Scheme,  but  the  Roman  Catholics  withdrew  entirely, 
being  dissatisfied  with  the  rigid  exclusion  of  religion  from  every 
one  of  the  four  hours  of  daily  instruction  required  by  the  Scheme. 
The  attendance  in  schools  under  Government  supervision  rose 
during  Sir  Arthur's  administration  from  1,480  scholai's  in  1872 
to  2,922  scholars  in  187().  There  was  similar  progress  made, 
■•luring  this  period,  in  the  sphere  of  religious  education.  Bishop 
Burden  resuscitated  St.  Paul's  College,  in  1876,  by  opening  a 
Church  of  England  school  for  Chinese  and  Iluropean  scholai-s 
under  an  English  Headmaster  (A.  J.  May)  and  two  Chinese 
Assistant  Masters.  Most  striking,  however,  was  tlie  manner  in 
which  the  Roman  Catholic  schools  now  came  to  the  front  under 
the  direction  of  Bishop  Raimondi.  AVhen  the  latter  fii-st  arrived 
in  the  Colony,  in  1858,  there  was  only  one  Catholic  school 
.in  existence,  numbering  eight  boys,,  but  in   1874  there  were 


Jjl2  CHAPTER  XX. 

18  Roman  Catholic  schools  at  work  Avith  723  scholai-s  under 
instnicfcion,  and  in  the  following  year  (November  15,  1875) 
the  Christian  Brothers  re-organized  the  former  St.  Saviour's 
School  as  a  College  dedicated  to  St.  Joseph  which,  by  the  end 
of  the  year  1876,  numbered  165  boys.  The  establishment  of 
a  Morrison  Scholarship  in  connection  with  the  Government 
Central  School  (January,  1874),  the  selection  and  clearing  of  a 
costly  site  for  new  and  extensive  buildings  for  the  use  of  the 
Central  School  (May  30,  1876),  and  the  collection  of  funds  in 
the  Colony  in  aid  of  the  new  Chinese  Professorship  at  Oxford 
(September  15,  1876),  indicate  the  interest  taken  during  this 
time  in  matters  educational. 

The  religious  history  of  the  period  under  review  is 
characterized  by  the  opening  of  St.  Joseph's  Church  (November 
30,  1872),  by  the  installation  of  two  Bishops,  Bishop  Burdon 
(December  81,  1874)  and  Bishop  Raimondi  (January  19,  1875),- 
and  by  the  passing  of  two  Ordinances,  a  Marriage  Ordinauce- 
aud  a  St.  Paul's  College  Ordinance.  The  former  Ordinance 
(4  of  1875)  was  passed  (April  8,  1875)  to  secure  more  accurate- 
registration  of  Christian  marriages  (Chinese  non-Christian 
marriages  being  left  out  of  consideration)  and  to  give  equality 
in  privileges  to  the  various  religious  denominations.  In  deference 
to  objections  raised  by  Bishop  Raimondi,  this  Ordinance  was 
subsequently  repealed  and  another  (14  of  1875)  substituted 
and  passed  (January  7,  187())  after  a  most  acrimonious  debate 
in  Council  concerning  the  objectionable  attitude  taken  by  the 
Roman  Catholic  clergy.  That  attitude  was  described  by  the 
Governor  iii  very  strong^  terms  which  were  afterwards  deliberately 
recorded  in  the  Gazette  (March  4,  1876).  As  regards  St.  Paul's 
College  the  revocation,  in  consequence  of  the  resignation  of 
Bishop  Alford  (November  1,  1872),  of  the  original  Letters 
Patent  (of  May  11,  1849,  and  January  14,  1867),  having 
abolished  the  See  and  Bishopric  of  Hongkong,  a  Missionary 
Bishop  (J.  S.  Burdon)  was  appointed  Warden  of  the  College 
whilst  the  lease  and  site  vested  in  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
(Ordinance  7  of  1875).    The  Chinese  community  also  had  some 


THE  ADMINISTKATION  OF  SIR  A.   K.  KENXKDY.  51H 

religious  excitement  duriug  this  perioil  by  the  appearance  in 
the  harbour  (January  22,  1874)  of  a  large  junk  fitted  up  as 
a  floating  temple  for  the  worship  of  three  large  idols.  The 
vessel,  known  as  *  the  spiritual  junk/  was  visited  daily  by 
thousands  of  worshippei's  admitted  on  payment  of  a  fee. 
Finding  the  business  extremely  profitable,  the  proprietor  hired 
the  Tunghing  Theatre  where  the  idols  were  exhibited  and 
worshippers  admitted  on  payment  of  lo  cash  a  person.  As  the 
matter  w.is  thus  plainly  a  financial  speculation,  the  Registrai^ 
General  (C.  C.  Smith),  with  the  approval  of  the  leading  Chinese 
merchants,  interfered  on  the  ground  that  the  theatre  was  not 
licensed  for  religious  purposes  and  the  proprietors  were  fined 
$lo  in  the  Police  Court. 

There  was  annually  during  this  period  the  usual  numl)er 
of  conflagrations  in  the  town,  but  since  ]^s7^^  their  frequency 
appeared  to  increase.  Yet  none  of  these  conflagrations  extended 
beyond  the  destruction  of  two,  or  at  the  utmost  six,  houses  at  a 
time.  But  quite  a  number  of  vessels  were  on  fire  within  two^ 
years.  The  Peruvian  ship  Columhia  was  burned  in  the  harbour 
(February  l;j,  1874)  and  the  Pacific  mail-steamer  Japan  was 
destroyed  by  fire  at  sea,  in  close  proximity  to  Hongkong 
(December  18,  1874),  causing  the  death  of  a  large  number  of 
Chinese  jmssengers.  The  S.S.  Panaij  (August  30,  1875),  the 
coalship  Pilgrim  (September  20,  1875)  and  a  Chinese  junk  laden 
with  hay  (November,  3,  1875)  were  on  fire  in  the  harbour 
in  one  and  the  same  year.  In  the  one  year  1874,  three  shipt^ 
were  wrecked  at  or  near  Hongkong.  The  S.S.  Wanlunfj,  built 
in  Hongkong,  capsized  (February  13,  1874)  on  her  first  trip 
with  passengers  to  Canton,  within  a  few  minutes  after  leaving 
the  wharf,  when  some  30  lives  were  lost  in  the  harbour.  The 
S.S.  Mongol  was  lost  on  a  rock  near  Cape  D'Aguilar  when  17 
pei-sons  were  drowned  (December  12,  1874),  and  the  S.S.  Japan 
ran  on  a  rock,  near  Wantsai,  in  the  harbour  (December  17^ 
1874).  Several  collisions  occurred  during  this  period.  The 
barque  GUmt  was  sunk  in  hai*bour  in  consequence  of  a  collision 
with  the  S.S.  Geelong  but  was  successfully  raised  again  (March, 

33 


r)]4  CHAPTER   XX. 

1872).  The  steamship  GlmdarrocJc  and  the  barque  Pamme  also 
ijoHideil  ill  the  harboar  (December  7,  187H).  In  consequence  of 
the  explosion  of  the  superheater  of  the  river-steamer  Kinshan 
(June,  1870),  by  which  a  passenger  was  killed,  two  enorineers 
iii  the  steamer  were  charged  with  manslaughter  and  tried  in 
8upreme  Court,  but  they  were  found  not  guiky. 

The  severest  disaster  that  ever  befell  the  Colony  of  Hongkong 
(since  July,  1811)  was  caused  by  a  typhoon  of  unprecedented 
suddenness  and  power.  It  commenced  on  the  evening  of  22nd 
*September,  1874,  when  small  boats  were  still  plying  on  the 
harbour,  and  was  at  its  height  shortly  after  midnight.  The  tide 
was  exceptionally  higli  at  tlie  time  and  an  earthquake  appeare 
to  have  occurred  whilst  the  typhoon  was  raging.  On  the 
morning  of  23rd  September,  1874,  the  town  looked  as  if  it  had 
nndero-one  a  terrific  bombardment.  Thousands  of  houses  wer6 
unroofed,  hundreds  of  European  and  Chinese  dwellings  were  in 
ruins,  large  trees  had  been  torn  out  by  the  roots  and  hurled  to  a. 
distaiKte,  most  of  the  streets  were  impassable,  being  obstructed 
with  fallen  trees,  roof  timber,  window  frames  and  mounds  of 
soil  thrown  up  by  the  bursting  of  drains.  Business  was  at  a 
complete  standstill  for  several  days.  The  Praya  was  covered  with 
wrecked  sampans  and  the  debris  of  junks  and  ships,  whilst  in 
icvery  direction  dead  bodies  were  seen  floating  about  or  scattered 
along  the  ruins  of  what  was  once  the  Praya  wall.  Thirty-five 
foreign  vessels,  trusting  in  their  anchors,  \vere  wrecked  or  badly 
injured.  Over  2,000  lives  were  lost  in  the  harbour  within  the 
space  of  about  six  hours,  during  which  time  the  screams  of 
Chinese  in  distress  on  the  water  were  heard  by  residents,  on 
the  upper  levels  of  the  town,  to  rise  above  the  terrific  din  of  the 
storm.  The  Hospital-ship  Meanee,  the  only  ship  in  harbour 
which  held  on  to  her  anchoi-s,  had  her  four  anchors  twisted  into 
one  mass  of  tangled  iron,  the  photograph  of  which  is  a  curious 
sight.  Special  attmction  for  sightseers,  who  came  out  in  thou- 
sands to  view  the  havoc  which  had  been  wrought,  was  afforded  bv 
two  steamers,  the  Lmiore  and  the  Albay,  wrecked  on  the  Prayfu 
wall  near  Victoria  wharf,  and  the  Pacific  mail-steamer  Alaska^ 


THE  ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  A.  K.  KENNEDY.  515 

felown  ashore  and  left  high  and  dry  on  the  beach  at  Aberdeen. 
The  loss  of  the  river-st<?anier  White  Cloud  near  Macao  alst> 
attracted  mnch  attention.  The  amount  of  property  destroyed 
in  Honokung  within  those  six  terrible  hours  was  estimated  at 
five  million  dollars.  A  fire  that  broke  out  while  the  typhoon 
was  at  its  height  was  actually  put  out  by  the  force  of  the  wind. 
Her  Majesty  sent  (November  18,  1874)  a  message  expressing 
her  'sincere  regret  for  the  suffering  which  this  sad  calamity 
-occasioned.'  The  brothei*s  Tauffer,  who  had  specially  distin- 
guished themselves  by  daring  and  successful  efforts  to  save  lives, 
were  presented  (January  7,  1876),  at  the  hands  of  the  Governoi-, 
with  a  testimonial  by  the  Royal  Humane  Society.  15ut  very 
little  was  done  to  utilize  the  lessons  taught  by  this  typhoon. 
Meanwhile  another  typhoon  swept  over  the  Colony  (May  31. 
lH7r>).  It  did  little  damage,  however,  though  Macao  and 
Canton  suffered  severely,  as  evidenced  by  the  wreck  of  the  rivei-- 
steamer  Poyany^  on  her  way  from  Canton  to  Macao,  when  some 
100  lives  were  lost;  A  Humane  Society  was  now  formed  in 
Hongkong  (July  20,  1875)  for  the  special  pur{X)se  of  preventing 
the  frequent  loss  of  life  in  tlie  harbour  and  particularly  to  give 
assistance  during  cyphoons.  This  Society,  under  the  presidency 
of  the  Hon.  Ph.  Ryrie,  entered  upon  its  labours  with  great 
enthusiasm,  officers  were  appointed  and  stations  fixed,  funds  weixj 
raised  and  left,  after  the  purchase  of  the  needful  apparatus,  a 
large  sum  in  hand  (June  G,  1876).  A  life-boat  was  talked  of, 
additional  funds  were  voted  by  Legislative  Council  (December 
11,  1876),  and  after  that  the  whole  scheme  was  allowed  to  drop. 
The  social  life  of  the  ixiriml  under  review  is  notable  for 
two  sensational  incidents.  In  March,  1872,  Mr.  D.  Welsh,  a 
highly  talented  and  respected  English  merchant,  head  of  the 
firm  MacGregor  &  Co.,  having  freely  commented,  in  a  local 
paper,  on  the  public  conduct  of  the  Acting  Chief  Justice  Ball, 
was  sentenced,  without  the  option  of  a  fine,  to  fourteen  days' 
confinement  for  contempt  of  Court.  The  whole  foreign  com- 
munity, filled  with  indignation,  petitioned  the  Governor  to  remit 
4ihe   sentence.      The   Acting   Chief   Justice,   having   thereupon 


516  CHAITER  XX. 

suggested  that  the  petition  to  the  Governor  should  first  be- 
withdrawn  and  an  appHcation  for  clemency  made  to  the  Court 
by  prisoner's  Counsel,  released  Mr.  Welsh  as  soon  as  these 
conditions  were  complied  with.  To  mark  its  sense  of  the 
proceedings,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  at  its  next  meeting, 
elected  Mr.  Welsh  as  Member  of  the  Chamber.  Another 
sensational  event  of  the  same  year  was  a  duel  fought  with  pistols- 
(July  2i>,  1872),  on  Kowloon  Peninsula,  on  account  of  some- 
card  debt  dispute  between  the  Consuls  for  Spain  and  Peru,, 
the  latter  being  wounded  in  the  arm.  Warmnts  for  the  arrest 
of  every  person  present  at  the  affair  were  issued,  but  bail  was- 
allowed.  The  two  duellists  were  tried  in  Supreme  Court  (August 
25,  1872)  and,  having  pleaded  guilty,  were  fined  each  in  the 
sum  of  |200. 

Quite  a  luimber  of  new  institutions  brightened  social 
life  in  the  Colony  during  this  period,  the  year  1872  being 
specially  productive  in  this  respect.  The  Philharmonic  Society 
(Choral  Society)  which  had  been  established  in  July  1872. 
gave  concerts  every  winter,  including  also  a  choral  festival  held 
at  the  Cathedral  (April  18,  187(5).  A  Debating  Society  was 
established  in  July  1872  but  came  to  an  end  in  the  following-^ 
year.  A  series  of  lectures  given  at  the  City  Hall  found 
considerable  favour  with  the  public.  The  undertaking  was 
inaugurated  in  the  presence  of  the  Governor  (November  5^ 
1872)  by  a  lecture  on  Hongkong  i-eminiscences  by  I)r.  Legge,. 
and  followed  by  four  other  lectures,  by  Dr.  Dennys  on  Folklore- 
(November  19,  1872),  by  Dr.  Eitel  on  Fengshui  (December  C» 
1872),  by  Mr.  J;  J.  Francis  on  Jesuitism  (December  19,  1872> 
and  by  ^Ir.  J.  W.  Torrey  on  American  Humourists  (February 
4,  1873).  Another  institution  of  the  vear  1872  is  the  Victoria 
Recreation  Club  which  was  formed  (May,  1872)  by  the 
amalgamation  of  the  Boat  Club,  Gymnasium  and  Swimming 
Bath,  and  OjX'ned  in  its  new  form  on  30th  November,  1872- 
The  publication  of  the  China  Punch  was  resumed  on  5th 
November,  1872,  and  continued  at  irregular  intervals  until 
22nd  November,  187G,  when  its  talented  editor  (Middleton)  left 


THR  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  A.  K.  KENNEDY.  517 

the  Colony.  Subsequent  years  produced  a  few  additional  new 
institutions.  The  Horticultural  Society,  which  for  many  years 
thereafter  held  an  annual  flower  and  vegetable  show  at  the 
Public  Gardens,  was  established  (February  13,  1873)  by  the 
official  Garden  Committee.  Three  years  later  (November  23, 
1876)  the  Government  formally  witlidrew  its  control  of  the  Hor- 
ticultural Society  which,  under  unofficial  management,  continued 
to  exist  for  some  years  longer.  The  members  of  the  German 
Liedertafel  gave  their  first  performance  on  4th  November, 
1873,  and  continued  to  enliven  winter  evenings  under  the 
direction  of  Dr.  Cloath,  whose  departure  from  the  Colony  (April, 
1874)  was  felt  as  a  public  loss.  Another  institution  of  the 
year  1873  was  the  opening  of  the  first  Good  Templars'  Lodge  in 
Hongkong  (September  25,  3873),  which  was  followed  by  a  steady 
spread  of  the  Temperance  movement  in  the  Colony  and  led 
<3ventua41y  to  the  opening  of  a  Temperance  Hall  in  Stanley  Street 
(April  17,  187G),  subsequently  removed  to  Queen's  Road  East. 

During  the  time  of  Sir  Arthur's  administration  the  relations, 
always  friendly,  which  existed  between  the  American  and  English 
-sections  of  the  foreign  community,  were  particularly  cordial. 
This  was  specially  evidenced  by  the  success  of  a  reception  given 
by  Admiral  Jenkins,  in  1872,  on  board  the  U.  S.  Flagship 
Colorado,  when  the  Governor  and  all  leading  residents  attended, 
and  especially  by  a  grand  promenade  concert  and  supi)er,  given, 
at  the  City  Hall,  ])y  the  American  residents  (July  4,  1870)  on 
the  occasion  of  the  centennial  celebration  of  American  Indeixin- 
dence.  The  Yacht  Club  attracted  si^ecial  attention  in  1875  by 
an  ocean  yacht  race  (January  27,  1875)  from  Hongkong  to 
Macao  and  back,  won  by  the  Wave,  by  the  yiixjht  race  for  thu 
American  cup  (December  4,  1875)  won  by  Xaomi,  and  by 
the  entliusiastic  farewell  demonstration  made  on  the  occasion  of 
the  departure  (January  27,  1870)  of  the  Yacht  Club's  Commodore 
(W.  H.  Forbes)  when  the  whole  of  the  Club's  yachts  escorted 
the  mail  steamer  as  far  as  Long  Island. 

The  annual  regattas  and  races  were  largely  patronised  during 
this  period.    The  Amateur  Dramatic  Corps  gave  very  frequent 


518  CHAPTER  XX. 

performances  between  26th  January,  1872,  and  19th  February,. 
1877.      The  District  Grand  Lodge  of   Freemasons  invaded,  in 
1875,  the  Cathedral  when  a  Masonic  sermon  was  preached  (De- 
cember 23,  1875)  by  the  Grand  Chaplain,  the  Rev.  H.  H.  Kidd. 
The  arrival  of  the  Flying  Squadron  (April  7,  1876),  consisting 
of  four  frigates,  gave  a  new  zest  to  social  life  in  1876.     The 
%ter  year  is  also  distinguished  by  the  lii-st  loan  exhibition  of 
wjgrks  of  art,  held   in   the  City  Hall  (July  18,   187()).      This 
exhibition  became  eventually  the  parent  of  the  Sketching  CUib. 
In  addition   to  the   foregoing  general  description  of    the 
progress  made  by  the  Colony  during  Sir  A.  Kennedy's  adminis- 
tration, the  following  particulars  have  yet  to  be  mentioned.     The 
sphere  of  Hongkong's  commercial   operations  was  considerably 
extended  during  this  period  by  the  opening  up  of  new  countries 
atid  ports  and  by  the  starting  of  new  lines  of  communication^ 
The  famous  expedition,  under  M.  Dupuis  and  M.  Millot,  which  , 
eventually  led  to   the   opening  of    Tungking    (the    North-east 
of  Annam)  to  foreign  trade,  started  from  Hongkong  on  25th 
October,   1872.      The   direct   object   of   the  expedition   was   to-, 
convey,  on  behalf  of  the  Chinese  Government,  munitions  of  war  ; 
tQ  the  Chinese  army  operating  in  the  South  of  Yunnan  against 
the  Mahomedan  rebels.     But  the  personal  aim  of  M.  Dupuis  was 
to  demonstrate,  in  the  eyes  of  France,  the  importance  of  northern 
Annam  as  possessing,  in  the  Red  River,  an  artery  of  trade  by  . 
which  the  commerce  of  South-western  China  might  conveniently  : 
l)e  tapjied  and  directed  to  the  Gulf  of  Tonquin.    The  expedition 
returned  to  Hongkong  (July  2,  1873),  having  successfully  pushed  . 
its  way  by  the  Red  River  route  from  Hanoi  by  way  of  Laokai  to-; 
Talifoo  in  Yunnan.     That  the  Hongkong  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
also  looked  to  the  opening  up  of  South-western  China  is  evidenced . 
by  the  above  mentioned  exploration  of  the  commercial  capabilities  r 
of  the  West  River,  undertaken  by  Mr.  Moss  in  1872.     Quite  a 
luimber  of  ports  in  different  countries  were  opened  to  Hongkong , 
commerce  during  this  period.     The  commercial  ports  of  Legasbi ; 
in  Albay  (Island  of  Luzon)  and  Taclobau  (Island  of  Leyte)  were 
apeued  by  the  Spaniards  (December  3,  1873)  and  so  also  the} 


THK  AI)M1N[8TKATI0N    OF  SlU  A.   E.   KENNKDY.  5 it) 

Tuiigkiiig  jK)rts  of  Hanoi  and  Haiphong-  (September  15,  1875) 
under  French  profceetiou,  the  Chinese  port  of  Hoihow  (on  Hainan 
Island)  forming  the  harbour  of  Kiungchow  (April  1,  1870),  and 
the   Annamese   port   of    Quinhon   (November    1,    1870).      New- 
steamship  lines  also   were  established   daring   this   time.     The 
China  Trans-Pacific  Steamship  Company  (December  30,   1873) 
brought    Hongkong    and    San    Francisco    still    nearer    together 
and  was  succeeded  on  this  line  by  the  Pacific;  ^lail  Steamship 
Company   (March  25,    1875)   and  the   Oriental  and  Occidental^ 
Steamship   Company  (May  27,   1875).      On  the  Canton  River, 
Messrs.   Butterfield   and   Swire   started  (Jidy   20,   1875)   a   new 
line  of  large  river-steamei's  to  run  side  by  side  with  the  older 
Company's    steamers    between    Canton    and    Hongkong.      The 
progress  made  by  the  Colony  in  the  direction  of  ship-building, 
is  indicated  by  the  completion  (October,  1875)  of  the_l^osmo~ 
IX)litan  Docks,  where  forthwith  a  small  steamer  \FooJcien^ o\  20(> 
tons  was  constructed  and   by  the    launching   ot'   twogunboaLs 
(January,    1877)   which    were   built   for   the   Chinese    Customs . 
Service,  one  by  Messrs.  Inglis  &  Co.,  at  Spring  Gardens,  and*: 
one  at  Captain  (I.   U.  Sands'  Patent  Sh'p  at  Westpoint.     The:' 
invention   bv   Dr.   Dennvs,  of   a   hvdraulic   cofferdam,   for   the: 
purpose  of  facilitating  repairs  to  the  hulls  of  ships  (Jnne  12,!* 
1873),  must  also  be  mentioned  in  this  coimection. 

Further  indications  of  progress  are  the  establishment  (Feli-i 
ruary,   1872)    of   a   new    Bank,   the   Comptoir   iVEscompte,   the^ 
formation  of  a  Volunteer  Fire  Brigade  (April  11,  1873)  under; 
the  auspices   of   the    Hongkong   Fire   Insurance   Company,   the 
establishment    of    the   exchange   of    Post    Office    money   ordered 
between  Hongkong  and  India  (August  28,  1875),  the  reduction 
of  postal  rates  on  letters  to  England  (July  1,  1876)  and  the  entry  • 
of  Hongkong  into  the  Postal  Union  on  payment  of  £3,150  per 
annum  (September  21,  187G),  and  finally  the  establishment  of 
a  steam  laundry  (January,  1877).     The  Rev.  J.  Lamont,  pastor 
of  Union  Church,  collected  in  Hongkong  and  forwarded  to  the 
British  Museum  (April  25.  1874)  a  collection  of  1,100  ditferenfc 
Hongkong  plants,  among  which  there  were  as  many  iis  90  different 


O20  CriAPTER  XX. 

species  of  Hongkong  ferns.  The  Government  also  published 
(January,  1877)  a  complete  alphabetical  catalogue,  compiled  by 
Mr.  C.  Ford,  of  the  plants  in  the  Public  Gardens. 

The  Chinese  community  shared  in  the  general  progress  of 
the  Colony.  Whilst  previously  the  Chinese  newspapers  of  the 
Colony  were  exclusively  under  foreign  management,  the  Chinese 
started  (March,  1873)  a  Company,  in  which  no  foreigner  was 
allowed  a  share,  for  the  purchase  of  the  London  Mission  type 
foundry,  and  published  forthwith  in  Chinese  a  newspaper  of 
their  own  (Universal  Circulating  Herald).  Another  instance  of 
Chinese  enterprise  is  the  attempt  made,  in  July  1873,  to  run 
steam-ferries  between  Hongkong  and  Kowloon  city,  though  the 
movement  was  stopped  at  the  time  through  the  action  of  the 
British  Consul  in  Canton,  who  represented  to  the  Viceroy  that 
the  ferry-boats  were  merely  intended  to  bring  customers  from 
Hongkong  to  the  Kowloon  gambling  houses.  That  Hongkong- 
had  risen  in  the  estimation  of  China,  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that 
the  Imperial  Government  of  China  condescended,  in  December, 
1874,  to  contract  a  loan  of  £600,000  at  8  per  cent,  with  the 
Hongkong  and  Shanghai  Bank  and  pledged  as  security  for 
the  loan  the  whole  of  the  revenues  of  the  Imperial  Maritime 
Customs. 

The  obituary  of  this  period  includes,  among  many,  the 
following  most  promiment  names  : — Lady  Kennedy,  who  died  in 
England  (October  1874)  highly  revered  by  Hongkong  residents 
jis  she  had  always  given  a  tone  of  gentleness  to  the  sterner 
rule  of  even  the  least  severe  Governor  of  Hongkong  ;  F.  Douglas 
(June,  1874),  for  over  12  years  Superintendent  of  the  Gaol; 
0.  B.  Falconer  (died  in  London,  August  5,  1875),  the  founder 
of  the  jewellers'  firm  of  the  same  name  ;  D.  R.  Caldwell  (October 
2,  1875),  formerly  Registrar  General  and  latterly  agent  and 
general  adviser  to  the  leading  members  of  the  Chinese  community 
by  whom  he  was  greatly  trusted  and  respected  ;  the  Hon. 
W.  H.  Alexander,  Registrar  of  Supreme  Court,  who  died  in 
Chefoo  (February  22,  1876) ;  Inspector  O'Brien  (July  21,  1876); 
Thomas  Green,  of  the  P.  &  0.   Company  (August  4,   1876)  ; 


THE  ADMINISTRATION'  OF  STll  A.  E.  KENNEDY.  521 

A.   Dalgarno,  of  the   Ordnance   Store   Department   (September 
14,    187G). 

When  the  time  came  for  Sir  A.  Kennedy's  departniv, 
■entlinsiastically  laudatory  addresses  were  presented  to  him  by 
the  Protestant  Missionaries,  by  the  Membei*s  of  Council,  and 
by  the  Cliinese  residents.  The  whole  community  testified  to 
the  regard  in  which  they  held  their  Governor  by  a  public  dinner 
given  (Februai'y  27,  1877)  in  his  honour  at  the  City  Hall. 
Sir  Arthur  started  from  Hongkong  (March  1,  1877)  to  take 
up  the  Governorship  of  Queensland,  leaving  behind  a  kindly 
message  to  the  Police  Force  and  a  farewell  address  to  the  whole 
community,  published  in  the  Gazette.  When  the  news  of  his 
death  (June  3,  1883),  on  board  the  mail-steamer  in  the  Red 
Sea,  reached  the  Colony,  a  public  meeting  resolved'  (July  14, 
1883)  to  erect  in  his  memory  the  statue  which  now  decorates 
the  Public  Gardens.  Sir  A.  Kennedy  indeed  was  in  the 
estimation  of  the  Colony  one  of  those  few  men  who  deserve  a 
statue  because  they  do  not  need  one.  It  was  acknowledged  that 
he  had  not  done  much,  but  he  had  made  himself  pleasant  to 
all  and  his  memory  was  cherished  by  the  Colonists  who  looked 
upon  him  as  the  Governor  *  who  I'uled  them  always  with  their 
own  consent.' 


CHAPTER  XXL 


Thk  Admin istratiox  of  Sir  Johx  Pope  Henx^j^y. 
Ajml  22,  1877,  to  March  7,  1882, 

l^^R.  (subsequently  Sir)  John  Pope  Henuessy,  C.M.G.,  arrived 
^A    ill   Hongkong  on   22nd   April,    1877,    too   late    in   the 
evening  to  take  the  oaths  of  office  on  the  same  day.     He  was 
welcomed  on   board  by  Major-General  Sir  F.  Colborne,  and  by 
the  Administrator,  the  Hon.  J.  G.  Austin,  and  on  landing,  at 
Murray  Pier,  by  the  Heads  of  Departments,  Members  of  Council, 
Bishop   Raimondi,   and    a    number    of    the    leading    residents. 
Mr.  Hennessy's  reception  in  Hongkong  was  not  an  enthusiastic  » 
one,  but  it  could  not  be  said  that  public  prejudice  welcomed  : 
him.     There  was,  indeed,  a  presentiment  that  troublous  times  • 
might  ensue,  but  there  was  also,  on  the  part  of  the  Eurbpeau  . 
connnunity,  the  honest  determination-  to  judge  of  his  adminis- ■ 
tration  as   they   might   find    it.      Mr.    Hennessy   had    enjoyed;> 
various  opportunities  of  gathering  experience.     He  had  sat,  as 
Member  for  King's  County,  in  the  House  of  Commons  (1850 
to   1805),   and    he   had    served   as    Governor   of   Labuan   and 
Consul-General   for   Borneo    (18G7),  as   Governor  of   the  West 
African  Settlements  (1872),  of  the  Bahamas  (1873),  and  of  the 
Windward  Islands  (1875).     Pending  the  issue  of  Letters  Patent, 
Mr.  Hennessy  had  now  been  appointed  provisionally  (March  12, 
1877)  as   Lieutenant-Governor   of   Hongkong,   and   accordingly 
he  was  sworn  in  as  such  (April  23,   1877),  on  the  day  after 
his  arrival.     On   this  occasion,  Mr.   Hennessy   volunteered   the 
announcement  that  he  would  endeavour  to  follow  the  footsteps 
of  his  distinguished  predecessor.  Sir  A.  Kennedy,  and  that  the 
main   policy   of    his    administration    would    be   to  protect   the 
mercantile  interests  of  this  Colony  which,  he  said,  rivalled  in 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIK  J.  P.  HENNESSY.  523- 

its  fcransactions  the  greatest  Colonies  of  the  world.  Six  weeks 
later,  the  Ijetters  Patent  (dated  April  10,  1877)  having  arrived, 
Mr.  Hennessy  was  sworn  in,  with  the  usual  solemnities,  as 
Governor  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  Hongkong  and  its 
Dependencies  (June  6,  1877). 

With  the  exception  of  a  visit  to  Japan  (May  31,  to  Sep- 
tember C,  1877)  and  a  trip  to  Peking  (September  11,  to  October 
24,  1881),  the  Governor  spent  his  whole  term  of  office  in 
Hongkong.  During  his  absence  in  Japan,  the  Hon.  ^Y.  H. 
Marsh,  and,  during  his  trip  to  Peking,  the  Hon.  M.  S.  Tonnochy 
administered  the  Government  temporarily.  On  22nd  April, 
1880,  Her  Majesty  was  pleased  to  confer  on  Mr.  Hennessy  the 
honour  of  knighthood,  which  fact  was  published  in  the  Hongkong 
Government  Gazette  by  anticipation  on  21st  April,  1880. 

Apart  from  private  correspondence  with  a  few  distinguished 
diplomatists  in  China  and  Japan,  Sir  John  Pope  Hennessy  lind, 
like   his   predecessor,   no   diplomatic    correspondence    with    the. 
representatives  of  other  Governments,  beyond  one  brief  exchange, 
of  notes  with  the  Governor  of  Macao.     A  Chinese  junk  having- 
properly  cleared  from  Hongkong  (November  29,  1877)  with  a 
cargo  of-  gunpowder    for    Macao,    was  stopped   by   the  officers 
of  the  Chinese  Customs  Blockade  on  issuing  from  the  harbour 
and  forced  to  return  to  Hongkong.     AVhen  the  owners  of  the- 
junk  complained  to  the   Governor,  they  were   informed  (June 
29,  1878)  that   the   Governor  could   not  interfere,  because  the 
Cantonese  Authorities  considered  ]\Iacao  to  be  a  part  of  China. 
This  reply  having  been  noticed  in  the  public  pajxji-s,  the  Go- 
vernor of  Macao  forthwith  addressed  an  official  protest  to  Sir 
John,  asserting  the  sovereignty  of  the  King  of  Portugal  over 
Macao  and  pointing  to  the  fact  that  all  the  nations  of  F^urope 
had   hitherto  recognized   it,  and   so  also   the   Chinese   officials,, 
while  the  flag  of  Portugal  had  waved  over  the  peninsula  for  300 
years.     Sir  John  replied  that  he  did  not  lend  any  countenance 
to  the  Chinese  pretensions  to  the  sovereignty  of  Macao. 

During  this  administration,  the  Colony  had  unfortunately, 
repeated  occasions  of  expressing  sympathy  with  the  inroad  ^vhick 


524  CHAPTER  XXI. 

-death  made  among  the  Courts  of  European  nations.  The  flags 
of  the  Colony  were  at  half-mast,  and  minute  guns  were  fired, 
on  the  decease  of  the  Queen  of  the  Netherlands  (January  13, 
1877),  the  King  of  Italy  (January  15,  1878),  Princess  Alice 
(December  18,  1878),  Czar  Alexander  II  (March  14,  1881)  and 
President  Garfield  (September  20,  1881).  In  striking  contrast 
with  his  predecessor,  who  took  no  notice  of  the  death  of  the 
Emperor  of  China,  Sir  John  ordered  the  flags  of  the  Colony  to 
be  lowered  and  21  minute  guns  to  be  fired  (April  23,  1881)  on 
the  death  of  the  Chinese  Empress  Dowager,  the  event  being 
solemnly  announced  in  the  Gazette.  Sir  John  also  attended 
officially  at  celebrations,  in  honour  of  the  birthday  of  the  King 
of  Portugal  (October  31,  1878)  and  of  the  second  anniversary 
of  the  coronation  of  Pope  Leo  XIII  (March  3,  1880),  held  at 
the  Roman  Catholic  Cathedral. 

In  the  way  of  hospitable  entertainment  of  the  representatives 
of  foreign  Powers,  Sir  John  had  even  more  to  do  than  his  prede- 
cessors. Of  Chinese  officials,  there  came  the  Hoppo  Tsun  Kai 
(May  11,  1878);  Chen  Lan-pin,  Minister  to  the  United  States, 
Spain  and  Cuba  (June  o,  1878);  Chung  How,  the  Ambassador 
to  St.  Petersburg  (November  11,  1878  and  November  20,  1870); 
Liu  Wan-shung,  Minister  to  Germany  (November  11,  1878);  the 
Canton  Viceroy,  Liu  Kwan-yih  (January  25,  1880):  finally,  the 
new  Hoppo  Chung  Kwan  (April  10,  1881).  There  were  also  a 
good  many  foreign  dignitaries  whom  Sir  John  had  the  honour  to 
entertain  in  one  way  or  other.  General  U.  S.  Grant,  the  hero 
of  the  American  Civil  War,  arrived  in  Hongkong  (April  30, 
1879),  was  entertained  at  a  state  dinner  at  Government  House 
(May  3,  1870),  spent  a  few  days  in  Canton  and  Macao  (5th  to 
10th  May),  was  presented  with  an  address  by  the  Chinese  (May 
12,  1879),  but  had  to  leave  Hongkong  before  the  garden  party, 
nvith  illuminations  and  fire-works,  which  the  foreign  community 
liad  arranged  in  his  honour,  could  come  off.  The  next  visitor 
was  Prince  Thomas  of  Savoy  (Duke  of  Genoa)  who  arrived 
in  the  Frigate  Vittore  Pessani  (June  23,  1879,  and  again  in 
1880).     Prince  Heinrich  of  Prussia  arrived  in  the  Yv\g?itQ'Prinz 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  P.  HENNESSY.  52(> 

Adalbert  (May  1,  1880),  assisted  at  the  unveiling  of  the  portrait 
of  the  Prince  Consort  at  Government  Honse  (May  7,  1883)  and 
acted  as  joint  host  with  the  Governor  in  receiving  the  Duke  of 
Genoa  and  the  community  of  Hongkong-  at  Government  Honso 
on  the  occasion  of  Her  Majesty's  birthday  (May  24,  1880). 
Next  year  King  Kalakan,  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  arrived  in 
Hongkong  (April  12,  1881),  and  stayed  at  Government  House. 
Mr.  C.  P.  Chater  gave  a  public  banquet  in  his  honour  (April  18* 
1881)  at  Kowloon,  and  a  public  reception  was  held  on  the  same 
evening  at  Government  House.  The  King  left  for  Bangkok  a 
few  days  later  (April  21,  1881),  not  without  having  had  a  taste 
of  the  bitter  feeling  existing  at  the  time  between  the  Governor 
and  the  British  community.  The  greatest  event,  however,  was 
the  arrival  (December  20,  1881)  of  the  Detached  Squadron  with 
the  Princes  Albert  Victor  and  George  of  Wales  on  board  the 
Bacchante.  A  ball  was  given  in  honour  of  the  Royal  visitors 
at  Government  House  (December  22,  1881)  and  the  town  was 
festively  illumined  (December  24,  1881),  but  the  public  had  no 
opportunity  of  seeing  the  Princes,  until  December  30,  1881, 
when,  after  calling  at  Government  House,  and  taking  lunch  there, 
the  Princes  attended  in  the  evening  a  public  subscription  ball 
given  at  the  City  Hall.  The  Princes,  having  previously  visited 
Canton  (26th  to  29th  December),  left  Hongkong  on  the  last  day 
of  the  year.  The  visits  of  the  ex-Governor,  Viscount  de  Paco 
d'Arcos,  of  Macao  (October  31,  1879),  of  his  successor  Senhor 
da  Gra9a  (November  2G,  1879),  and  of  the  Brazilian  Embassy 
to  Peking  (May  28,  1880)  conclude  the  list  of  foreign  represen- 
tatives entertained  at  Hongkong  during  this  period. 

A  new  Charter,  issued  by  Letters  Patent  (April  9,  1877), 
revoked  the  Supplementary  Charter  of  June  8,  1875,  and 
defined  the  constitution,  power  and  authorities  of  the  office 
of  Governor,  stated  that  Members  of  Executive  Council  may 
be  appointed  by  "Warrant  or  by  Instructions,  and  added  to 
the  power  of  granting  pardons  also  that  of  remitting  fines. 
The  new  Charter  further  revoked  Article  XI.  of  the  Charter 
of  1843  and  stated  that,  in  case  of  death,  incapacity  or  absence 


\526  CHAPTER  XXT. 

•of  the  Goveriiov,  the  Govern menfc  should  be  administered  bj 
the  Lieutenant-Governor  or  by  an  Administrator  appointed  for 
the  purpose,  or  by  the  CJolonial  Secretary  for  the  time  being. 
One  new  Sub-Department,  that  was  much  needed  and  did 
good  work  thereafter,  was  established  by  Sir  John  (February 
1,    1881),    viz.     that    of     the    Government    Marine    Surveyor 

.  (J.  S.  Brewer),  under  the  ^Icrchant  Shipping  Consolidation 
Ordinance  (8  of  1879).  The  attempt  (November  IG,  1878) 
to  form  a  new  office  of  Chinese  Secretary  to  the  Governor  and 
Translator  to  the  Colonial  Secretary  (E.  J.  Eitel)  failed  to  gain 

•  the  approval  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  the  office  which 
the  latter  substituted  for  it,  viz.  that  of  Supervisor  of  Interpreters 
and  Translator  for  the  Supreme  Court  (N'ovember  25,  1881) 
hardly  outlasted  this  adaiinistration.  To  the  management  of 
the  Government  Gazette,  Sir  John  gave  much  painstaking 
attention.  He  combined  the  separate  editions  of  the  English 
aod  Chinese:  issues  of  the  Gazette  into  one  (January  1,  1870) 
ajid  had  every  document,  that  could  be  of  any  interest  to  the 

/.Chinese,  translated  in  the  Gazette,  the  English  and  Chinese 
texts  being  placed  side  by  side  in  parallel  columns.  In  the 
Police  Department,  the  vacant  office  of  Assistant  Superintendent 
of  Police  was  abolished  by  the  Secretary  of  State  (January  ?»0, 
1879).  A  more  important  change  was  made  by  Sir  John 
(March  17,  187.9),  by  ordering  two-thirds  of  the  Police  Force 
io  be  always  placed  on  night  duty.  The  Superintendent  of 
Police  himself  reported  three  months  later  (July  1,  1879)  that 
this  measure  had  a  decidedly  beneficial  effect  in  diminishing  the 
amount  of  crime.     The  employment  of  steam-launches  (1879), 

.the  removal  of  the  Water  Police  from  the  rotten  hulk  in  tlie 
harbour  to  the  new  Tsimshatsui  Station  (1881),  together  with 
the  numerical  increase  of  the  Force,  were  steps  of  progress 
which   the   Governor   reluctantly  conceded   to   the   demands  of 

.the  Sui3erintendent.  The  subject  of  competitive  examinations 
was  a  favourite  topic  with  Sir  John,  who  announced  (May  28, 

•1877),   shortly   after    his   arrival,    that,   as  a   general   rule,   all 

.appointments  at  his  disposal  in  the  Civil  Service  of  this  Colony 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  J.  V.   HENXK.S.SY.  527 

would    be    given    by   a    system    of   competitive   examinations, 

,  similar  to  tliat  which  had  been  established  for  the  Civil  Service 
of  the  United  Kingdom  by  Her  Majesty's  Order  in  Council 
of  June  4,  1870.  To  stimulate  the  study  of  the  Chinese 
language,  Sir  John  published  (February  4,  1881)  an  extract 
from  an  old  dispatch  by  Sir.  (xcorge  Grey  (April  28,  1855) 
stating  that,  as  a  rule,  subject  only  to  very  s^iecial  exceptions, 
no  application  for  increase,  of,  salary  in  the  Civil  Service  of 
Hongkong  was  to  be  made  for.  any  person  who  had  not  learnt 

•Chinese.  He  also  published  a  notification  issued  (July  2,  1855) 
by  order  of  Sir  J.  Bowring  to  the  effect  that,  in  claims  foi- 
promotion,   a   knowledge    of    Chinese    would    be   considered    a 

.  reconmiendation.  But  the  Board  of  Examinei*s,  specially 
appointed  by  Sir  A.  Kennedy,  was  quietly  shelved  by  Sir  .). 
Pope  Htinnessy.  At  first,  indeed,  he  recognized  the  existence  of 
the  Board,  by  publishing  (April  27,   1877)  the  names  of  the 

.  Members  (C.  0.  Smith,  F.  Stewart,  J.  Russell,  E.  J.  Eitel  and 
A.  Lister),  but  a  month  later  lie  ignored  the  existence  of  the 
Board  by  appointing,  without  apparent  reason,  for  the  first  of  the 
new  competitive  examinations  (June  2,  1877)  a  separate  Board 
(Bishop  Burdon,  C.  C.  Smith,  and  Xg  Choy),  and  did  so  again 
for  the  next  examination  (June  19,  1877)  when  three  exam inei*s 

•  (Bishop  Burdon,  Ch.  May,  and  Ng  Choy)  were  appointed. 
AVhen   the  original   Board   thereupon  sent  in  their  resignation 

.  (July  18,  1877),  it  was  not  accepted,  but  a  separate  Board  was 
thenceforth  appointed  for  every  competitive  examinatif»n. 
The  Gardens  and  Afforestation  Department,  which  in  1872  had 

•  l3een  treated  as  a  separate  Department,  but  in  1873  placed 
under  the  joint  control  of  the  Surveyor  General  and  a  Garden 
Committee,  was  (February  .S,  1877),  before  Governor  Hennessy's 

■  arrival,  again  made  a  branch  of  the  Survey  Department  by  the 
dissolution  of  the  Garden  Committee.  The  result  was  considerable 
friction,  which  continued  until  the  management  of  the  Gardens 

.  and  Plantations  was  once  more  constituted  a  sejxirate  Department 

•  (March  15,   1879).    A  report,  giving  a  history  of  the  former 
.dissensions,  was  published  in  the   Gazette   (October  16,  1879) 


528  CHAPTER  XXI. 


o 


bub  subsequently  (February  5,  1881)  cancelled  by  order  of  the- 
Secretary  of  State.  An  Order  of  the  Privy  Council  (October  23^ 
1877)  directed  that  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Supreme  Court 
should  include  crimes  and  offences  committed  by,  or  disputes 
existing  between,  British  subjects  at  any  place  on  land  being 
within  10  miles  of  any  part  of  the  Colony.  The  defalcations 
of  the  Deputy  Registrar  of  the  Supreme  Court,  discovered  in 
October  1878,  gave  a  sudden  and  painful  shock  to  the  com- 
munity, because  the  investigation  revealed  a  total  absence 
of  control  and  audit  in  the  Supreme  Court  Department,  for 
which  the  latter  blamed  the  Executive,  while  the  Executive 
sought  to  lay  the  blame  on  the  Court.  Sir  John  appointed 
(September  14,  1878)  a  Commission  (Ch.  May,  G.  Philippo, 
A.  Lind,  W.  Wotton)  to  inquire  into  the  management  of  all* 
monies  or  securities  coming  into  the  hands  of  any  officers  attached 
to  the  Supreme  Court,  but  substituted,  for  this  Commission, 
later  on  (November  7,  1878)  another  (Ch.  May,  G.  Philippo, 
Th.  Jackson,  W.  Wotton),  instructed  to  inquire  whether  or 
not  greater  precautions  may  be  adopted  for  the  security  and 
distribution  of  moneys  or  securities  received  by  the  Supreme . 
Court.  In  accordance  with  some  of  the  recommendations  made 
by  this  Commission  (May  25,  1879),  the  office  arrangements 
of  the  Supreme  Court  were  remodelled  and  a  new  Registrar 
(H.  Gibbons)  was  sent  out  (April  14,  1880)  by  the  Secretary 
of  State.  But  internal  friction  now  arose  in  the  Court,  through 
continuous  misunderstandings  between  the  Chief  Justice  and  the 
new  Registrar,  which  culminated  in  a  lamentable  public  scene 
(July  2C,  1880),  and  put  a  stop  to  the  business  of  the  Court 
until  the  Registrar  was  interdicted  (July  80,  1880)  from  the 
performance  of  his  duties.  After  the  great  fire  of  25th  and 
26th  December,  1878,  which  destroyed  301  houses  in  the  centre 
of  the  town,  and  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  community 
demonstrated  the  absence  of  all  system  in  the  management  of 
the  Fire  Brigade,  Sir  John  promised  (January  18,  1870)  various 
reforms.  But  nothing  of  any  moment  having  been  done,  the 
foreign  community  deputed  a  Committee  (W.  Keswick,  Ph.  Ryrie,„ 


THE  ADMlNLSTltATION   OF  SIR  J.  P.  HKNNKSSY.  52& 

Th.  Jiic-kson,  W.  H.  Forbes,  H.  Hoppins,  AV.  Reiners,  *\.  B. 
Ooughtrie  and  E.  F.  Alford)  to  urge  upon  the  Governor  the 
appointment  of  a  skilled  liremaster,  the  employment  of  jiaid  fire- 
men, and  the  desirability  of  an  adequate  supply  of  \vat(!r.  Sir 
John  promised  to  get  a  skilled  liremaster  from  England  and  to 
provide,  if  possible,  high  level  tanks  and  lire  brigade  mains. 
The  question  of  the  water  supply  was,  however,  a  financial  one, 
and  j)euding  the  consideration  of  the  two  alternative  schemes 
thus  put  forward,  viz.  the  Taitam  reservoir  scheme  and  this  new 
project  of  tanks  for  fire  brigade  mains,  the  re-organization  of 
the  Fire  Brigade  was  suspended,  and  meanwhile  neither  of  the 
two  water  supply  projects  was  carried  out.  Beyond  the  pur(;hase 
of  a  new  tire-bell  for  the  Clock  Tower  (July  12,  1880),  the 
supply  of  new  uniforms  for  the  brigades  in  town  and  villages 
(July  19,  1880),  and  the  publication,  in  English  and  Chinese, 
of  the  old  Fire  Brigade  Ordinance  (4  of  18()8)  and  a  series  of 
rcjfulations  issued  under  that  Ordinance  (October  5,  1880),  the 
Fire  Brigade  question  was  left  in  ."^tatu  qw).  There  were  other 
Departments  of  the  Pnblic  Service,  between  the  Heads  of  which 
and  the  Governor  there  was  said  to  be  constant  friction,  but 
the  disputes  did  not  force  themselves  upon  pnblic  attention, 
thounrh  as  early  as  October  7,  1880,  one  of  the  resolutions  of 
the  public  meeting  of  that  date  specially  desired  a  Commission 
from  outside  the  Colony  to  be  appointed, .  in  order  to  inquire, 
among  other  things,  'into  the  relations  between  the  Governor 
and  his  officials.' 

The  Legislative  Council  Chamber  was  the  arena  of  almost 
perpetual  strife.  \\\  several  ciises  even  the  election,  by  the 
Governor,  of  new  Members  of  Council  impressed  the  British 
community  as  an  intended  affront.  In  October,  1878,  when  the 
Surveyor  General  (J.  M.  Price)  applied  for  leave  of  absence,  and 
the  Registrar  General  (C.  C.  Smith)  proceeded  (October  17, 1878) 
to  Singapore  to  take  up  the  appointment  of  Colonial  Secretary 
of  the  Straits  Settlements,  the  foreign  community  of  Hongkong, 
whilst  wondering  how  Sir  John  would  reply  to  the  damnatory 
resolutions  of  the  public  meeting  of  7th  October,  1878,  were 

34 


,530  CHAPTER  XXI. 

Startled  by  the  news  thtit.'  Mr.  J.  A.  xla  Carvallio,  a  worthy 
Portuguese  clerk  in  l^lie  Treasury,  had  been  appointed  Actini^ 
Colonial  Treasurer  with  a  seat  on  the  Council.  The  appointment 
had,  however,  to  be  revoked,  as  it  was  found  that  Mr.  Carvalho, 
Ji)eino-  an  alien,  could  not  take  the  oath  of  alle.iiiance.  A  similar 
surprise  was  sprang  upon  the  Colony  on  22nd  January,  1880. 
The  Hon.  H.  B.  Gibb  left  the  Colony  on  that  day  and,  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  events,  his  seat  in  the  Council  would  have 
been  given  again  to  Mr.  H.  Lowcock,  who  had  returned  from 
England:  but,  to  the  surprise  of  the  community,  Sir  John  gave 
ifche  appointment  to  a  Chinese  barrister,  Mr.  Ng  Choy  (January 
22,  1880).  These  two  appointments  were  interpreted  by  the 
English  community  as  attempts  to  gain  the  favour  of  the  Portu- 
guese and  Chinese  sections  of  the  community,  to  create  an 
anti-English  party  feeling,  and  to  strengthen  pei-sonal  government. 
8omc  years  later  another  vacancy  in  the  Council  was  tilled,  in  an 
unobjectionable  manner,  by  giving  a  seat  in  the  Council  to  Mr. 
E.  R.  Belilios,  one  of  the  two  leading  Indian  opium  merchants 
of  the  Colony,  who  had  favourably  distinguished  himself  as  a 
Director  of  the  Honskong  and  Shan o'hai  Iknk. 

A  proviso  was  added  (May  23,  1877y  to  the  Companies' 
Ordinance  of  18G5,  that  the  amount  to  Avhich  shares  may  be 
reduced  by  subdivision  shall  in  no  case  be  less  than  one-fourth 
of  the  original  share.  With  the  approval  of  Lord  Carnarvon 
the  Bill  (I  of  1877)  was  passed  (June  21,  1877).  This  was  the 
only  legislative  measure  of  the  year  1877.  Next  year  three  very 
brief  Ordinances  were  passed,  viz.  a  Chinese  Enn'gration  (Special 
Licenses)  Ordinance  (1  of  1878),  a  Gaol  Amendment  Ordinance 
consisting  of  one  paragraph  (2  of  1878)  and  a  Markets'  Ordinance 
(3  of  1878).  More  work  was  done  in  the  year  1879.  Two 
Opium  Excise  Ordinances  (1  of  1879  and  7  of  1879),  an  Amend- 
ment of  the  Emigration  Ordinance  (G  of  1879)  and  a  bulky 
Merchant  Shipping  Consolidation  Ordinance  (8  -of  1879)  were 
passed  in  1879,  but  had  to  be  further  amended  in  the  year  1880. 
lu  the  latter  year  a  short  Ordinance  (6  of  1880),  giving  the 
French  mail-steamers  the  status  of  men-of-war  for  twelve  months. 


THK  ADMIXISTllATIOX  OF  SIR  J.  P.  IIENXESSV.  531 

was  passed  and  thenceforth  annually  re-enacted.  A  Naturali- 
zation Ordinance  (4  of  1880),  giving  a  European  resident  (E.  J. 
Eitel)  the  privileges  of  a  British  subject  within  the  Colony 
but  not  elsewhere,  having  been  approved  by  the  Queen,  was  in 
.subsequent  years  followed  by  an  annual  batch  of  such  Ordinances, 
as  Chinese  residents  now  began  to  attribute  great  value  to  such 
naturalization,  limited  as  it  is.  A  few  more  Ordinances  were 
passed  in  the  year  1881,  dealing  with  Macao  Extradition  (1  of 
1881),  the  Census  (2  of  1881),  the  naturalization  of  Chinese 
(5  to  10  of  1881),  banishment  and  conditional  pardons  (12  of 
1881)  and  a  fresh  Amendment  of  the  Companies'  Ordinance 
(14  of  1881).  Finally,  in  January,  1882,  a  Tramway  Ordinance 
(1  of  1882)  provided  for  liberty  to  establish  tramways  all  along 
from  "Westpoint  to  Shaakiwan  and  from  St.  John's  Place  to 
A^ictoria  Gap. 

Bat    although   the   legislative   work   done   by   the    (^ouncil 

•  during  this  period  pi'oduced  comparatively  little  fruit,  thci-c 
was  much  in  the  way  of  leives  and  the  leaves  were  prickly. 
The    Council    meetings    were    not    frequent    but   lengthy,   the 

•attention  of  the  Members  being  largely  occupied  by  Sir  John 
with  exhaustive  laudations  of  the  financial,  commercial  and 
industrial  progress  of  the  Colony.  Frequently  also  the  time 
of    the    Council    was    monopolized    by    polemical    debates    on 

.assumed  local  race  prejudices,  on  the  proper  treatment  of 
Chinese  criminals  and  on  the  general  principles  of  Sir  John's 
policy.  Instead  of  making  the  most  of  those  points  on  which 
all  were  agreed,  these  discussions  only  served  to  bring  into 
prominence,   and    to    widen    year    by  year,   the   breach    which 

•  the  Governor  had  created  in  the  relations  existing  between 
him   and   the   European   community.      As  to  the    constitution 

-of  the  Council,  the  Hon.  Ph.  Ryrie  (February  20,  1880)  brought 
forward  the  question  whether  the  Governor  would  recommend 
an  addition  to  the  number  of  unofficial  Members,  on  the 
ground  that  the  proportion  of  three  unofficial  to  five  official 
Members   (beside  the  Governor)  was  unsatisfactory.    Sir  John 

..stated  that  he  had  already  made  the  same  recommendation  to 


tS2 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


the  Secretary  of  State,  suggesting  that  the  number  of  uuoffieiaf 
Membei-s  be  raised  to  four  or  five.  Next  year  (August  8,  1881) 
another  unofficial  Meml)er  was  accordingly  added  (E.  R.  Belilios)^ 
The  old  complaint  of  insufficient  time  being  allowed  to  unofficial 
Members,  to  examine  the  Estimates,  was  once  moie  brought 
forward  (August  31,  1880),  and  it  was  further  arranged  that^ 
if  any  general  discussion  were  thought  desirable,  it  might  be 
raised  on  the  motion  to  go  into  Committee.  The  question 
of  a  proper  system  for  reporting  the'  debates  in  Council  was^ 
also  raised  (August  23,  1881")  by  the  unofficial  Memlx?rs 
who  suggested  the  employment  of  an  official  short-hand  reporter. 
Sir  John  promised  to  take  the  matter  into  consideration,  but 
no  such  appointment  was  made.  Another  much  needed 
snsrgestion  was  made  bv  the  Actinor  Chief  Justice  who  moved 
(June  13,  1881)  that  the  repeal,  amendment  and  consolidation 
of  a  laro^e  number  of  the  Ordinances  in  force  in  the  Colonv 
had  become  a  work  of  urgent  necessity.  Sir  John  stated  that 
he  had  placed  the  matter  some  time  ago  into  the  hands  of 
tlie  Attorney  General,  and  stejis  would  soon  be  taken  to  revise 
and  consolidate  the  Ordinances. 

As  regards  judicial  matters,  the  admission  to  the  local  bar 
(May  18,  1877)  of  the  first  Chinaman  (Ng  Choy)  who  had 
adopted  the  law  as  his  profession,  deserves  special  mention.. 
Tlie  admission  to  the  bar  of  Mr.  J.  J.  Francis  (April  16,  1877) 
added  new  zest  to  the  loc-al  displays  of  forensic  elociuence.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  departure  from  the  Colony  of  the  Chief 
Justice.  Sir  John  Smale  (April  11,  1881),  and  of  the  Queen's 
Counsel,  :Mr.  Th.  C.  Hayllar  (January  23,  1882)  who  had 
repeatedly  served  iis  Attorney  General  and  Puisne  Judge,  deprived 
the  Colony  of  two  of  its  brightest  legal  luminaries.  Among  the 
cases  tried  in  Court  during  this  period,  the  interest  of  the 
community  was  specially  attracted  by  the  trial  of  two  engineers^ 
of  the  coast  steamer  Yesso  who  were  convicted  (January  29. 
1878)  of  manslaughter  on  account  of  the  explosion  of  a  boiler : 
by  the  Kate  Waters  case,  in  which  three  Malays  wefe  convlct^l 
ttud  sentenced  to  death  (May  13,  1879)  iiavrng  murdered  their 


T}IE  ADMIXISTKATIOX  OF  .Sill  J.   P.  HENXESSY.  533 

-captain,  mates  and  Chinese  crew  on  the  high  sea;  and  by  a  Club 
•<iase  (April  8,  1881)  testini^  the  rio:ht  of  the  Committee  of  the 
Honi^kong  Chib  to  expel  members.  In  May,  1879,  the  Chief 
.Fustice  decided  a  question  of  considerable  importance  to  com- 
mercial men,  by  laying  down,  in  the  strongest  terms,  that  a 
•comprador,  receiving  no  wages  directly  from  his  employer  but 
remunerating  himself  out  of  commissions  paid  by  customers,  is 
essentially  a  servant,  no  matter  how  he  may  receive  an  equivalent 
of  wages.  For  the  benefit  of  journalists,  the  Chief  Justice  defined 
(December  12,  1870)  the  rights  and  liabilities  of  newspaper 
proprietors.  As  to  the  exceptional  status  claimed  by  the  French 
mail-steamers,  an  important  decision  was  given  (January  7,  1880) 
by  the  Chief  Justice,  when  the  local  Opium  Farmer  applied  for 
n  search  warrant  against  the  S.S.  Anadi/r,  The  Chief  Justice 
ruled  that  the  French  mail-steamer  was  not  a  vessel  within  the 
meaning  of  the  Convention  concluded  (September  24,  185C) 
l)etween  England  and  France,  but  the  property  of  a  private 
Company:  that  even  if  she  was  a  national  vessel,  no  legislative 
.-.sanction  had  been  given  to  the  terms  (if  the  Convention,  and 
that  it  was  not  competent  for  the  Crown  to  deprive  a  subject 
of  his  right  as  against  any  vessel  without  legislative  sanction ; 
that,  assuming  the  vessel  was  within  the  terms  of  the  Convention, 
that  Convention  only  applied  to  vessels  carrying  the  mails 
between  the  ports  of  England  and  France,  and  Shanghai  being 
neither  a  French  nor  an  English  port,  a  vessel  on  a  voyage 
i)etween  Shanghai  and  Hongkong  did  not  come  under  the  terras 
-("»f  the  Convention  until  the  mails  were  put  on  board  in  Hong- 
kono: :  that,  finallv,  the  vessel  covered  a  breach  of  a  fiscal 
Ordinance,  that  is,  covered  smuggling  which  is  contrary  to  the 
-comity  of  nations  and  an  abuse  of  iiiternational  immunities. 
A  search  warrant  against  the  Aaadi/r  was  accordingly  issued, 
l)ut  the  French  Consul  declined  to  give  any  assistance,  and  the 
vessel  sailed  for  Singapore  without  any  search  having  been  made. 
The  population  of  Hongkong  increased,  during  this  period, 
from  180,108  Chinese  in  1877,  to  150,690  Chinese  in  1881, 
whilst  the  non-Chinese  population  increased  during  those  same 


534'  CHAPTER  XXI. 

years  from  8,D70  to  9,622.     The  total  population  of  the  Colony 
Increased  therefore  during  those  five  years  by  21,258  souls. 

The  revenue  of  the  Colony  increased  proportionately.  The- 
revenues  of  1877  amounted  to  511,005,312,  and  those  of  1880  to^ 
$1,009,947,  while  the  revenue  of  1881,  owing  to  particular  and 
exceptional  causes,  rose  to  $1,324,455.  Going  into  particulars,, 
we  find  that  the  revenues  of  the  Colony,  which  in  1870  had  stood 
at  $919,088  increased  in  1877  by  $86,224.  But  in  1878  the 
revenue  fell  off  again  by  $57,074.  Another  increase,  amounting 
to  $16,457,  occurred  in  1879,  followed  in  1880  by  an  increase- 
amounting  to  $105,852,  and  in  1881  by  a  further,  most  extra- 
ordinary, increase  of  $254,508,  so  that  the  revenue  of  1881 
totalled  up  to  the  above-mentioned  respectable  sum  of  $1,324,455. 
The  difference  which  this  rapid  development  of  the  financial-' 
resources  of  the  Colony,  during  this  administration,  presents 
when  compared  with  the  sluggishness  of  the  revenues  during  the 
preceding  five  years,  is  very  striking.  The  only  question  is  how 
this  enormous  increase  accrued. 

The  annual  variations  of  the  revenue  derived  from  the 
working  of  the  Stamp  Ordinance  naturally  depend  on  the  state  of 
the  share  market.  There  was  in  1877,  through  the  establishment 
of  a  Chinese  Stamp  Agency  and  through  prosecutions  instituted' 
against  Chinese  evading  the  Stamp  Ordinance,  an  increase^ 
amounting  to  $24,951,  in  the  yield  of  the  stamp  tax  as  compared 
with  1870.  A  further  small  increase,  amounting  to  $8,584  was 
obtained  in  1878,  followed  in  1879  by  a  decrease  of  $12,307 
which  the  Blue  Book  explains  as  caused  by  a  decrease  in  the 
transfer  of  shares.  In  1880  there  was  a  small  increase  of  $5,913. 
AVe  see  therefore  that  during  the  first  four  years  of  this  admini- 
stration the  annual  yield  of  the  stamp  tax  varied  very  little, 
being  $120,950  in  1877  and  $120,678  in  1880.  But  in  1881,  the- 
precise  year  during  which  an  extraordinary  mania  for  gambling 
in  land  and  house  property  seized  the  Chinese,  the  stamp  tax 
suddenly  produced  $165,340,  constituting  an  increase  of  $44,601. 
In  1882  the  yield  of  the  stamp  tax  fell  again  by  $18,360  and 
the  Blue   Book  of  that  year  states  that   'this  larae  decrease- 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  J.  P.   HENNKSSY.  535 

is  entirely  due   to   the   collapse   of   the   land   speculations   of 
last  year.' 

The  yield  of  the  police,  lighting,  water  and  fire  brigade 
rates  rose  in  1877  to  $194,838,  constituting  an  increase  of 
$14,945  as  compared  with  the  year  1876.  This  increase  i» 
explained  in  the  Blue  Book  as  caused  by  an  increase  in  the 
number  of  tenements.  In  1878  there  was  a  further  small 
increase  amounting  to  $7,060,  followed  in  the  year  1879  by  a 
large  decrease  amounting  to  ^26,583  which  Sir  John  accounted 
for  by  a  lower  valuation  having  been  fixed  bv  the  valuators  for 
the  year.  Xext  year,  in  1880,  the  yield  of  the  rates  rose  again 
by  $59,215,  explained  by  the  restoration  of  the  former  higher 
valuation.  In  1881,  the  rates  fell  off  slightly,  there  being  a 
decrease  of  $8,761.  There  was  therefore  little  development  in 
respect  of  rates  on  tenements,  as  the  yield  of  the  rates,  which  in 
1881  produced  $221,796,  was  only  $26,958  above  the  produce 
of  the  same  rates  in   1877. 

As  to  the  land  revenue,  the  produce  of  land  leases  was 
$123,064  in  1877,  constituting  an  increase  of  only  $2,950  as 
compared  with  the  results  of  the  preceding  year.  Nor  was 
there  any  more  variation  in  subsequent  years,  for  the  yield  of 
land  leases  in  1881  was  $123,115,  shewing  an  increase  of  $51. 
But  as  to  the  yield  of  premia  on  leases  newly  granted,  the  case 
is  very  different.  From  this  source  there  was,  in  1877,  through 
extensive  land  sales  arranged  by  order  of  the  Governor,  an 
increase  amounting  to  $72,158.  But  in  1878  there  followed 
a  decrease  amounting  to  $73,958,  another  decrease  of  $9,624  in 
1879,  and  again  a  slight  increase  of  $4,590  in  1880.  Now 
considering  that  the  premia  on  land  newly  granted  amounted  in 
1878  to  $11,031,  in  1879  to  $1,407  and  in  1880  to  $5,998,  it  is 
rather  startling  to  find  that  these  premia  suddenly  rose  in  1881 
to  $203,659.  Sir  John,  in  his  speeches  and  official  documents, 
laboured  hard  to  shew  that  this  extraordinary  increase  of  revenue 
was  the  sober  result  of  the  natural  and  healthy  progress  of  the 
Colony.  The  mania  for  gambling  in  land,  which  was  the  rage 
all  through  the  year  1881,  is  the  real  solution  of  the  puzzle. 


536  CHAPTER  XXI. 

The  revenue  derived  from  the  opium  monopoly  amounted 
in  1877  and  1878  to  |132,000  a  year,  which  was  less,  by  $1,500, 
than  the  amount  derived  from  the  same  source  in  1876.  This 
monopoly,  which  had  all  along  been  held  by  a  Chinese  syndicate 
in  Hongkong  at  an  unfairly  low  rate,  was  sold  by  public  tenders* 
in  1879,  to  a  partner  of  the  Singapore  Syndicate  (Tan  King- 
sing),  in  a  manner  with  which  the  public  was  not  satisfied, 
at  an  increase  of  no  more  than  $77,916.  At  the  next  sale 
(February  11,  1882),  the  farm  was  sold,  for  one  year,  for  the 
sum  of  $210,000,  being  virtually  the  same  amount  as  that 
obtained  in  1879. 

It  appears  from  the  foregoing  analysis  of  the  principal 
sources  of  local  revenue,  that,  whilst  there  was  as  regards  mtes 
on  tenements  and  opium  a  moderate  increase  of  revenue  spread 
over  the  whole  period  and  commensurate  with  the  natural 
increase  of  the  population,  there  was  in  respect  of  stamp  duties 
and  premia  on  leases  newly  granted  an  unnatural  sudden  increase, 
derived  from  the  one  and  the  same  source,  viz.  dealings  in  land, 
and  confined  to  one  and  the  same  year,  1881.  Early  in  the  year 
1881,  the  Chinese  residents  of  Hongkong  were  seized  by  a  mania 
for  speculating  in  land  and  in  house  properties.  This  frenzy 
lasted  until  October,  1881,  when  the  bubble  burst  and  a  general 
panic  ensued.  The  value  of  the  properties,  which  had  been 
unduly  inflated  by  the  Chinese  speculators,  then  fell  suddenly 
some  15  per  cent,  and  great  depression  followed.  The  Chinese, 
and  principally  those  among  them  whom  Sir  John  had  looked 
upon  as  the  leading  men  of  the  Chinese  community,  were  the 
principal  sufferers  by  this  collapse  of  the  land  speculations, 
the  Government  and  British  and  foreign  residents  havino^  been 
in  most  cases  the  original  sellers,  after  which  the  properties 
<;hanged  hands  rapidly  at  ever-increasing  rates,  until  at  last  a 
<leadlock  ensued  from  want  of  funds.  The  collapse  of  the  bubble 
was  followed  in  1882  by  numerous  bankruptcies  and  endless 
litigation.  On  the  whole,  however,  the  results  were  far  less 
disastrous  than  might  have  been  anticipated,  the  depreciation  in 
j'cal  values  being  comparatively  slight.      Still,  all  through  the 


TIIK   ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  J.   1\   HENNESSY.  537 

year  1882,  tbe  properfcy  market  was  encumbered  with  the  estates 
of  embarrassed  owners.  What  the  original  cause  of  this  sudden 
mania  for  ^amblin^^  in  land  and  in  house  property  was,  is  difficult 
to  say  with  certainty.  Foreign  residents  generally  attributed 
it  to  Sir'  John's  inflated  periodical  laudations  of  the  general 
])rosperity  of  the  Colony,  and  to  his  personal  influence  with  the 
so-called  leading  Chinese  traders,  whom  he  constantly  urged  to 
take  the  position  occupied  by  foreign  merchants  in  the  Colony 
and  to  purchase  dwelling  houses  and  offices  in  the  European 
(juarter  of  the  town.  But  wiiatever  may  have  caused  this 
gambling  mania,  this  much  is  clear,  that  the  greatest  gainer  in 
the  matter  was  the  Government  which  derived,  at  the  expense 
of  Chinese  gamblers,  a  net  increase  of  its  revenue,  amounting, 
in  one  year,  to  the  sum  of  $242,?i'2'2. 

Such  was  the  result  of  Sir  John's  financial  policy  in  the 
year  1881:  profit  from  gambling  in  land  ^107, (561,  profit  from 
gambling  in  house  property  :^-l:-i,()61,  total  |-242,o22.  So  marked 
was  this  success,  that  the  unofficial  Members  of  Council,  before 
they  had  had  time  to  realize  the  true  character  tuid  cause  of  the 
increase  of  revenue,  complimented  the  Governor  (August  23, 
1881)  on  'the  success  of  his  financial  policy.'  They  added, 
however,  to  their  rash  eulogy  the  modest  request  that,  in  the 
face  of  such  a  large  reserve  and  annual  surplus,  a  reduction  of 
taxation  should  now  be  made.  Sir  John  replied  that  he  would, 
indeed,  like  to  reduce  the  house  tax  from  12  to  6  percent.,  and 
he  thought  if  larger  powers  were  given  to  the  opium  farmer* 
the  monopoly  would  yield  ^400,000,  in  which  case  a  reduction 
of  the  taxation   might  be  allowed. 

Turning  now  to  the  question  of  expenditure,  we  find  that 
there  was  in  1877  a  decrease  in  the  expenditure  of  the 
Colony,  amounting  to  ^20,008,  caused  chiefly  by  a  reduction 
of  expenses  for  public  works.  In  1878  there  was  an  increiise  of 
expenditure,  amounting  to  Jl37,315,  caused  by  the  payment 
of  the  Colony's  share  in  the  Postal  Convention  (!fjj20,023), 
increased  Police  expenses  ($10,051),  and  laying  of  submarine 
cable   to   Green   Island   ($0,211);    but   expenditure    on    public 


tTKlVERSITT 


538  CHAPTEll  XXI. 

works  decreased   from   |83409   in   1877   to  $68;t;33   in    1878. 
In  1879  the  expenditure  further  increased,  but  only  by  5lG,o44, 
the  outlay  on  public  works  was  reduced  to  $02,57 1,  the  increase 
of    the    expenditure    of    1879    being-   chiefly   caused   by   orders 
for    Police    recruits    and    steam-launches    ($10,839)    and    new 
furniture   for   Government    House    ($5,107).      In    1880,   when 
the    revenues    were    calculated    to    amount   to   over  a   million 
dollars,   the    Governor    ventured    to    increase    the    expenditure 
by   $21,14G,   and    in    1881,   with    a    still    rising   revenue,   the 
expenditure    was    further    increased    by    the    modest    sum    of 
$33,507.      This   was   certainly   economic   management   and   the 
result  w^as  showy.     For  there  was,  througliout  this  administration,  , 
an  annual  surplus  of  revenue,  over  expenditure,  left  in  hand. 
This    annual   surplus   amounted,    in   the   succe&si\'e   years   from 
1877  to  1881,  to  the  following  sums  respectively,  viz.  $132,105, 
$37,114,  $37,227,  $121,933  and  finally  (in   1881)  to  $342,873. 
With   the   exception   of   the   re-construction   of   the    Praya 
wall,  which  had  been  demolished  by  the  typhoon  of  1874,  hardly 
uny  public  works  of  any  importance   were   undertaken   during 
this    administration.       On    the    day    after    Sir    A.    Kennedy's 
departure,  the  Legislative  Council  agreed  (March  2,  1877)  to  a 
vote  of  $200,000  which  sum  was  to  be  taken  from  the  Special 
Fund,  and  the  sum  of  $50,000  was  at  once  appropriated  for  the 
purposes  of  the  re-construction  of  the  Praya  wall.     Nevertheless 
the  work  was  delaved  until  the  autumn  of  1879  when  it  was 
commenced  in  earnest,  and,  as  happily  no  typhoon  intervened, 
the  work,  which  cost  altogether  $244,254,  was  completed  in  1880. 
The  new  Civil  Hospital  was  completed  in  1877,  a  small  market 
at  Yaumati  and  a  Lunatic  Asylum  at  Saiyingpun  were  built  in 
1879,  a  new  Lock   Hospital  was  erected  in  1880  and  in   1881 
work  was  commenced  at  the  Causeway  Bay  Breakwater.     The 
construction  of  this  Breakwater  had  been  urgently  recommended 
in  1877  by  a  Commission  (H.  G.  Thomsett,  r.x.,  J.  M.  Price, 
J.  Dixon,  K.X.,  S.  Ashton,  J.  P.  McEuen,  r.n.,  R.  McMurdo)  and 
their  scheme  had  been  strongly  supported  (November  4,  1877) 
by  Admiral  Ryder,  but  it  was  not  until  the  end  of  1881  that 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  .SIK  J.    P.  UE.NXESSY.  53^ 

the  work  was  commenced  and  the  sum  of  $(3,090  sjxint  on  it. 
The  main  burden  of  the  work  fell  therefore  upon  the  next 
administration.  As  regards  public  v.orks,  Sir  John's  term  of 
office  is  chiefly  remarkable  for  the  number  of  important  works 
discussed,  declared  urgent  and  rejected  or  postponed.  On  12th 
November,  1878,  the  foreign  property  owners  of  Hongkong- 
memorialized  the  GoA'ernor,  asking  that  the  Praya  road  be 
widened  20  feet,  by  proportionate  reclamation  of  the  foreshore, 
in  connection  with  the  reconstruction  of  the  Prava  wall.  This 
proposal,  a  sensible  and  modest  anticipation  of  the  more 
ambitious  reclamation  scheme  started  ten  years  later,  was  rejected 
on  the  ground  that  it  would  delay  the  re-construction  of  the 
Praya  wall.  Again,  after  the  fire  of  2r>th  December,  1878- 
which  laid  a  large  area  of  houses  in  the  overcrowded  centi-al 
portion  of  the  town  in  aslies,  it  was  strongly  urged  upon  Sir 
John  that  he  should  use  this  opportunity  for  widening,  and 
improving  the  direction  of,  the  streets  of  that  district,  but  the 
suggestion  was  rejected  as  too  costly.  The  erection  of  a  new- 
Gaol  on  the  separate  system,  though  indispensable  for  the 
effectiveness  of  the  Governor's  scheme  of  repressing  crime 
without  flogging,  was  indefinitely  i)ostponed  by  Sir  John  for 
financial  reasons.  The  construction  of  new  Central  School 
buildings,  for  which  a  costly  site  had  been  purchased  and 
cleared  of  houses,  was  postponed  from  year  to  year  under 
various  pretexts,  and  left  untouched.  The  Taitam  waterworks, 
the  plans  for  which  had  been  elaborated  and  approved  under 
the  previous  administration,  Sir  John  fought  shy  of  for  years, 
and  when  at  last  the  Colonial  Office  sent  out  peremptory  orders 
that  the  work  should  be  commenced  at  once,  Sir  John,  for 
purely  financial  reasons,  took  it  upon  himself  to  disregard  the 
commands  he  received  from  Downing  Street,  and  the  work 
was  not  commenced  until  1882,  on  the  eve  of  his  dcptirture. 
The  same  was  the  case  with  the  Kowloon  Observatory.  This 
scheme  was  first  mooted  in  spring  1877,  when  some  shipmasters 
and  the  manager  of  the  P.  &  0.  Company  circulated  for  signature 
a  petition  ret^uesting  the  Government  to  aiTange  for  the  daily 


\ 

\ 


4)40  CHAPTER   XXI. 


dropping  of  a   time   ball.     The   movemeut   was   taken    up   by 
the   Surveyor   General   (J.  M.  Price)  who  elaborated   the  very 
plan   on   which   the   Observatory   was   subsequently   established 
and  suggested  the  construction,  on  mount   Elgin  at   Kowloon, 
of  an   Observatory,  which  should  be  placed  under  the   charge 
•of  a  professional  man  to  be  recommended  by  the  Astronomer 
Royal,  and,  whilst   procuring    storm   warnings   and   meteorolo- 
gical observations,  secure  the  daily  dropping  of  a  time  ball  in 
front  of  the  Water  Police  Station.     Apart  from  the  subsequent 
demand   for   astronomical   observations,   every  essential   feature 
of  the  present  Observatory  s(;heme  was  proposed  in   detail   by 
Mr.  Price,     On   30th   October,   1877,  Admiral   Ryder   wrote  a 
letter,  warmly  supporting   Mr.  Price's   suggestions   and   adding 
the  recommendation  that  the  observation  of  tides  and  currents 
should    also   be   included    in    the   scheme.      Both    papers    were 
published  in  the  G-overnment  Gazette  of  17th  November,  1877, 
and   in   his    Estimates   for   the    vcar    1878   Sir   John   included 
the    sum    of   ^5,000    for   the  construction    of    an    Observatory. 
Xothing   was,   however,   done   in   the  matter   until   some   three 
years   later,   when   another   series    of   papers   was   published  in 
the   Gazette   (September   2,    1881),    propounding    a    seemingly 
liew  scheme,  which,  though  being  merely  an  expansion  of  the 
-details   of  Mr.   Price's  scheme  by  Major  H.  S.  Palmer,   R.E., 
with   the   superadditioii   of   some    recommendations    concerning 
astronomical   observations    to    be    taken,   not   only   omitted   all 
mention  of  Mr.  Price,  but  gave  the  credit  of   the   scheme   to 
Sir  J.   Pope   Hennessy.     Xevertheless   the   construction   of   the 
Observatory  was  left  to  the  next  administration,  though  Major 
Palmer  took  great  pains  in  making  stellar  observations  (published 
in  the   (Jazette   of   March   4,    1882),   by   means   of   which   he 
■<letermined  the  site  of  the  Observatorv  bo  be  in  Lat.   22  desr. 
J  8  min.  11.01  sec.  Xorth. 

Statistics  of  crime,  and  theories  as  to  the  best  treatment 
of  Chinese" criminals,  were  a  very  prominent  topic  of  debate  in 
Oouncil  and  in  the  public  press  during  this  period.  Sir  John 
iirrived  in  the  Colony  with  the  determination  to  apply  to  the 


THK  ADMINISTRATION   OF  SIR  J.  l\  HENNKSSV.  541 

treabmenb  of  Chinese  criminuls   the   humanitarian  views   as   to- 
pi'isou    discipHne   and    the    ohjeetions   to   corporal    punishment 
which,  after  centuries  of  progressive  civilization,  had  hitely  gained 
ground  in  Europe  as  apphcable  to  European  prisoners.     Shortly 
after  the  Governors  arrival,  flogging  was  practically  abolished. 
Only  a  few  whippings,  privately  administered  within  the  walls 
of  the  Gaol,  took  place.     This  change,  and  tlie  attempt  8ir  John 
made  to  establish  a  Chinese  Discharged  Prisoners'  Aid  Society, 
although  it  proved  a  complete  failure,  made  a  great  impression 
upon   the  Chinese   criminal   classes,  among  which  Sir  J.  Pope 
Hennessy  was  thenceforth  spoken  of  as  Uhc  merciful  man.'     'If 
we  have  a  gaol  on  the  separate  system,'  said  Sir  John  (Septembej^ 
17,   1877),   '  where    the    prisoners    must    do   some   useful    hard 
work,,  and  where  they  know  there  is  not  the  slightest  chance  of 
their  release  before  the  end  of  the  Judge's  sentence,  except  by 
steady  good  conduct ;    if  we  provide  reformatory  and  industrial 
training  for  juvenile  criminals,  and  if  we  let  it  be  clearly  under- 
stood that  second  ott'ences  will  be  punished  with  a  long  sentence, 
that  will  do  more  to  check  the  growth  of  crime  than  anything 
else  we  can  devise.'     An  excellent  theory  this,  but  considering 
that  Sir  John  established  no  prison  on  the  separate  system  nor 
any  reformatory  for  the  reception  of    juvenile    offenders,  the 
theory  could  hardly  be  expected  to  check  crime  in  Hongkong. 
The  community  differed  from  their  Governor  not  merely  because 
they  thought   that    his   mode    of   treating  prisoners    would   be 
ineffective  in  the  absence  of  flogging,  but  chiefly  because  they 
considered*  the  immediate   introduction  of   the  separate  system 
u  practical   impossibility,   and    meanwhile    they   looked   to   the 
branding,  deporting  and  flogging  system  as  ha\ing  been  found 
practically  an  effective  deterrent  during  two  preceding  adminis- 
trations. 

In  order  to  make  his  theories  as  to  the  treatment  of  prisonei"s 
and  the  abolition  of  flogging  acceptable  to  the  Council  and 
(X'ople  of  Hongkong,  Sir  John  laboured  assiduously  to  produce 
criminal  statistics,  calculated  to  show  that  the  re-introduction 
of  the  branding,  deporting  and  flogging  system,  at  the  beginning 


'i)42  •  CIIAPTEll   XXI. 

•w)f   Sir   A.   Kennedy's   administration,   had    not    only   failed-  to 
reduce  crime,  but  that  on  the  contrary  crime  liad  been  rapidly 
increasing,  in  Hongkong  since  that  time.     In  spite  of  vohiminous 
.arrays    of    figures,    and    notwitlistanding    the    most    dexterous 
handhng  of  plausible  deductions  from  them,  placed  before  the 
^Council  and.  the  public  with  the  consummate  skill  of  the  orator 
and  the  special  pleader,  the  community  stoutly  maintained  that, 
whatever  might  be  logically  deduced  from  Sir  John's  statistics, 
their  own  personal  and  practical  experience  was,  that  life  and 
property  had  been  more  secure  in  Hongkong  all  the  time  before 
the  arrival  of   Sir  A.   Keimedy's   successor,  than  it  had  been 
ever  since.     The  more  Sir  John  insisted  upon  the  accuracy  of 
his  statistics  and  the  correctness  of  his  analysis  of  his  figures, 
the  more  was  the  distrust  of  both,  on  the  part  of  the  community, 
(ionverted  into  positive  irritation.     Now  it  so  happened,  whether 
in   consequence   of   the   Governor's   treatment   of    criminals   or 
■otherwise,   that   the   year   1878   was   extraordinarily  fruitful  in 
serious  crimes.     On  1st  February,  an  armed   attack   was  made 
by  a  large  gang  of  Chinese  burglars  on  the  village  of  Aplichau. 
<)\i  lOth  May,  the  Superintendent  of  Polide  and  several  constables 
were  wounded  in  the  streets  by  armed  burglars  whom  they  had 
intended  to  intercept.     On  30th  May  a  woman   was  mui'dered 
in:  town.     On  31st  May  again  a  woman  was  murdered  at  Sheko. 
(>n  14th  July  a  third  woman  was  murdered  at  Taipingshan.     On 
8th  August  a  Portuguese  was  murdered  by  a  European.     Then, 
on   2r)th   September,  from  -40   to   80  armed  burglars  attacked 
41  shop  in  Winglok  Street,  when  these  marauders  took  forcible 
possession  of  the  thoroughfare,   held  it  for  some  time  against 
armed  ]*olice  and  finally  escaped  with  their  booty  in  a  steam- 
launch.    When  the  news  of  this  night  attack  spread  in  town 
next  morning,   public   indignation,   which   had   been   gathering 
for  some  time,  owing  to  the  palpable  increase  of  serious  crime, 
burse  out  into  strong  condemnation  of  the  Governor's  systematic 
lenity  to   criminals   and   of   the   encouragement   thus   given,  to 
<;rime.     A  public  indignation  meeting  was  called  for.     Before 
it  could    1)0  lield,   another  crime  occurred    which    added    fuel 


THE  ADMJNLSTRATIOX  OF  SIR  .1.   F'.  TIEXNESSY.  540 

to  the  flame,-  for   ji   Enropean  liouse  in  Seymour  Terrace  was 
•  attackied  (October  :>,   187S)  by  armed  biirj^lars. 

•  On  7th  October,  1878,  the  great  public  meeting  of  this 
jxTiod  was  lield  on  the  cricket  ground.  The  following 
resolutions  were,  with  hardly  any  opj)osition,  passed.  It  was 
resolved,  (1)  that  life  and  property  had  been  jeopardized  by 
a     jxilicy    of    undue    leniency    towards    the    criminal    classes: 

(2)  that  flogging  in  public  had  been  found  the  only  really 
deterring   punishment,   and    that    to    its    suspension    was    due 

'the    daring    boldness    which    had    lately   characterized    crime; 

(3)  that  a  Commission  of  medical  men  should  be  appointed 
to  inquire  into  the  alleged  injui'ious  effects  of  flogging  on  the 
back:  (4)  that  the  almost  total  abolition  of  deportation  was 
injurious  and  would  cause  the  criminal  ])opulation  of  South 
China  to  overcrowd  the  Hongkong  Gaol ;  (5)  that  a  Commission 
from  outside  the  Colony  should  be  appointed  to  inquire  into 
the  application  of  criminal  laws,  the  carrying  out  of  sentences 
of  the  Courts,  and  the  relation  between  the  Governor  and 
his  officials,  and  Anally  (G)  that  a  copy  of  these  resolutions 
should  be  forwaixled  to  the  Secretary  of  State  through  the 
Governor.  Mr.  H.  B.  Gibb  was  in  the  chair,  and  the  movere 
and  secondei-s  of  the  foregoing  resolutions  were  ^lessrs.  W. 
Keswick,  W.  Reiners,  W.  H.  Forbes,  G.  Sharp,  I).  Ruttonjec, 
^y.  S.  Young,  H.  H.  Nelson,  A.  MacClymont,  H.  Lowcook, 
X.  J.  Ede,  A.  P.  McEwen  and  G.  D.  Bottomley.  The  senior 
unoflicial  Member  of  Council  (Ph.  Ryrie)  was  conspicuous  by 
his  absence.  Stron?  as  the  indictment  contained  in  the  above 
resolutions  was,  both  in  argument  and  in  the  sup[)ort  it  receiveil 
from  the  British  and  foreign  community  of  Hongkong,  the 
Secretary  of  State  left  the  Memorial  embodying  those  resolutions 
unanswered  for  nearly  a  year.  Moiinwhile  the  Chinese  Committee 
(rf  the  Wato  Dispensary  at  Wantsai  canvassed  the  loAver  classes 
of  Chinese  shopkeepei-s  in  the  interest  of  Sir  John,  whose 
impeachment  at  the  bar  of  public  opinion  was  resented  by  them 
as  ain  attack  on  a  Governor  whose  policy  was  characteristically 
pro^Chinese.     cAccoi'dingly   they  produced    an  address  to    the 


544  CHAPTER  XXI. 

Queen  (October  21)>  1878)  signed  by  2,218  shop-keepers.  It 
was  practically  an  expression  of  confidence  in  the  Governor, 
intended  as  a  set-off  against  the  views  of  the  British  and  foreign 
community,  and  couched  in  the  usual  inflated  style  of  exaggerated 
flattery,  common  in  China.  After  some  significant  hesitation, 
the  Committee  of  the  Tungwa  Hospital,  representing  most  of 
the  Chinese  merchants,  also  presented  (November  lo,  1878)  a 
Memorial,  deprecatory  of  the  resolutions  passed  at  the  public 
meeting.  On  5tli  May,  1879,  the  Chinese  were  informed  that 
Her  Majesty  was  2)leased  to  receive  their  address.  On  the  same 
day  Sir  John  re-appointed  the  gentleman  (H.  B.  Gibb),  who- 
had  acted  as  chairman  of  the  great  indignation  meeting,  to  a 
seat  in  the  Council.  On  olst  May,  1879,  the  movers  and 
seconders  of  the  resolutions  of  that  meeting  addressed  bo  the 
Secretary  of  State  (Sir  Michael  Hicks-Beach)  a  complaint  on 
account  of  their  Memorial  having  been  left  unanswered.  A 
few  months  later  (September  17,  1879),  Sir  John,  deeming 
himself  to  have  scored  a  victory,  had  the  satisfaction  of  publish- 
ing in  the  Gazette  the  resolutions  of  the  public  meeting  and 
a  series  of  documents  connected  with  it,  including  the  reply 
of  Sir  Michael  (dated  July  17,  1879)  to  the  Memorial  of  the 
European  community.  In  this  reply  the  Secretary  of  State 
quoted  statistics  showing  a  great  increase  of  serious  crime  having 
taken  place  in  1877  and  1878,  admitted  also  that  during  those 
two  years  the  criminal  classes  of  Hongkong  had  advanced  in 
audacity,  combination  and  the  habit  of  carrying  arms,  and 
acknowledged  the  reasonableness  of  the  alarm  felt  by  rosidents^ 
in  the  Colony,  but  declined  sending  out  a  special  Commission, 
iKilieving  that  meanwhile  all  cause  for  fear  had  been  removed 
by  the  action  of  the  Governor.  Nevertheless  crime  had  continued 
to  flourish  for  a  little  longer.  On  22nd  October,  1878,  a  coolie 
was  beaten  to  death  in  High  Street  and  on  17th  January,  1879, 
an  armed  attack  was  made  on  Hunghom.  In  January,  1879, 
the  general  sense  of  insecurity  was  such  that  a  rumour  spread 
among  the  Chinese  and  gained  credence  that  preparations  were 
being   made  by  a  fleet  of  pirates  to  descend  upon   Hongkong- 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  J.  P.  HENNESSY.  545 

and  to  sack  the  whole  town.  The  rumour  was  so  strono-  that 
the  Police  took  accordinoly  precautions.     However,  with  the  year 

1879  Sir  John  commenced  a  system  of  increased  strictness  of 
i^aol  discipline.  The  system  of  deportation  also  was  resumed 
in  1879  and  a  rule  was  made  that  all  old  offenders  should  be 
tried  in  Supreme  Court,  where  they  might  receive  sentences 
commensurate  with  habitual  indulg-ence  in  crime,  instead  of 
the  frequent  short  sentences  inflicted  by  the  Police  Magistrates. 
These  measures  served  to  disperse  the  illusions  which  Chinese 
offenders  had  entertained  concerning  the  regime  of  'the  merciful 
man '  and  crimes  began  to  decrease,  both  as  regards  their  type 
and  their  frequency.  Unfortunately  the  annual  reports  of  the 
Superintendent  of  Police  for  the  four  yenrs  from  1878  to  188] 
were  suppressed  and  for  them  were  substituted,  by  order  of  the 
Governor,  bare  statistics  of  crimes  committed.  But  even  these 
tables  show  that  there  was  in  1877  an  increase  of  serious  crimes^ 
amounting  to  12.80  per  cent.,  which  the  Superintendent  ascribed 
to  famine  and  floods  in  China  and  to  the  unusually  high  price 
of  rice  in  Hongkong.  In  1878  there  followed  a  further  enormous 
increase  of  serious  crimes  amounting  to  32.31  per  cent.  The 
year  1879  brought  a  decrease  of  8.19  per  cent,  but,  whilst  in 

1880  there  was  a  further  decrease  of  14.43  per  cent.,  there  was 
a  fresh  increase  of  serious  crimes  in  1881,  amounting  to  13.55 
per  cent. 

Whether  successful  or  not  in  the  reduction  of  crime.  Sir  John 
gained  his  main  points  in  the  treatment  of  Chinese  criminals. 
Almost  all  that  he  had  been  seeking  in  this  respect  since  he  made 
the  first  declaration  of  his  philanthropic  policy  in  the  Legislative 
Council  in  1877,  he  obtained  in  November,  1880,  when  Lord 
Kimberley  sanctioned  the  final  abolition  of  all  branding  of 
criminals,  permanent  discontinuance  of  public  flogging,  repeal  of 
all  Ordinances  providing  for  the  flogging  of  Chinese,  prohibition 
of  all  flogging  except  in  cases  where  it  would  be  inflicted  in  the 
United  Kingdom,  and  finally  an  order  that  flogging  of  Asiatics 
should  in  all  cases  be  on  the  breach  and  not  on  the  back.  In 
September,  1881,  notice  was  given  that  the  Prison  Amendment 

JS 


,546  CHAPTER   XXI. 

Reonlation  Ordinance  (7  of  1880)  was  disallowed,  whereby  tlie 
old  law  (2  of  1878  and  4  of  1863),  which  this  Ordinance  had 
been  intended  to  modify,  revived. 

In  May  and  July,  1878,  the  attention  of  the  Government 
was  directed  to  the  custom  prevailinjy  amouk^  the  Chinese  com- 
■inunity  of  Hongkong,  as  througbout  the  whole  Empire  of  China, 
•of  buying-  and  selling  girls  for  the  purpose  of  domestic  servitude. 
I'his  custom  was  generally  practised  in  Hongkong  by  means  of 
nominal  adoption  connected  with  the  payment  of  money  to  the 
parents  in  return  for  the  privilege  of  using  the  child's  services. 
The  Attorney  General  (G.  Phillippo)  distinctly  declared  (June 
21,  1878),  in  contradiction  of  the  Governor's  original  views, 
that  this  practice  did  not  constitute  a  criminal  offence  (May 
:)0,  1878)  :  that  parties  entering  into  a  transaction  of  this 
nature  in  England  would  in  no  way  bring  themselves  within  the 
operation  of  the  criminal  law  (June  21,  1878),  and  tlia*";  the 
Police  Magistrates  had  no  jurisdiction  in  the  matter.  At  the  same 
time  the  Chinese  communitv  observed  that,  since  the  abolition 
of  the  Macao  coolie  trade,  the  practice  of  kidnapping  young 
(Chinese  girls  for  exportation  to  the  Straits  Settlements,  California 
and  Australia,  had  enormously  increased.  As  the  kidnappers 
were  believed  to  be  chiefly  people  of  the  Tungkoon  District,  a 
Committee  of  Tungkoon  merchants,  headed  by  Mr.  Fung  Ming- 
shan,  was  appointed  by  the  Chinese  community  to  devise  some 
means  to  stop  these  kidnapping  practices.  Mr.  Fung  Ming-shan 
and  others  accordingly  petitioned  the  Governor  (Xovember  {), 
1878)  for  permission  to  form  an  Anti-kidnapping  Association 
with  ])Ower  to  employ  detectives.  Sir  John  appointed  an  official 
Ooramittee  (C.  V.  Creagh,  J.  J.  Francis,  W.  M.  Deane,  E.  J.  Eitel) 
to  investigate  the  matter,  and  this  Committee  recommended  that 
the  sanction  of  the  Government  be  given  to  the  constitution  of 
the  proi)osed  Association  on  the  basis  of  definite  statutes  (Gazette 
of  February  4,  1880)  drafted  by  Mr.  J.  J.  Francis.  The  Asso- 
<3iatioD,  which  adopted  the  name  Poleung  Kuk,  was  accordingly 
formed  and  received  (June  24,  1880)  the  formal  approval  of  the 
♦Secretary  of  State.    Later  on  (Gazette  of  August  5,  1882)  rules 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  P.  HENNESSY.  547 

for  fche  working-  of  the  Poleuno-  Kuk  were  published,  differing 
i'rom  the  statutes  framed  by  Mr.  Francis  in  that  they  did  not 
require  the  Association  to  be  incorporated  under  the  Companies' 
Ordinance  of  18G5,  nor  did  the  new  rules  give  to  the  Government 
that  tio'ht  hold  on,  and  constant  insight  into,  the  working  of 
the  Poleung  Kuk  which  Mr.  Francis'  draft  scheme  had  devised. 
Meanwhile,  however,  the  Chief  Justice  also  noticed  that  the 
^jiractice  of  kidnapping,  for  purposes  other  than  the  coolie  traffic, 
was  alarmingly  on  the  increase,  and,  making  no  distinction 
between  the  sale  of  girls  in  connection  with  domestic  servitude 
uni  in  connection  with  exportation  (for  immoral  purposes), 
repeatedly  denounced  from  the  Bench,  in  summer  1871),  the 
.system  of  purchasing  or  adopting  girls  for  employment  as 
domestic  servants  as  a  forui  of  slavery.  The  Chief  Justice  alleged 
that  thei'c  were  from  ten  to  twenty  thousand  female  slaves  in  the 
Colony,  and  tha^  this  form  of  slavery  flourished  only  throm>h 
the  failure  of  Government  officers  to  enforce  the  existing  laws. 
This  action  of  the  Chief  Justice  caused  at  first  great  alarm  and 
•excitement  among  the  Chinese.  A  deputation  called  on  the 
Governor  (September  24,  1879),  and,  while  asking  for  permis- 
sion to  form  the  above  mentioned  Anti-kidnapping  Association, 
suggested  to  regulate  Chinese  domestic  servitude  by  means  of 
registering  all  purchased  servant  girls.  The  fears  of  the  Chinese 
-community  were,  however,  considerably  allayed,  when  the  Gover- 
nor, who  had  previously  been  anxious  to  institute  prosecutions 
vtigainst  the  purchasers  of  servant  girls,  now  assured  them  that  he 
would  not  allow  of  any  hai-sii  measures  dealing  with  an  established 
(vhincse  national  custom.  ]5ut  on  Oth  October,  1870,  the  Chief 
•Justice  again  denounced  the  female  servitude  system  of  Hongkong 
as  strongly  as  ever,  called  it  down-right  slavery,  and  addressed 
^\  few  weeks  later  (October  20,  1870)  a  letter  to  the  Governor. 
in  which  he  requested  that  the  Police  should  be  instructed  to 
bring  every  person,  known  to  have  a  purchased  servant,  before 
.fche  Magistrate,  to  be  dealt  with  mildly.  The  Chief  Justice  at  the 
same  time  alleged  that  kidnapping  was  encouraged  by  the  social 
habits  of  foreigners  in  Hongkong,  that  a  class  of  mean  whites 


548  CHAPTER  XXr. 

was  springiDg  np  in  Hongkong  and  living  in  abject  misery,  and 
he  claimed  that  it  was  the  dnty  of  the  Government  to  put  down 
a  system  which,  by  debasing  all  moral  tone,  tended  to  crime. 
To  rebnt  the  argnments  of  Sir  John  Smale,  Dr.  Eitel  wrote- 
(October  25,  1870)  an  exhaustive  report  on  the  origin  and  charac- 
teristics of  Chinese  slavery  and  domestic  servitude  in  Hongkong. 
The  whole  dispute  was  thereupon  referred  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  and  reviewed  in  a  debate  in  the  House  of  liords  (June 
•21,  1880),  when  Lord  Stanley  of  Alderley,  favourably  criticizing 
Dr.  Eitel's  report,  stated  that  the  Attorney  General  had  been 
wrong  in  his  exposition  of  the  law,  but  that,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  Chief  Justice  had  rushed  into  wild  exaggerations.  Lord 
Kimberley  remarked,  on  the  saine  occasion,  that  the  custom  of 
adoption  was  deeply  interwoven  with  the  forms  of  Chinese  society, 
and  that  care  must  be  taken  not  to  confound  the  habits  and 
institutions  of  the  Chinese  with  what  prevailed  in  other  parts  of 
the  world.  After  this,  the  brief  turmoil  caused  by  the  local 
slavery  question  disappeared  as  quickly  as  it  had  arisen.  The 
Poleung  Kuk,  however,  did  good  woi'k  in  bringing  kidnappers  to 
justice,  and  on  2'4th  March,  1881,  the  Chief  Justice,  having 
observed  a  steady  decrease  in  kidnapping  crimes,  complacently 
ascribed  it  to  his  own  efforts.  He  stated  from  the  Bench  that 
Chinese  public  opinion  now  appeared  to  have  been  educated  to 
a  great  sense  of  the  evils  of  kidnapping  and  the  worst  of  the  evils 
arising  out  of  domestic  servitude,  that  his  denunciations  of  these 
crimes  had  produced  an  aAvakening  of  the  Chinese  conscience,  and 
that  a  large  proportion  of  the  Chinese  community  now  desired  to- 
improve  the  tone  of  social  thought  in  China.  '  Slavery  of  every 
kind,'  he  said,  *is  doomed  in  China  ;  it  is  merely  a  question  of 
education  through  discussion  and  time.' 

The  ({uestion  of  Colonial  defence  was  agitated  for  several 
years  during  this  administration.  All  through  summer  1878. 
rumours  of  war  with  Russia  were  current.  Whilst  this  war  fever 
lasted,  the  Volunteer  Ordinance  (2  of  1862)  was  re-published 
(May  4,  1878)  and  a  new  Volunteer  Corps  was  formed  and 
placed  (May  16,  1878)  under  the  command  of  Captain  Dempster, 


THE  ADiriNISTRATIOX  OF  SIR  J.   P.  HEXNESST.  549 

subsequently    succeeded    by    Captain    A.    Coxon,  under  whom 
Mr.  W.  Danby  served  as  Lieutenant.     J3y  1st  June,  1878,  the 
names  of  142  gentlemen,  who  had  been  enrolled  in  the  Volunteer 
Force,  were  published  in  the  Government  Gazette.      Torpedoes 
w'ere   constructed    at    the    Xaval   Yard    and    torpedo    practices 
w^ere  held  in  the  Lyeemoon.     The  batteries  also  were  put  in  a 
temporary  state   of   defence   and  guns  w^ere  mounted  in  some. 
In  January,  1870,  the  Governor  received  instructions  to  proceed 
with   the   necessary  works  in   order   to   place   several   batteries, 
thrown   up  during  the  preceding  year,  in  a  condition  of   per- 
manent  defence,   and   operations   were   immediately  commenced 
at  North  Point.     The  Home  Government,  having  at  last  woke 
up  to  a  recognition  of  the  need  of  a  comprehensive  system  of 
•Colonial    defence,    appointed     (September    8,    1879)    a    Royal 
Oommission,  headed  by  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon,  to  inquire  into 
the  state  of  the  defences  of  the  Colonies.     The  instructions  of 
this  Commission  were  published  in   Hongkong    (December   17, 
1879)  and,  at  the  request  of  the  Commission,  a  local  Committee 
set    at    once   to   work   to   report   on   questions    connected   with 
the  defences,  armament  and  provisioning  of  Hongkong.      The 
rumours  of  an  impending  war  between  Russia  and  China  gained 
in  probability  in  spi'ing  1880  and  thus  kept  up  public  interest 
in  the  matter  of  Colonial  defences.     In  summer.  General  Gordon, 
known  as  Gordon  Pasha,  spent  a  week  in  Hongkong  and  Canton 
(3rd  to  9th  July,    1880)   and   made   various   suggestions  as  to 
the  defences  of  Hongkong,  advising  especially  the  removal  of 
the   Naval   Yard,    Barracks   and    Military   Stores,   to   Causeway 
Bay.     On  his  return  from  a  visit  to  Li  Hung-chang  in  Tientsin, 
he  published  in  the  China  Mail  the  main  part  of  the  advice 
he   had   given  to  the  Chinese  Government,  and  made  a  brief, 
but  fruitless,  attempt  to  interest  t)ie  leading  Chinese  merchants 
of   Hongkong   in   a   proposal   to  concert  measures  towards  the 
expulsion  from  China  of  the  Manchus  and  the   restoration   of 
-a  Chinese  Dynasty.     The   war  fever  was  now  dying   out  and 
dissensions  arose  in   the  Volunteer  Corps.     The   Commandant, 
•Captain   A.  Coxon,  and   Lieutenant  W.   Dauby  resigned  (July 


550  CHAPTER  XXL 

1;^,  1880)  and  were  succeeded  by  Captain  J.  J.  Francis  ancT 
Lieutenant  J.  McCallnm.  A  turret  ironclad,  the  Wiveni,  with 
whose  seagoing  qualities  fault  had  been  found  in  England,  was 
sent  out  to  Hongkong  (June  2,  1880)  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
Governor,  to  be  permanently  stationed  here  for  harbour  defence.. 
The  last  flickering  up  of  the  dying  war  spirit  was  observed 
on  the  occasion  of  a  grand  naval  review  held  at  Tsimshatsui 
(December  30,  1880),  but  by  the  beginning  of  the  year  1881  the 
war  cloud  had  passed  away,  by  the  consent  of  Russia  to  restore 
Xuldja  to  the  Chinese,  and  the  Avhole  question  of  Colonial 
defences  was  shelved. 

The  year  1877  was  on  the  whole  a  fairly  good  one  for 
mercantile  men.  Business,  although  rather  restricted  in  extent^ 
was  of  a  healthy  character.  Shares  were  steadily  rising,  though 
there  was  little  speculation,  and  real  proi3erty  became  more 
valuable.  But  a  change  took  place  in  1878.  Freights  now 
commenced  to  fall,  profits  on  goods  of  all  descriptions  became 
smaller  and  smaller,  and  wild  speculation  took  possession  of 
the  share  market,  with  the  usual  result  of  inflation  followed 
by  subsequent  depreciation.  Still,  there  were  no  bubble  companies 
kept  afloat  merely  by  the  credulity  of  the  public,  and  stocks 
Avcre  in  a  sound  condition.  But  a  general  depression  crept 
into  all  commercial  branches,  locally  as  well  as  in  China  and 
Japan,  and  several  local  firms  of  very  old  standing  failed.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1879  freights  were  so  low  that  the 
carrying  trade  ceased  to  be  remunerative.  Shipowners  began 
to  think  of  laying  up  their  vessels  rather  than  run  them  at 
a  loss.  Accordingly  a  Conference  of  London  steamship  owners 
formed  (September,  1879)  a  combination  to  regulate  the  tonnage 
on  the  berth,  to  prevent  the  accumulation  of  cargoes,  and  to 
protect  each  other  from  loss.  Through  want  of  coherence  ■ 
among  the  signatories  of  these  Conference  rules,  rather  than 
through  outside  competition,  the  combination  failed  and  the 
rules  were  cancelled  (January  5,  1880)  so  far  as  Hono^kong 
Avas  concerned.  But  apart  from  freights,  Jhe  year  JT8797 was 
in  other  respects  also  a  year  o]f"-gfeat  depression)    Arrivals  of 


SIR  J.  P.  HENNESSr.  551  /  / 

^5.28  per  cent./  the  greatest    "^t  / 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  J.  P.  HENNESSY. 

foreign  ships  declined  to  tbe_extent  olf  5.28  per  cent./  the  greatest 
dccltmrijeing  oii  tlie  part  of  vessels  under  Continental  flags. 
Money  was  scarce  in  the  Colony  and  quotations  for  most  stocks 
continued  to  fall,  though  known  to  offer  good  investment  for 
capital.  Sterling  exchange  declined  until  the  dollar  touched 
36-.  Gj^/.  and  the  tael  fell  below  5  shillings.  Never,  it  was  said, 
was  trade  less  profitable  in  Hongkong.  However,  with  the 
year  1880,  a  general  improvement  set  in.  Trade  now  shewed 
a  disposition  to  be  more  brisk  and  remunerative,  than  it  had 
been  for  years  before.  S}x.'Culation  Avas  kept  within  reasonable- 
limits,  time  bargains,  owing  to  the  bitter  lessons  of  1878,  were- 
now  regarded  as  dangerously  hazardous  ventures,  and  stocks 
accordingly  kept  on  a  sounder  footing.  The  H.C.  cK:  M.  Steamboat 
Company  received  a  new  lease  o!  life  by  a  friendly  jirrangement 
with  the  ojjposition  line  of  Messrs.  Butterfield  and  Swire.  In  the 
year  1880  the  sugar  refining  industry  of  Hongkong  commenced 
to  be  a  great  source  of  wealth  to  Hongkong,  and  the  East 
Point  Company  solidified  for  the  time  all  the  local  sugar  interests 
by  purchasing  the  concerns  of  dangerous  conipetitors.  Neverthe- ' 
less  there  was  room  for  yet  another  larue  sugar  factory,  and 
next  year  (July  G,  1881)  ground  was  purchased  at  Quarry  Hay 
by  Mr.  E.  Mackintosh  for  Messrs.  Butterfield  and  Swire,  who 
immediately  commenced  the  erection  of  new  and  extensive  sugar 
works.  The  Hongkong  and  Shanghai  Bank  attained  in  188(» 
to  a  commanding  position  in  the  China  Trade,  being  content 
to  mind  its  own  legitimate  business.  Year  after  year,  throughout 
this  jx-'riod,  the  Bank  made  a  substantial  addition  to  its  reserve 
fund,  it  being  the  intention  of  the  Directors  to  raise  the  reserve 
fund  to  a  level  with  half  the  amount  of  the  paid  up  capital. 
Most  noticeable  was,  by  the  end  of  the  year  1881,  the  growing 
favour  in  which  the  Bank  was  held  by  investors.  Its  shares 
continued  to  rise  and  stood  at  116  per  cent,  prenu'um  at 
the  beginning  of  1882.  The  announcement  iu  the  London 
Gazette  (November  14,  1881)  of  the  charter  of  incorporation  of 
the  British  North  Borneo  Company,  was  hailed  in  Hongkong 
with   great   satisfaction.     It  was  generally  considered   that   the 


552  CHAPTER  XXI. 

new  territory,  though  thinly  peopled,  was  capable  of  g-reat 
development,  that  labour  could  be  readily  supplied  from  China 
and  that  the  situation  of  North  Borneo,  midway  between 
Hongkong  and  Singapore,  was  even  of  political  and  strategical 
importance. 

The  old  problem  of  the  Customs  blockade,  the  only  point 
regarding  which  Sir  John  might  have  usefully  redeemed  his 
promise  to  protect  local  commercial  interests,  was  not  brought 
a  single  step  nearer  solution  during  his  administration.  In  1877, 
Sir  A.  Kennedy,  before  leaving  the  Colony,  forwarded  to  the 
Secretary  of  State  his  recommendations  with  reference  to  that 
clause  of  the  Chefoo  Convention  which  referred  to  the  Mixed 
Commission  that  was  to  settle  the  blockade  question,  and  the 
Legislative  Council  recorded  (February  20,  1877)  its  sense  of 
obligation  to  the  efforts  of  Sir  Arthur  to  remove  the  impediments 
to  commercial  intercourse  between  Hongkong  and  China.  But 
for  more  than  two  years  nothing  further  was  done  in  the  matter, 
exce[)t  by  the  blockade  officers  who  became  more  audacious  Lha!i 
ever  in  their  interference  with  the  trade  of  the  Colonv,  and 
by  mild  remonstrances  forwarded  by  Sir  J.  Pope  Hennessy  to 
the  British  Consul  in  Canton  whenever  Chinese  petitioners 
presented  a  specially  strong  grievance.  For  the  blockade  officers 
now  attempted  to  levy  their  exactions  on  non-dutiable  articles 
of  daily  consumption,  and  although  this  was  resisted  and  even- 
tually, owing  to  the  representations  made  by  the  Consul  to  the 
Viceroy  of  Canton,  abandoned,  the  blockade  officers  succeeded 
in  confining  the  exemption  from  duties  to  positively  fresh 
provisions,  and  then  went  further  and  excluded  even  cattle 
from  the  (catalogue  of  non-dutiable  articles.  When  Sir  Thomas 
Wade  passed  through  Hongkong  (April  7,  1879),  on  his  way 
to  England,  the  Committee  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  told 
him  that  they  considered  the  Convention  as  a  retrograde  measure, 
needing  careful  revision,  and  that,  although  five  new  ports 
(Wuhu,  AVenchow,  Ichang,  Pakhoi  and  Hoihow)  had  been 
opened  under  its  provisions,  it  was  their  earnest  hope  that  Lord 
Salisbury  would  refuse  to  ratify  it.     Great  was  the  surprise  of  the 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  .1.   P.   HKNNESSY.  558 

communitv,  when  it  was  reported  that,  in  a  debate  in  the  House 
of  Lords  (May  9,  1879),  Lord  Salisbury  had  stated  that  the 
(joveruor  of  Hongkong  had  reported  that  the  grievance,  which 
i\  certain  clause  of  the  Chefoo  Convention  intended  to  remove 
by  the  appointment  of  a  Mixed  Commission,  had  ceased  to  exist 
and  that  therefore  there  was  no  further  reason  to  appoint  the 
Commission.  This  was  the  more  puzzling  as,  a  few  weeks  before 
this  news  arrived  in  the  Colony,  Sir  John  had<  admitted  in 
Legislative  Council  (May  29,  1879),  in  speaking  of  the  blockade, 
that  'there  is  something  pressing  on  the  junk  trade  of  the 
Colony  that  prevents  its  expansion.'  When  Sir  Th.  Wade  again 
passed  through  Hongkong  (December,  1879),  he  suggested  to  a 
Committee  of  the  Chamber  that  the  blockade  stations  would  not 
be  removed  by  the  Chinese  until  the  Colony  devised  some  scheme 
by  which  the  Chinese  Government  could  collect  the  revenue 
fairly  due  to  them.  Sir  John,  taking  the  same  view,  now  gave 
some  hints  of  the  plan  by  which  he  proposed  to  remove  the 
blockade.  He  stated  in  Legislative  Council  (December  80,  1879) 
that,  if  the  trade  in  salt  were  ])ut  down  and  an  undertaking 
■entered  into  for  the  collection  of  duty  on  opium,  the  Chinese 
Government  would  be  willing  to  remove  the  taxing  stations. 
Pra(itically,  therefore,  the  question  was  whether  the  Colouy  \\as 
willing  to  sacrifice  the  freedom  of  the  port  in  order  to  gain 
the  removal  of  the  blockade,  or,  in  other  words,  whether  the 
Colony  would  prefer  to  have  Chinese  Customs  offices  in  town 
or  Chinese  blockade  stations  outside  the  harbour.  Such  was 
Sir  John's  plan,  so  far  as  he  unfolded  it.  The  determination 
«hown  by  him,  on  all  occasions,  to  court  the  good-will  of  the 
Chinese  Authorities,  combined  with  his  habitual  disregard  of 
the  views  of  'the  British  trader,'  as  he  called  the  mercantile 
<;ommunity  of  Hongkong,  caused  the  community  to  mistrust  any 
scheme  for  the  abolition  of  the  blockade  emanating  from  Sir 
J.  Pope  Hennessy.  Hence  there  ensued  now  the  general  apathy 
of  hopelessness,  which  Sir  John  was  careful  not  to  disturb,  and 
thus  it  happened  that  the  blockade  question  was  allowed  to 
.slumber  all  through  the  year  1880.     On  loth  AFarch,  1881,  the 


554  CHAPTER   XXL 

Chamber  of  (^'ommerce,  once  more  apj)ealed  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  the  abolition  of  the  blockade  and  invited  the  principal 
Chambers  of  Commerce  in  the  United  Kingdom  to  support  their 
petition,  but  this  movement  did  not  produce  any  results  during 
(Jovernor  Hennessy's  term  of  office. 

The  currency  question  entered  upon  a  retrograde  movement 
now,  owing  to  the  greater  intiuence  the  Chinese  gained  at  this 
time.  Seeing  that  it  had  become  an  established  custom  in  Hong- 
kong to  prefer  a  clean  currency  and  to  accept  broken  silver  or 
chopped  dollars  only  at  a  discount  of  one  per  cent.,  the  Canton 
Cotton  and  Yarn  Guild  passed  a  resolution  (April,  1877)  that 
Chinese  dealers  in  Hongkong  should  suspend  trade  with  any 
foreign  firm  refusing  to  accept  broken  silver  at  par  value  of 
currency.  At  first  the  European  merchants  made  joint  resistance 
to  this  attempt  to  force  broken  silver  and  chopped  dollars  upon 
their  acceptance.  But  the  local  Chinese  dealers  supported  the 
movement  initiated  by  the  Canton  Cotton  Guild  and  presented  a 
petition  to  the  Registrar  General  asking  the  Governor  to  make- 
broken  silver  a  legal  tender.  Sir  John  hesitated.  Unfortunately, 
however,  individual  foreign  merchants  yielded  (May  5,  1877)  to- 
the  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  them  by  the  Chinese,  and 
by  19th  May,  1877,  the  demands  of  the  guild,  through  want 
of  unanimity  among  the  European  merchants,  were  generally 
accepted.  The  latter  now  confined  themselves  to  memorialize  the 
Goverimient  against  the  Chinese  proposal  to  make  broken  silver 
(including  chopped  dollars)  a  legal  tender.  The  memorialists 
did  not  propose  to  prohibit  the  practice  of  chopping  dollars, 
but  earnestly  deprecated  any  compulsion  to  be  brought  upon 
merchants  unwilling  to  accept  chopped  dollars  as  currency. 
A  year  later  (March  7,  1878)  the  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
recognizing  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  the  proposed  British 
dollar  being  coined  in  England  by  the  Imperial  Government, 
pronounced  now  in  favour  of  reviving  the  Hongkong  Mhit. 
It  was  alleged  that  the  former  closing  of  the  Hono^kono^  establish- 
ment  was  a  premature  and  ill-advised  measure,  that  there  were 
now  excellent  guarantees  for  the  success  of  the  undertaking,  and 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR   J.   l\   IIENNESSY.  555 

that  the  profits  derivable  from  the  subsidiary  coins  alone  would 
pay  the  expenses  of  the  Mint.  It  was  also  stated  that  if  the 
Government  objected  to  undertake  the  raauagement  of  the  Mint, 
it  might  be  started  by  a  private  Company  under  Government 
supervision.  Sir  John,  however,  shelved  the  whole  question. 
Meanwhile  attention  was  drawn  to  the  manufacture  in  the 
Colony,  at  the  village  of  Tokwawan,  of  immense  quantities  of 
Annamese  cash  for  exportation  to  Annam  and  Tungking,  where 
no  State  Mint  existed.  Some  of  the  manufacturei-s  of  these 
cash  were  tried  in  the  Police  Court  (Hon.  C.  B.  Plunket)  but 
discharged,  as  no  offence  against  English  law  was  brought  home 
to  them.  But  thereupon  the  Colony  itself  was  flooded  with  these 
cash,  until  a  notification  was  published  in  the  Gazette  (October 
29,  1879)  warning  the  people  that  the  circulation  of  these  cash 
in  the  Colony  was  illegal.  On  23rd  February,  1880,  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce  resolved  to  memorialize  the  Government,  requesting 
that  action  be  taken  with  a  view  to  make  the  Japanese  yen 
current  in  Hongkong,  the  Chinese  community  having  (February' 
5, 1880)  petitioned  the  Government  to  the  same  efi'ect.  Altliough 
this  was  in  entire  accordance  with  Sir  John's  own  wishes., 
•no  action  appears  to  have  been  taken  in  the  matter  by  this 
administration. 

In  the  sphere  of  emigration,  considerable  irritation  was- 
caused  in  January,  1878,  by  the  case  of  two  ships  which  took 
emigmnts  under  the  belief  that  permission  would  be  granted, 
but  at  the  last  moment  Sir  John  refused  to  sign  the  warrant... 
The  S.S.  Perusia,  the  first  steamer  of  the  new  China-Peru  line, 
had  thus  to  sail  (January  13,  1878)  without  her  cargo  of 
emigrants,  and  the  charterers  of  the  Americiin  ship  Chnrter 
Oak  were  put  to  serious  loss,  having  filled  the  ship  with 
emigrants  for  Honolulu,  but  being  met,  at  the  moment  of  her 
intended  departure  (January  ir>,  1878),  with  a  refusal  on  the 
part  of  the  Governor  to  sign  the  warrant,  because  the  Tungwa 
Hospital  Committee  had  repiesented  to  him  that  the  emigrants 
would  be  lured  into  slavery.  The  consequence  was  that  trade 
with  Honolulu  was  for  several  years  afterwards  conducted  from. 


556  CHAPTER   XXI. 


AVhampoa  and  taken  up  by  the  China  Merchants  S.  N.  Co., 
which  sent  one  of  their  steamers,  Ilochung  (October  20,  1879), 
to  Honolulu  with  a  large  number  of  emigrants,  and  endeavoured, 
through  Captain  C.  C.  Moreno,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  between 
China  and  Hawaii.  The  only  emigration  that  Sir  John  sanc- 
tioned was  emigration  to  Demerara  (December  23,  1878)  and 
subsequently  to  Antigua.  Emigration  to  the  Australian  Colonies 
the  Governor  was  specially  averse  to  and  he  discouraged  it  (in 
1881)  in  a  manner  which  caused  strained  relations  between  Sir 
John  and  the  Harbour  Master's  Department.  The  reason  was 
that  the  labouring  classes  of  several  Australian  Colonies  began 
(since  1878)  to  agitate  for  the  total  exclusion  of  Chinese  labourer 
and  artisans.  In  this  connection,  Sir  John  took  special  credit 
to  himself  for  having  stopped  what  he  called  deportation  of 
criminals  to  Australia  (November  22,  1879).  It  appears  that  for 
several  years  the  practice  had  obtained  in  Hongkong  of  allowing 
Chinese  prisoners  under  sentence  of  deportation  to  elect  the 
country,  China  or  otlierwise,  to  which  they  wished  to  go,  and 
in  case  any  one  preferred  to  go  to  Australia,  he  was  allowed  to 
do  so,  the  Police  seeing  him  on  board,  to  make  sure  that  he  left 
the  Colony.  Thus  it  happened  that  in  several  cases  men  left 
the  Gaol  to  emigrate  to  Australia,  and  this  was  the  practice  Sir 
John  stopped.  A  few  years  later,  there  was  a  debate  in  Council 
(August  23,  1881)  which  brought  out  the  difference  of  opinion 
that  separated  the  community  from  the  Governor  on  the  question 
of  emigration,  as  on  almost  every  other  subject.  The  Hon. 
F.  B.  Johnson  drew  attention  to  the  unrestricted  right  which 
persons  of  any  nationality  in  Hongkong  had,  to  go  to  another 
country,  and  stated  that  Chinese  profited  greatly  by  their  sojourn 
in  foreign  countries,  that  trade  follows  wherever  they  go,  and  that 
Hongkong  benefits  largely  from  the  passenger  traffic  and  from 
the  trade  which  that  traffic  gives  rise  to.  On  the  other  hand 
Sir  John  declared  that  Chinese  emigration  was  not  desired  by 
foreign  countries  and  that  the  Chinese  Government  was  opposed 
to  it  because  it  took  the  bone  and  sinew  out  of  the  country. 
However,  in  spite  of  Sir  John's  opposition  to  Chinese  emigration, 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  l\   UENNKSSY.  ijoj 


a-' 


the  natural  oiitfiow  of  tlie  Chinese  population  continued,  thougl 
in  a  diminished  degree,  to  utilize  the  facilities  for  emigration 
offered  by  Hongkong  in  some  form  or  other. 

Apart  from  the  foregoing  subjects,  there  were  but  few 
minor  questions  of  commercial  interest  agitating  the  mind  of 
the  community  during  this  period.  Iii  June,  1878,  the  Gunga 
case  aroused  some  transient  indignation  against  the  Spanish 
authorities  at  Manila,  the  S.S.  Gunga  having,  after  striking 
on  a  reef  on  her  way  from  Hongkong  to  Australia,  put  int(> 
Manila  in  distress  for  coal,  when  the  Spaniards  seized  her 
on  account  of  some  informality  in  declaring  the  ship's  cargo. 
Another  matter  of  transient  interest  was  the  proposal  made 
at  a  meeting  of  the  Chaml)er  of  Commerce  (March  4,  1879), 
to  establish  a  general  exchange  and  commercial  sales-rooms 
where  merchants  might  meet  on  a  common  platform,  membershij) 
being  open  to  all  classes  and  nationalities.  A  few  months  later 
(May  28,  1879)  the  promoters  of  the  Hongkong  Commercial 
Exchange  secured  offices  at  the  Marine  House,  and  at  a  meeting 
held  at  the  City  Hall  rules  were  drawn  up  and  a  Secretary 
(E.  George)  appointed  to  work  this  institution,  which  collapsed 
almost  as  soon  as  it  was  started. 

The  junk  trade  of  the  Colony  did  not  develop,  but  shewed 
rather  a  steady  decrease,  during  the  first  four  years  of  this 
period.  A  slight  increase  took  place  in  1881,  as  compared 
with  the  preceding  year,  but  whilst  in  1877  as  many  as 
26,500  junks  with  1,798,788  tons  entered  and  cleared  in 
Hongkong,  the  corresponding  figures  for  1881  are  24,339 
junks  with  1,080,025  tons,  and  this  in  spite  of  a  considerable 
increase  of  the  Chinese  population.  The  rise  and  fall  of  the 
commerce  of  Great  Britain  appeai-s  to  exercise  very  little 
influence  on  the  junk  trade  of  the  Colony  which  is  more 
affected  by  the  increase  of  the  Chinese  population  of  Hongkong, 
by  the  varying  degrees  of  strictness  exercised  at  the  blockade 
stations  and  the  variations  of  the  policy  of  the  Canton  Provincial 
Authorities,  than  by  the  commercial  movements  of  London  or 
Manchester.      As    regartls    the    import    and    export    trade    of 


558  CHAPTEll  XXI. 

■Chinese  merchants  in  Hongkong,  the  development  of  the 
China  Merchants  S.  X.  Co.  was  of  great  moment.  This 
Company,  in  which  Chinese  merchants  of  Hongkong  hold 
a  large  share,  and  which  was  practically  the  creation  of 
Li  Huno'-chano-  the  Viceroy  of  Chihli,  succeeded,  after  many 
mistakes  and  losses,  in  making  good  reports  and  paying  fair 
dividends  (10  per  cent,  in  1881),  besides  writing  off  a  liberal 
sum  for  depreciation  of  its  fleet.  After  establishing  a  Chinese 
Insurance  Company,  Li  Hiing-chang's  next  step  was  to 
run  steamers  to  Honolulu  (October,  1879),  and  when  this 
measure  was  found  unremunerativc,  a  ne\7  departure  was  taken 
(October  11,  1881),  by  putting  a  steamer  on  the  berth  for 
London,  with  a  view  to  commence  direct  trading  between 
England  and  China  and  to  establish  a  firm  of  Chinese 
merchants  in  the  City  of  London.  An  association  was  formed 
for  the  ]»urpose  in  Shanghai  and  Hongkong  with  a  capital 
of  fl  :)<•,()()(>.  The  avowed  object  was  to  wrest  the  China 
Trade  from  foreign  hands  and  to  carry  the  struggle  into  the 
enemy's  camp.  Sir  J.  Pope  Hennessy  encouraged  this  enterprise 
on  the  ground  that  the  interests  of  the  Imperial  trade  would 
be  furthered  by  bringing  the  English  manufacturer  and  the 
(Jhinese  consumer  nearer  together,  tliouoh  it  mii>ht  be  to  the 
detriment  of  the  British  intermediaries  of  the  trade  in 
the  Colony.  But,  as  the  Company  had  no  experienced  men 
.to  start  the  business  in  London,  and  as  it  naturally  met  with 
uncompi'onn'sing  opposition  from  British  merchants  and  shippers, 
the  attempt  proved  a  conspicuous  failure.  Even  more  short- 
lived was  another  project,  which  Sir  John  did  his  utmost  to 
encourage  and  which,  in  his  farewell  summary  of  the  condition 
of  the  Colony,  he  triumphantly  pointed  to  as  a  sign  of 
])rogress,  viz.  a  proposal  to  start,  at  Belcher's  l^ay,  a  Dock 
to  be  worked  with  exclusively  CIdnese  capital  for  the  purpose 
of  docking  the  steamers  owned  by  the  China  Merchants 
8.  N.  Co.  and  other  Chinese  firms.  It  was  merely  a  paper 
scheme,  and  as  Li  Hung-chang  naturally  declined  to  benefit 
the  Colony  in  any  way,  it  fell  to  the  ground.     There  was  at 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF   Sill   .J.    1».    HKNNESSY.  55'J 

one  time  a  third  i>i2"antir  sclieme  on  foot.  Li  Hunir-chaiK»* 
memorialized  the  Throne  on  the  subject  of  opinm  and 
dispatclied  (Anoust  8,  1881)  tlie  Taotai  Ma  Kien-chnng  on  a 
secret  mission  to  tlie  Viceroy  of  India,  to  ascertain  how  far 
the  Indian  Government  would  be  willino;  to  meet  his  proposal 
that  India  should  year  ])y  year  gradually  reduce  its  opium 
])roduction,  Avhilst  China  would  make  .2:ood  from  year  to  year 
the  deficit  of  Indian  opium  revenue,  on  a  sliding  scale  which 
was  to  terminate  after  a  certain  period,  when  the  whole  area, 
originally  devoted  to  opium  plantations,  would  have  been 
gradually  brought  under  cereal  cultivation,  thus  preventing 
any  serious  injury  to  the  revenues  of  India.  In  direct 
•connection  with  this  s^liemc  of  the  Vicerov,  there  was  a 
further  project,  devised  in  Hongkong  by  Mr.  Ho  Amei,  but 
contemptuously  rejected  by  Sir  John.  jMr.  Ho  Amei  proj)oscd 
to  start  in  Hongkong,  under  the  sanction  and  control  of  the 
Chinese  Government,  a  Company  with  a  capital  of  twenty 
million  dollars,  for  the  purjwse  of  purchasing  all  the  opium 
required  for  Chinese  consumption  sent  from  India  and  then 
<listributing  it  to  the  various  ports.  It  was  supposed  that 
this  scheme  would  make  smuggling  impossible,  do  away  with 
the  necGSsitv  for  the  numerous  existing  Li-kin  stations  and 
put  a  stop  to  the  ]^revailing  evasion  and  misappropriation 
of  Li-kin  duties  in  (*hiua.  But  the  whole  scheme  failed 
because  the  Indian  Government  declined  the  Alccroy's  jn'oposal. 
An  equally  unsatisfactory  result  had  the  project  of  ^Ir.  Ho  Amei, 
to  start  at  Al)erdeen  salt-pans  to  manufacture  sea  salt  for 
-exclusive  consuinpti(jn  in  the  Colony.  Ignoring  the  fact  that 
salt  is  an  Imperial  monopoly  in  China,  and  that  therefore 
the  manufacture  of  salt  in  Hongkong  would  give  an  immense 
i^timulus  to  the  existing  forced  contraband  trade  in  salt,  to 
the  injury  of  Chinese  revenue  and  in  violation  of  the 
friendly  relations  between  the  two  countries,  the  Chamber 
-of  Commerce  (March  10,  188!)  viewed  the  proposed  manufacture 
of  salt  in  opposition  to  the  Governor's  views  as  an  enterprise 
■<is  legitimate  as  that  of  refining  sugar.     Sir  John  would  not 


560  CHAPTER  XXI. 

eutertaiii  the  scheme  for  a  moment.  A  fifth  project  of  the 
Chinese  community  was  the  estabhshment  of  a  Chinese 
Chamber  of  Commerce,  which  was  to  take  over  all  the  extraneous 
functions  of  the  Tung-wa  Hospital  Committee.  Sir  John 
encourao-ed  this  project  and  suggested  to  combine  with  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce  a  Chinese  Industrial  Museum.  The 
plan  was  often  discussed,  petitions  and  deputations  pressed  it 
upon  the  Government,  year  after  year,  but  although  the 
Governor  finally  (February  20,  1880)  promised  to  recommend 
a  Government  grant  of  ^10,000,  in  addition  to  the  grant  of 
a  piece  of  ground,  nothing  was  really  done. 

The  sanitation  of  Hongkong  was,  during  this  administration, 
a  subject  fruitful  of  bitter  strife,  as  it  brought  the  Surveyor 
General,  the  Colonial  Surgeon  and  the  Military  Medical  Authorities 
into  direct  opposition  against  the  views  of  the  Governor.  The 
annual  reports  of  the  Colonial  Surgeon  for  the  years  1879  and  1880 
having  been  suppressed  by  the  Governor,  our  records  are  incom- 
])lete.  However,  the  Registrar  General's  statistics  of  the  annual 
death-rate  per  1,000  of   the  whole  population  (being  20.81  for 

1877,  29.60  for  1878,  and  32.14  for  1879)  show  a  steady  increase 
for  the  first  three  years  of  this  administration,  followed  by  a 
considerable  decrease  in  1880  (28.71)  and  1881  (24.07).  As  no 
material  changes  were  made  in  the  system  of  sanitation,  it  seems 
that  the  rise  and  fall  of  mortality  during  those  years  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  Governor's  attitude  towards,  or  inactivity  in, 
matters  of  sanitation.  The  increas(3  of  sickness  in  1877  is 
accounted  for  by  meteorological  conditions,  the  heat  registered 
during  that  year  having  been  in  excess  of  anything  experienced 
during  the  preceding  eight  years,  while  the  rainfall  (77.24)  was 
below  that  of  previous  yeai-s  (104.02  in  1870).  As  to  the  year 
1878  shewing  a  rise  in  the  mortality  tables,  the  Colonial  Surgeon 
reported  that  the  health  of  the  Colony  was  exceptionally  good  in 

1878,  and  during  the  year  1879,  when  the  mortality  among  the 
Chinese  population  rose  to  33.11  per  1,000,  the  health  of  the 
troops  was  even  better  than  in  1878.  The  common  practice 
<luriug  this  period  was,  when  things  sanitary  were  found  fault 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OP  SIR  J.   P.  HENNESSl'.  561 

Avitli  in  Hongkong-,  to  lay  the  blame  on  the  Governor.  Owing 
partly  to  the  annual  philippica  of  the  Colonial  Surgeon,  who 
asserted  that  large  numbers  of  Chinese  houses  in  Hongkong  had 
been  rebuilt  on  plans  wanting  in  all  sanitary  principles,  as  they 
drained  mostly  into  the  subsoil,  and  principally  on  account  of  the 
trenchant  representations,  regai'ding  the  alleged  niismanagemenb 
of  sanitary  affairs  in  Hongkong,  made  by  Deputy  Surgeon  G<^neral 
McKinnon  to  the  War  Office,  the  Secretary  of  State  sent  (June, 
1881)  Mr.  0.  Chadwick,  C.B.,  at  the  expense  of  the  Colony,  to 
inquire  into  and  report  to  the  Colonial  Office  on  the  sanitary 
condition  of  Hongkong.  Apart  from  the  prejudice  in  favour  of 
the  dry  earth  system  which  the  Governor  had,  the  only  branch 
of  sanitation,  in  which  he  positively  interfered,  was  the  working 
of  the  CD.  Ordinance,  and  in  this  respect  also  the  Governor's 
action  ran  counter  to  the  views  of  the  local  sanitary  authorities. 
Sir  John  appointed  (November  12,  1877)  a  Commission  (T.  C. 
Hayllar,  W.  Keswick,  E.  J.  Eitel)  to  inquire  into  the  working 
of  Ordinance  10  of  1807.  But  beyond  abolishing  the  most 
glaring  abuses  wjjicli  had  connected  themselves  with  the  local 
system,  and  bringing  together  a  mass  of  information  as  to- 
the  local  history  of  this  branch  of  sanitation,  the  Commission 
produced  no  result. 

In  educational  matters,  the  real  good,  which  Sir  John  did 
for  the  education  of  the  youths  of  the  Colony  by  a  reform  of  the 
Grant-in-Aid  Scheme,  escaped  public  attention  almost  entirely. 
As  regards  the  Government  Central  School,  then  the  most  }x)pular 
educational  institution  of  Hongkong,  there  appeared  (December 
1,  1877)  a  pamphlet  questioning  the  raison  d'etre  of  this  School. 
The  anonymous  author  argued  that  the  Government  should 
confine  its  operations  to  promoting  elementary  education,  leaving 
all  higher  education  to  be  organized  on  the  voluntary  principle 
and  to  be  paid  for  by  those  who  value  it.  The  pamphlet  was 
believed  to  express  the  Governor's  views  and  caused  accordingly 
disquieting  apprehensions.  The  Central  School,  however,  con- 
tinued as  before.  What  the  Governor  did  for,  or  against,  the 
School,  had  practically  no  effect  at  all,  except  that  the  erection 


562  "  CHAPTER  XXI. 

of  new  buildings  \r.is  stopped.  On  the  ground  that  political  and 
commercial  interests  rendered  the  study  of  English  of  primary 
importance  in  all  Government  Schools  in  the  Colony,  a  principle 
which  an  Educational  Conference  (February  25,  1878),  appointed 
by  the  Governor,  strongly  enunciated,  the  Governor  urged  (but 
without  effect)  that  more  attention  should  be  paid  in  the  Central 
f^chool  to  promoting  the  speaking  of  English,  that  attendance 
at  Chinese  lessons  should  be  made  optional,  and  that  smaller 
classes  and  a  larger  staff  should  be  organized.  An  attempt 
which  the  Governor  made,  by  the  appointment  (August  27, 
3880)  of  an  Education  Commission  (F.  Stewart,  E.  L.  O'Malley, 
J.  M.  Price,  Ph.  Ryrie,  W.  Keswick,  E.  J.  Eitel,  E.  R.  Belilios), 
to  substitute  five  elementary  district  schools  for  the  preparatory 
classes  of  the  Central  School,  and  to  convert  the  latter  into  a 
Collegiate  Institution,  miscarried  entirely.  A  Normal  School, 
for  the  training  of  Chinese  teachers  of  English,  was  established 
(September  1,  1881)  but  was  condemned  by  the  Education 
Commission.  The  separation  of  the  offices  of  Fleadmaster  of  the 
Central  School  and  Inspector  of  Schools,  the  appointment  (March 
7,  1878)  of  a  separate  Inspector  as  Head  of  the  Education 
Department  (E.  J.  Eitel),  and  the  revision  of  the  Grant-in-Aid 
♦Scheme  (1879)  met  with  no  opposition.  The  latter  measure 
revolntiouized  the  educational  system  of  the  Colony.  By  a 
few  verbal  alterations  in  the  Grant-in-Aid  Code,  approved  by 
the  Secretary  of  State,  the  secular  system  was  confined  to  the 
Government  Schools,  whilst  all  the  Grant-in-Aid  Schools  were 
set  absolutely  free  to  devote  their  whole  time  to  education 
(whether  secular  or  religious)  in  both  primary  and  secondary 
subjects.  The  consequence  was  that,  whilst  Sir  J.  Pope  Hennessy 
on  his  first  arrival  in  Hongkong  (in  1877)  found  41  schools 
reported  as  existing  in  the  Colony,  with  2,022  scholars,  he  left 
behind  him,  on  his  departure  from  Hongkong  (in  1882),  5,182 
scholars  enrolled  in  80  schools  under  Government  supervision. 

The  Roman  Catholic  community  had  St.  Joseph's  Church 
re-opened  for  services  (June  3,  1877)  and  a  new  Church,  of  the 
8acred  Heart,  at  Westpoint,  built  for  them   (March  22,  1879) 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  P.  HENNESSY.  563 

on  ground  granted  by  the  Government.  The  German  community 
erected  a  Lutheran  Church  (March  12,  1879)  in  connection  with 
the  Berlin  Foundhng  House.  The  first  Chinese  civil  marriage 
was  solemnized  at  the  Registrar  General's  Office  on  7th  June, 
1877.  The  Sunday  labour  question  was  brought  before  the 
Government  (May  1,  1879)  by  the  joint  action  of  the  Protestant 
and  Catholic  clergy.  A  Memorial  presented  by  them  requested, 
that  on  Sundays  all  labour  should  cease  in  the  Colony  and  that 
Statute  29th  of  Charles  II.  should  be  put  in  force.  The  question 
was  referred  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  but  Sunday  labour  con- 
tinued in  Hongkong  unchecked. 

Such  was  the  mutual  incompatibility  of  temperament,  views 
and  ways,  between  Sir  John  and  the  European  community,  that 
lie  deliberately  assumed  a  position  of  entire  isolation,  whilst  the 
European  community  felt,  year  by  year,  less  and  less  disposed 
to  disturb  his  insularity.  Apart  from  Sir  John's  general  })olicy. 
there  were  special  causes  which  irritated  the  comnmnity.  Such 
were,  for  instance,  his  interference  (October  24,  1879,  and 
February  o,  1881)  with  the  rules  of  admission  to  the  City  Hall 
Museum,  his  attempt  to  confiscate  the  steam-tug  Fame  (October 
28,  1879),  and  his  prohibition  of  the  sale  of  refreshments  at  the 
City  Hall  Theatre  (February  25,  1880).  As  regards  amusements, 
however,  the  community  was,  during  this  period,  well  provided 
for.  In  addition  to  the  established  j^eriodical  treats  provided 
by  the  Amateur  Dramatic  Corps,  the  Choral  Society,  the  Hor- 
ticultural Society,  the  Victoria  Recreation  and  Regatta  Clubs, 
the  Liedertafel  of  the  Club  Germania,  and  the  Race  Club,  this 
period  is  distinguished  by  some  specially  successful  celebrations, 
amonu'  which  mention  is  due  to  St.  Patrick's  festival  (March  17, 
1879),  the  centenary  of  the  birth  of  the  Irish  poet  Tom  Moore' 
(May  28,  1879),  the  Masonic  Ball  of  15th  January,  1880,  tlie 
anniversary  of  AVashington's  birthday  (February  23,  1880),  and 
the  tercentenary  of  Camoens  (June  10,  1880).  As  to  other 
social  events  those  deserving  mention  are  the  semi-extinction 
of  the  Humane  Society  (May  13,  1878),  the  formation  of  St. 
John's   Lodge  under  the   Scottish  Constitution  (Xovember  30, 


564  CHAPTER  XXL 

1878),  a  banquet  and  presentation  of  an  address  in  honour  of 
Professor  Nordenskjold  (November  8,  1879),  the  starting  of 
jinrikshas  in  the  Colony  (April  22,  1880),  the  establishment 
of  a  Polo  Club  (April  27,  1880),  the  presentation  of  an  address 
and  testimonial  to  the  Hon.  W.  Keswick  (May  14,  1881),  the 
arrest  of  Messrs.  Rapp  and  Schmidt  by  a  Customs  cruiser  while 
on  a  shooting-  expedition  (November  2(1,  1881),  and  the- 
appointment  of  Mr.  C.  P.  Chater  as  Masonic  District  (irrand 
Master  of  South  China  (Februaij  2,  1882). 

The  charity  of  the  Hongkong  community  was,  during  this, 
period,  called  forth  and  exercised  to  an  extraordinary  degree. 
To  the  relief  of  the  famine  in  North  China  the  Hongkong 
community  contributed  (from  April,  1877,  until  August,  1878,) 
an  aggregate  sum  of  ^132,000.  Floods  in  Canton  necessitated 
(\\\  May,  1877)  a  separate  appeal  which  in  a  day  or  two  produced 
^5,000.  The  Freemasons  raised  separately  funds  (October,  1877)- 
for  the  relief  of  sufferers  from  famine  in  India,  and  in  January, 
1878,  a  subscription  was  started  for  the  sufferers  from  the  Yesw- 
explosion,  when  Messrs.  Douglas  Lapraik  &  Co.  headed  the  list 
with  a  subscription  of  |1 0,000.  An  Amateur  Concert  was  given 
(December  12,  1878)  on  behalf  of  sufferers  by  the  failure  of  the 
City  of  Glasgow  Bank.  An  Irish  Famine  Relief  Committee  was 
started  (March  8,  1880)  and  collected  ^30,000.  The  Hon.  E.  R. 
Belilios  having  (October  15,  1878)  placed  in  the  Governor's 
hands  the  sum  of  £1,000  for  the  erection  of  a  statue  of  Lord 
Beaconsfield,  used  this  sum,  when  Disraeli  deprecated  the  honour, 
to  establish  a  Medical  Scholarship  Fund  (October  7,  1871)), 
subseijuently  changed  (November  21),  1883)  into  the  Belihos- 
Scholarship  Fund,  and  gave  to  a  Vow  of  houses  opposite  the 
City  Hall,  which  he  erected  at  the  time,  the  name  Beaconsfield 
Arcade.  A  Medical  Mission  Committee  (J.  C.  Edge,  Dr.  Young, 
and  H.  W.  Davis),  having,  since  October  1871,  established  a 
public  dispensary  in  Taipingshan,  made  (January  13,  1872)  an 
appeal  to  the  community  and  commenced  taking  steps  which 
ultimately  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  Alice  Memorial 
Hospital. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.  P.  HENNESSY.  565 

Several  ^-ales  passed  over  Hongkong*  in  1879  (lOfch  July, 
loth  July,  lOtli  October),  one  in  1880  (23rd  Septeinher)  and 
two  in  1881  (21st  Augosb,  and  14tli  October),  but  with  the 
exception  of  the  last  gale,  by  which  many  small  craft  were 
wrecked  and  some  lives  lose,  tliese  gales  did  no  serions  damage. 
Besides  the  case  of  the  China  Merchants'  Steamer  Eauhin,  which 
went  ashore  in  Fat-tan-moon,  opposite  Sheko,  there  was  bnt 
one  extraordinary  disaster.  The  S.S.  Yesso  was  being  moored 
alongside  the  wliarf,  when  one  of  her  boilers  burst  (November 
'22,  1877)  and  87  persons  were  scalded  to  death.  There  was  no 
unusual  number  of  conflagrations  during  this  period,  but  the 
average  number  of  houses  destroyed  on  the  occasion  of  fires  was 
much  greater  than  anything  previously  experienced,  indicating 
a  defective  condition  of  the  Fire  Brigade. 

The  history  of  the  ship-building  movement  during  this 
pei'iod  is  characterized  by  keen  competition,  ending  in  the 
■  triumph  of  the  H.  &  W.  Dock  Company.  The  most  prominent 
landmarks  in  this  struggle  were  tlie  launch  of  the  Customs 
■oruizer  Li  Chi  from  Captain  Sands'  slip  at  Westpoint  (March 
r>,  1878);  the  launch  of  the  S.S.  Klimgchoir^  built  by  W.  B. 
Spratt  &  Co.  (July  29>,  isr8)  at  Spring  Gardens;  tlie  launch 
of  the  S.S.  Zephyr  from  Captain  Sands'  slip  (November  23, 
1878);  the  purchase  of  the  late  Captain  Sands'  slips  by  the  H. 
&  W.  Dock  Company  (September  1,  1870);  the  starting  of 
opposition  Docks  ac  Shainsliuipou  by  the  Cosmopolitan  Dock 
Company  (February  o,  1880),  and  the  purchase  of  these  Docks 
by  the  H.  &  W.  Dock  Company  (December  31,  1880).  As  to 
other  local  industries,  there  is  to  be  recorded  the  estal)lishment 
of  an  iron  foundry  at  Shnukiwan  (June  0,  1878),  the  attempt 
made  by  the  Kaiining  Company  to  start  a  matcli  factory  at 
Yaumati  (June  15,  1880)  and.  the  registration  (December  31, 
1880)  of  a  new  Ice  Company.  On  Ist  April,  1877,  postal  rates 
were  reduced  (to  IG  cents  for  a  letter  to  England)  and  local 
rates  lowered  by  one  half.  A  further  reduction  in  postal  ratds 
.(to  10  cents  for  a  letter  to  any  country  t)f  the  Postal  Union) 
was  made  in  1879,  when  an  almost  uniform  postal  tariff  was 


566  CHAPTER  XXr. 

introduced,  and  an  exchange  of  money  orders  arranored  wifcb 
India  and  most  of  the  Australian  Colonies.  Telegraphic  cable 
connection  was  extended  to  Manila  (May  1,  1880)  and  to  Canton 
(March,  1882),  whilst  the  town  was  provided  with  telephones, 
there  being  on  one  occasion  (June  24,  1881)  three  Telephone 
Companies  applying  for  permission  to  establish  lines  in  the 
Colony.  A  short-lived  line  of- steamers  was  started  (January  13, 
1878)  to  connect  Hongkong  with  Peru;  the  S.S.  Washi  com- 
menced to  run  regularly  between  Hongkong  and  North  Borneo 
(June  13,  1878) ;  the  Mitsu  Bishu  Company  started  a  new  line 
of  connection  with  Japan  (October  12,  1879),  and  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  Lloyds  extended  their  steamship  traffic  by  bringing- 
Hongkong  into  regular  monthly  connection  with  Triest  (April 
1,  3881).  To  the  foregoing  evidences  of  prosperity  may  be 
added  the  establishment  of  an  Anglo-Chinese  Debating  Society 
(March  4,  1880)  and  the  starting  of  a  third  daily  newspaper,  the 
Hongkong  Telegraph  (June  15,  1881),  by  Mr.  R.  Frazer  Smith. 
The  obituary  of  this  period  includes  an  extraordinary  number 
of  prominent  citizens  : — H.  Thorburn,  Acting  Manager  of  the 
Chartered  Bank  (April  19,  1877);  W.  H.  Bell,  lessee  of  the 
Daily  Press  (May  IG,  1877);  Captain  G.  U.  Sands,  founder  of 
the  Patent  Slip  and  Dock  Company  (October  28,  1877);  J.  J. 
dos  Remedies,  Consul  General  for  Portugal  (July  30,  1878); 
John  Jack,  proprietor  of  the  Hongkong  Distillery  (August  15, 
1878);  Hon.  Ch.  May,  Colonial  Treasurer  (April  23,  1879); 
Captain  E.  Punchard,  commander  of  coast  steamers  (July  12, 
1879);  Rev.  H.  H.  Kidd,  Colonial  Chaplain  (July  31,  1879); 
Hon.  C.  B.  Plunket,  Police  Magistrate  (December  21,  1880); 
Captain  R.  W.  Hutchinson,  commander  and  owner  of  several 
steamers  (January  30,  1881);  Mrs.  Mclver,  wife  of  Superinten- 
dent P.  &  0.  Company  (February  11,  1881);  Sir  Richard  Graven 
McDonnell  (March,  1881);  T.  G.  Lindstead,  Masonic  District 
Grand  Master  (April  30,  1881) ;  W.  R.  Landstein,  merchant 
(June  21,  1881);  Pastor  Klitzke  of  the  Berlin  Foundling  House 
<July  8,  1881);  Rev.  C.  G.  Booth,  Military  Chaplain  (January 
14,  1882). 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  J.   P.   HENNESSY'.  567 

la  October,  1881,  it  was  stated  that  the  question  of  the 
Ooveruor's  rule  or  misrule  would  shortly  be  brought  before 
Parliament.  This  was  not  done,  but  in  February,  1882,  it  was 
generally  understood  that  the  Governor  was  about  to  leave  the 
Colony  for  good.  The  Tungwa  Hospital  Committee  gave  the 
Governor  a  farewell  banquet  (February  27,  1882),  and  when  Sir 
John,  after  a  stormy  debate  in  Legislative  Council,  announced 
(March  1,  1882)  his  approaching  departure,  the  Hon.  Ph.  Ryrie, 
expressing  his  own  views,  praised  the  Governor  ns  having  l}een 
a  longer  time  at  his  post  than  any  of  his  predecessors.  Two 
complimentary  addresses  were  presented  to  Sir  John  on  the  eve 
of  his  departure,  one  by  a  Chinese  deputation  and  the  other  by 
the  Portuguese  community  (March  6,  1882).  On  7th  March,. 
1882,  Sir  John  left  Hongkong  ostensibly  on  leave  for  six  months, 
but  it  was  understood  at  the  time  that  his  return  was  beyond 
the  bounds  of  probability.  Later  on,  when  a  contrary  rumour 
reached  the  Colony,  the  strongest  remonstrances  were  addressed 
by  the  leading  British  merchants  to  the  Authorities  at  Downing 
Street  and  thereupon  all  doubts  as  to  the  permanent  severance  of 
the  tie  between  Hongkong  and  Sir  J.  Pope  Hennessy  (beyond  the 
payment  of  a  pension)  were  removed,  and  the  Colony  entered, 
after  five  years  of  incessant  turmoil,  upon  a  season  of  quiet 
and  steadv  work.  Sir  John  himself  carried  with  him  to  another 
Governorship  (Mauritius)  the  same  odd  pervei*se  antipathies,  and 
roused  there  also,  among  the  British  community,  the  whirlwind 
and  the  storm  which  it  required  the  interference  of  Sir  Hercules 
Robinson  to  assuage.  The  abrupt  termination  of  Sir  John*& 
official  career  was  rendered  tragic  through  its  being  followed 
by  his  premature  death  (Octol)er  7,  1890)  at  a  moment 
when  re-entrance  upon  the  scenes  of  Parliamentary  life  seemed 
open  to  him  and  to  oflFer  a  vista  of  success  in  the  sphere  of 
Irish  politics.     Jlequiescat  in  pace. 


3-f4^ 


CHAPTP^R  XXII. 


A  Short  Summary. 
1854  to  1882. 


ip'HE    epoch     in     Hontrkori.i>-'s    history     which    opens     with 
the    administration    of    Sir   John    Bovvring    (1854)    and 


closes  with  that  of  Sir  J.  P.  Hennessy  (1882)  is  characterized 
by  the  severance  (since  March,  1857)  of  the  ties  which  had 
nnited  tlie  interests  of  the  Colony  with  the  Imperial  pohcy 
of  Her  Majesty's  Government  in  China.  When  the  successive 
<Jovernors  of  Hongkong^  ceased  to  act  as  Her  Majesty's 
diplomatic  agents  in  China,  it  was  not  merely  that  the 
connection  of  the  Colony  and  its  Governors  with  the  Foreign 
Office  ceased  and  determined.  The  change  involved  the 
subordination  of  Hongkong's  interests  to  the  desire,  always 
uppermost  in  the  mind  of  H.M.  Minister  in  Peking,  to  keep 
on  good  terms  with  Hongkong's  implacable  enemies,  the 
Chinese  Mandarins.  The  first  Governor  of  this  period, 
Sir  J.  Bowring,  was  not  only  deprived  of  the  office  of  H.M. 
Representative  in  China,  but  lound  liis  successors  in  that 
office  to  sacrifice  the  welfare  of  the  Colony  to  a  maudlin 
policy  of  cringing  subservience  to  China  as  a  fancied  equal 
of  Europe  and  a  supposed  great  arid  mitjhty  Empire.  And  the 
last  Governor  of  this  period,  Sir  J.  P.  Heimessy,  whose  one 
desire  was  to  obtain  that  same  post,  exhibits  the  strange  spectacle 
of  a  Governor  of  Hongkong  deliberately  acting  on  th^  false 
assumption  that  the  Imperial  interests  of  Great)  Britain  and 
of  peaceful  relations  with  China  are  irreconcilably  hostile  to 
the  local  interests  of  the  Colony. 

The  earliest  portion  of  this  narrative  is  occupied  with  the 
story  of   that  struggle   between   China  and   Europe,  in  which, 


(ukiversitt) 

A    SHORT   SUMMARY.  569 

tor  two  long  centuries,  Manchu  arrogance  and  tyranny  has, 
tlianks  to  tlie  apathy  of  the  East-India  Company's  Directors, 
the  upper  hand  over  the  representatives  of  European  commerce 
and  civilization,  and  keeps  them  lo(;kcd  up  within  the  narrow 
limits  of  the  Canton  Factories.  The  latest  portion  of  this 
volume  exhibits  that  same  Manchu  tyranny,  undeterred  by 
repeated  defeats  and  humiliations,  because  aided  and  abetted 
by  H.M.  Ministers  and  Consuls  in  China,  surrounding  the 
hated  Free  Trade  Colony  of  Hongkong  by  a  narrow  circle  of 
Customs  stations  and  maintaining  an  effective  blockade  which 
to  the  present  day  disgraces  British  relations  with  China.  All 
honour  to  Great  Britain's  magnanimous  forbearance  in  the 
interest  of  what  her  Crowu  lawjers  consider  to  be  the  just 
demands  of  international  law\  Covered  by  that  law,  Mandarindom 
still  seeks  to  strangle  the  Free  Trade  movement  of  the  Colony 
and  still  slanders  the  fair  name  of  the  Colony  by  regarding 
that  amount  of  smuggling,  which  everywhere  in  the  world 
naturally  results  from  oppressive  and  irregular  taxation  and 
jjcculation,  as  an  inherent  vice  of  the  native  population  of 
Hongkong.  But  a  divine  Nemesis  is  watching-  over  all  these 
things  and  Mandarindom  will  eventually  discover  its  mistake 
when  British  patience  is  exhausted.  An  effective  solution  of 
the  problem  can,  however,  hardly  be  expected  so  long  as  the 
])resent  division  between  the  Colonial  and  Foreign  Offices 
continues.  This  division  which,  in  its  practical  working  in 
the  Far  East,  bristles  with  unavoidable  jealousies  and  irrecon- 
cilable antagonisms,  impedes  the  natural  process  of  bringing 
China  into  subordination  to  Europe.  The  furtherance  of  that 
])rocess  demands  a  special  Ministry  charged  with  the  direction 
of  all  Her  Majesty's  possessions  and  interests  in  the  East  and 
bringing  British  Colonial  and  Imperial  policy  into  a  working 
and  effective  um'ty. 

Historically  speaking  it  seems  undeniable  that,  as  in  the  days 
.of  the  East-India  Company  at  Canton,  so  in  the  more  recent 
history  of  Hongkong,  European  merchants  have  ever  been  tlie 
leaders  and  the  Chinese  merchants  the  indisjxmsable  hangers-on 


570  CHAPTER  xxn. 

and  go-betweens  of  the  China  Trade,  and  that  this  twofold 
commerce  made  immense  strides  for  the  benefit  of  both  parties 
from  the  moment  when  it  came  under  the  impulse  of  the  mighty 
spirit  of  free  trade,  which  fused  the  interests  of  European  and 
Chinese  merchants  into  indissoluble  unity.  If  we  view  the 
history  of  the  China  Trade  from  the  standpoint  of  Europe's- 
relations  with  .Cliina,  it  is  clear  that  the  tendency,  which  God 
put  into  the  movement  that  commenced  at  Canton  two  centuries 
ago  and  which  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  this  British 
Colony,  was  the  inchoative  union  of  Europe  and  China,  by  the 
subordination  of  the  latter  to  the  former,  and  this  by  means, 
of  free  trade  coupled  with  enlio^htened  and  humane  local 
government.  The  genius  of  British  free  trade  and  political 
liberty  constitutes  unmistakeably  the  vital  element  in  the  historic 
evolution  of  Hongkong.  Hence  it  is  that  co-operation  with 
this  divine  tendency  of  things  is  the  unalterable  condition  of 
success.  Every  measure,  every  event  in  the  history  of  Hongkong, 
that  is  in  harmony  with  this  general  innate  tendency,  is  in 
part  a  fulfilment  of  Hongkong's  mission  in  the  history  of  the 
universe. 

That  this  view  is  correct,  may  be  inferred  from  the  historic 
fact  that  nothing  ever  seriously  endangered  the  existence  of 
this  Colony  but  tampering  with  the  free  trade  palladium  of 
Hongkong.  Few  of  the  Governors  of  this  epoch  recognized 
the  importance  of  this  truth,  and  among  the  merchants 
even  there  was  often  entire  forgetfulness  of  this  principle. 
Sir  A.  Kennedy,  no  doubt,  thought  he  was  doing  the  right 
thing  when  he  introduced  lighthouse  dues,  and  the  mercantile 
community  submitted  to  the  measure  without  a  murmur. 
Sir  R.  MacDonnell  came  near  the  truth  when  he  saw  the 
essential  importance  of  Hongkong  in  its  convenience  as  a 
commercial  depot  and  recommended  that  the  shipping  interests 
be  better  looked  after.  The  only  Governor  of  this  period 
whose  eyes  were  fully  open  on  this  jjoint,  was  Sir  J.  Bowring. 
The  following  words,  taken  from  one  of  his  published 
dispatches,    are    worth     remembering.      *  Believing     that     the 


A   SHORT   SUMMARY.  571 

satisfactory  development  of  our  prosperity  is  mainly  due  to  the 
emancipation  of  ail  shipping  and  trade  from  fiscal  vexations 
and  exactions,  I  trust  no  custom-house  machinery  will  ever  be 
introduced,  either  for  the  collection  of  tariff  or  harbour  dues  or 
for  any  purpose  which  may  check  the  free  ingress  and  egress 
of  all  shipping  to  and  from  the  port  nor  the  free  transfer  of 
.commodities  from  hand  to  hand.  Hongkong  presents  another 
example  of  the  elasticity  and  potency  of  unrestricted  commerce 
which  has  ujore  than  counterbalanced  the  barrenness  of  the  soil, 
the  absence  of  agricultural  and  manufacturing  industry,  the 
disadvantages  of  its  climate  and  every  impediment  which  would 
clog  its  progress.' 

The  greatest  revolution  that  ever  upheaved  the  affairs  of 
Hongkong  came  from  a  purely  commercial  source,  from  the 
sphere  of  its  shipping  interests.  I  refer  to  the  opening  of  the 
Suez  Canal.  For  several  years  after  that  momentous  event, 
Hongkong  commerce  seemingly  followed  its  old  im^xitus  in  much 
the  same  lines  as  before.  But  step  by  step  it  was  seen  that  a 
change  had  come  over  Hongkong's  dream,  amounting  to  a  com- 
plete revolution.  The  markets  in  England  for  silk,  tea  and  other 
Chinese  exports  had  been  entirely  ruled  by  the  prices  paid  in 
China.  Now  the  price  realised  in  England  became  the  noruii 
and  guide  of  all  purchases  to  be  made  in  China.  As  to  imports 
into  China,  the  change  wrought,  by  bringing  the  English 
manufacturer  into  closer  connection  with  the  Chinese  consumer, 
was  equally  formidable.  The  China  Trade  now  drifted  into  the 
hands  of  home  capitalists.  Successful  trading  on  credit,  formerly 
80  common  in  Hongkong,  became  year  by  year  rarer  and  large 
monied  firms  only  appeared  to  profit  in  the  long  run. 

But  the  remarkable  thing  is  that  even  the  political  and. 
strategical  imix)rtance  of  Hongkong  was  immensely  enhanced 
by  that  same  commercial  event.  It  was  the  opening  of  the 
Suez  Canal  which  placed  Hongkong  in  line  with  Gibraltar 
and  Malta  and  made  it  combine  their  functions  as  applied 
to  the  Far  East.  Hongkong  now  dominates  the  China  Sea 
as  Malta  dominates  the   Mediterranean  and  strategically  closes 


^72  CHAPTER   XXri. 

the  road  to  India  fro.n  the  East  as  Gibraltar  opens  the 
gateway  from  the  West.  As  thp  opening  of  the  Suez  Canal, 
with  its  consequent  increase  of  European  trade  with  China, 
enhanced  the  importance  of  Hongkong  as  a  commercial  em- 
l)orium,  so  the  universal  employment  of  steamers  in  the  navies 
of  all  the  great  Maritime  Powers,  which  likewise  followed  from 
the  opening  of  the  Suez  Canal,  gave  Hongkong  a  new  important 
function  to  fulfil  as  the  only  coaling-station  of  the  British  navy 
in  the  Far  East.  But,  as  it  took  Hongkong  merchants  several 
years  to  realize  how  much  nearer,  to  London,  Hongkong  now 
was,  so  it  took  Her  Majesty's  Government  and  the  British  public 
several  decades  of  years  to  realize  the  increased  political  and 
strategical  importance  Hongkong  had]'assumed,  by  that  same 
commercial  event,  in  the  general  scheme  of  British  Colonial 
defence,  and  its  consequent  need  of  first  class  fortifications. 

As   to   the  individual   Governo's   of   this   epoch,  one  feels 
tempted  to  say  that  apparently  'each  man  begins  the  world  afresh 
and  the  last  man  repeats  the  blunders  of  the  first.'     However, 
-it  is  remarkable  how  little  really  depended  upon  the  character, 
AVisdom  or  energy,  of  any  of  these  exalted  individuals.     Sir  J. 
Bowring,  the  man  of  ideas,  had   rare  capabilities  and  was  brim- 
uiing  over  with  fruitful  schemes,  but,  to  use  Lord  Clarendon's 
words,  '  events  which  could  not  be  foreseen  and  which  got  (or 
rather  all   along    were)   beyond  his  control'    left   him  stranded 
])owerless.     Sir  H.  Robinson,  Fortune's  favourite,  was  apparently 
the    most    successful    Governor    of    Hongkong,   thanks    to    an 
adventitious  prosperity  of  commerce,  but  if  his  administration 
•liad  fallen  into  his  successor's  time  of  financial  insolvency,  he 
would  have  been  deprived  of  all  the  means  of  success  and  left 
as  helpless  as  his  successor.     Sir  R.  MacDonnell,  the  autocrat, 
was  jxirhaps  the  greatest,  most  energetic  and  powerful.  Governor 
•  that  ever  ruled  over  this  much-ruled  Colony,  but  adverse  circum- 
stances, bad  times,  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  colonists  and 
•dissensions  with   the   Colonial   Office   rulers,  clipped  the  wings 
•of   his  usefulness  and  success.     Sir   A.  Kennedy,  the  amiable, 
is'  the  model  of  a. successful  and  most  popular  Governor  who 


A   SiHORT   SUMMARY.  57«^ 

acliieved  local  immortality  by  doincc  as  little  as  possible  whilst- 
makiiiu'  himself  personally  pleasant  to  the  Colony  as  well  to  the- 
Downing-  Street  officials.  As  to  Sir  J.  P.  Hennessy,  the  less 
said  tlie  better.  His  acts  speal>  powerfully  eiiouLrh.  The  centre 
of  his  world  was  he  himself.  But  with  all  the  crowd  of  dark 
,  and  briiiht  powers  that  were  wrestlino-  within  him,  he  could 
iiot  help  doing  some  good  and  the  Colony  emerged  out  of  the 
ordeal  of  his  administration  practically  unscathed.  No,  what 
makes  or  mars  the  fortunes  of  Hongkong  is  not  the  wisdom 
or  foolishness,  the  goodness  or  badness  of  its  Governors.  There 
is  an  indomitable  vitality  within  and  a  Supreme  Governor 
above  this  British  Colony,  and  these  powers  irresistibly  push 
on  and  control  the  evolution  of  Hongkong  until  its  destiny 
be  fulfilled  in  accordance  with  a  plan  which  is  not  of  man's 
making. 

Several  important  social  problems  were  taken  up  during 
this  period.  In  the  case  of  the  gambling  question,  first  investi- 
gated by  Sir  J.  Bowring,  worked  out  by  Sir  R.  MacDonnell  in 
a  spirited  but  unsuccessful  manner,  and  religiously  eschewed 
by  his  successors  who,  however,  did  not  escape  the  curse  of  this 
rampant  evil,  all  that  can  be  said  is  that  the  Sphinx  will  have 
to  solve  its  own  riddle,  for  no  one  seems  able  or  courageous 
enough  to  deal  with  the  problem.  As  to  the  Contagious  Diseases 
question,  a  solution  was  sought,  in  a  more  or  less  half-hearted 
manner,  by  several  Governors  of  this  epoch,  but,  as  no  great 
results  were  expected,  public  expectation  was  not  seriously 
disappointed.  Strange  to  say,  the  problem  of  municipal  govern- 
ment, raised  by  the  Parliamentary  Committee  of  1817,  and 
diplomatically  handled  by  Sir  Gr.  Bouham,  was  allowed  by  the 
mercantile  community  to  remain  dormant  through  the  whole 
of  this  epoch.  Stranger  still,  the  only  Governor  who  alluded 
to  the  subject  was  autocratic  Sir  R.  MacDonnell  who  snggestetl 
to  H.M.  Government  that  the  Colony  should  be  allowed,  as 
far  as  possible,  '  the  liberty  to  expend,  on  local  improvements 
and  works,  all  the  available  public  income  that  can  be  raised  from 
the  community  for  these  purposes.'       But  the  strangest  thing. 


^74  CHAPTER  XXII. 

-was  that,  while  the  foreign  commnnity  i*emained  silent  on  the 
subject,  the  Chinese  residents  came  forward  of  their  own  accord 
and  requested  the  organisation  of  a  distinctly  Chinese  Municipal 
Council  for  their  own  particular  benefit,  and  obtained  a  Police 
*of  their  own  and  a  consultative  voice  as  to  the  management,  by  the 
Registrar  General,  of  Chinese  affairs.  As  to  a  British  Municipal 
•Council,  it  has  to  be  noted,  that  the  history  of  this  period 
emphatically  contradicts  one  great  objection  to  it,  which  Sir 
G.  Bonham  formulated  by  asserting  that  out  here  in  the  East 
there  is  no  leisured  class  and  that  men  of  standing  possess  neither 
time  nor  inclination  to  devote  to  the  interests  of  the  public. 
The  long  continued  and  varied  activity  in  purely  public  affairs, 
-displjiyed  during  this  ])eriod  by  individuals  like  J.  Dent,  Ph. 
Ryrie,  J.  Whittall,  W.  Keswick  and  others,  and  most  particularly 
the  large  share  of  attention  and  time  which  the  Hongkong 
•Chamber  of  Commerce  devoted  to  questions  of  general  policy, 
gives  the  lie  to  the  assertion  that  the  commercial  men  of  this 
^Colony  are  unwilling  to  sacrifice  their  time  and  their  strength 
to  the  management  of  communal  affairs. 

As  regards  the  general  attitude  of  the  Chinese  community, 
it  seems  that,   in   proportion  as   the   leading  Chinese   residents 
learned,  towards    the  end    of    this    epoch,   to    understand    the 
principles  of  British    communal   liberty,  there  appeared   among- 
them   a   tendency  to   retire   into    their    own   shell,   deliberately 
refusing  any  identification  Avith  the  European  community.     The 
persistent  refusal  to  adopt  European  costume  or   English  ways 
•of  living,  the  uniform  aversion  to  participation  in  local  politics 
coupled  with  a  deep-seated  anxiety  to  keep  on  good  terms  with 
Chinese    Mandarindom    even    when    it   blockaded    the    port    to 
throttle  their  trade,  the  steady  increase  of   Chinese  joint-stock 
(companies  from  which  foreign  investors  were  jealously  excluded, 
the  readiness  of  secret  combination  to  retaliate  against  unpopular- 
Government  measures  by  a  general  strike, — all  these  symptoms ; 
of  Chinese  clannish  esclusivism,  natural  enough  in  people  whose 
just  liberties  have  for  centuries  been  invaded  by  despotic  rulers, . 
<jlearly  indicate  that  on  the  Chinese  side  there  is,  as  yet,  no; 


A  SHORT  SUMMARY.  575 

<lesire  to  see  the  chasm  that  still  separates  Chinese  and  European 
life  in  tliis  Colonv,  bridj^ed  over. 

The  edncatioiial  history  of  this  period  is  characterized  by 
the  continued  subordination  (»f  Eno^lish  to  Chinese  teaching  and 
by  the  deliberate  abandonment,  on  the  part  of  the  Government, 
the  foreiofn  community  and  some  of  the  missionaries,  of  the 
principle  of  relit,dous  education.  Half-hearted  religionism  liad 
clearly  failed  durinof  the  preceding  period,  but  secular  education 
now  tentatively  pursued  was  likewise  bound  to  fail  so  long  as 
insufficient  attention  was  bestowed  on  a  general  promotion  of 
the  English  language.  There  was,  during  this  period,  hardly  a 
thought  of  aiming  at  that  regeneration  of  the  Chinese  community 
which  would  raise  them  to  the  level  of  the  Europeans.  The 
regeneration  of  a  community  can  only  come  from  the  education 
of  the  individual  and  until  English  education  is  fostered  and 
honoured  in  Hongkong  more  than  it  has  been  hitherto,  the 
<Jolony  will  lag  behind  its  full  measure  of  unity  and  strength. 
-  80  far,  however,  the  history  of  Hongkong  has  on  the  whole 
been  the  gentle  dawning  of  a  bright  success.  Our  hope  of 
•the  future  is  but  the  memory  of  the  past  reversed.  Hongkong 
has  clearly  fulfilled,  up  to  this  point,  the  purpose  of  its  establish- 
ment as  the  guardian  of  the  interests  of  Europe  in  China. 
Notwithstanding  all  its  faults  and  shortcomings,  this  British 
•Colony  has  set  before  the  people  and  Mandarins  of  China  a 
praiseworthy  example  of  free  trade  principles  and  humane  govern- 
ment.    Florcat  semper! 


^:  E  N  1)  fl^ 


INDEX. 


Abel,  F.  A.,  811. 
Aberdeen  Docks.  n:>0.  88(5. 
Aberdeen    Island    (Aplichan).    127, 

188,  11)0. 
Aberdeen  Village(Shekp{vi\van).  130, 

188.  887. 
Adams,  W.  H.,  870,  874,  8i)8. 
Adanison,  W..  887. 
Ah-luni.  811-818. 
A,i,'ra  P.ank,  88(5.  VA. 
Alabaster.  Cli..  817. 
Ak-oek.  U..  804.  41(5.  411>.  :)04. 
Alexander.  W.  H.,  870.  408,  .-)20. 
All'ord.  Bishop.  4()(),  4(17. 
Alford,  E.  F.,  :)21>. 
Alice  Memorial  Hospital.  5()4. 
Almada.  J.  M.,  182, 
Almada,  L.,  182.  181). 
Amalgamation  Ordinance.  888.  r)70. 
Amaral,  J.  M.  F..  21  J),  280.  2:>:>. 
Amatenr  D.  C,  247,  288.  898,  461), 

517. 
Anderson,  Dr.,  82,  72,  177.  189. 
Anderson,  A.  H.,  88-'. 
Anslo-Chinese  College,  191, 280, 847. 
Annnls.  Chinese.  78,82.  Ill,  144,  ir)l. 
Anson,  Commodore,  18. 
Anstey,  Ch.,  880,  888. 
Antrobus,  B.  C,  847. 
Arbitration.  19r»,  20(1. 
Arnold.  J.,  444. 
Arrow  War,  8()(i-818. 
Ashton.  S..  8(58.  588. 
A.ssociation.  470. 
Astell,  J.  W.,  82,  42,  48,  70,  102. 
Anstin.  H.  P..  474. 
Austin!  J.  G.,  278,  387,  522. 
Australia,  9,  278,  274,  550. 
Austro-Hnngarian — Expedition.  472; 

Llovds,  5(>(). 
Ayres,  Ph.  480,  508. 


Bailey,  D.  H..  478.  502. 

Baker.  K.  B..  400. 

Ball,  i)r.,  180. 

Ball.  H.  J..  3(;4.  370,  391,  408,  409, 

423,  515. 
Banknotes,  244.  49(1. 
Barbarians,  12,  38.  84.  3f>. 
Barber.  G.  J..  474. 
Barracks,  185,  221.  245. 
Battles— First  at  the  Bogne  (Chneu- 

pi),   109;    Second,    121;    Tliird, 

137:  Battle  of  Samvuenli.  145. 
Baxter.  Mi<s.  891.  405^ 
Beach,  W.  11..  402,  4GG. 
Beart.  E.,  470. 
Beckwith.  J.  H..  401. 
Belcher.  Sir  E.,  124,  125,  142. 
Belilios,  E.  II.,  491,  580,  582,  5(54. 
Belilios  Fund.  5(;4. 
Bell,  W.,  (18  102,  119.  22(5. 
Bell,  W.  H..  5(5(5. 
Bentham,  G.,  404. 
Bentinck,  Lord  W..  17. 
Berlin  Foundling  House,  398.  5G8. 
Beyer,  L.,  473. 
Bibbv  Adam  .t  Co.,  08. 
Bifurcation  (of  government).    10} , 

10(5,  171,304. 
Bingham,  J.  E.,  1(50. 
Bird.  J.  R.,  177. 
Bird,  S.  G.,  3(50,  370. 
Birley  &  Co,,  388. 
Bishoj)ric   of  Hongkong,  279,  40(5, 

512. 
Blake,  Captain,  89. 
Blakeman,  N.,  440. 
Blockade  (of  Canton    River),    100, 

117.  181,  803,804,81(5. 
Blockade  (of  the  Factories),  88,  92. 
Blockade   of   Hongkong,  415.  400, 

502,  552,  509. 


11 


INDEX. 


Board  of  Examiners  (Marine).  'Mu\, 

481. 
Board  of  Examiners  (Chinese),  481. 
BoKgs,  E.  M..  339. 
Bogue,  4.  5,  10(5,  121.  137.  160. 
Bonham,  Sir  S.  G.,  253-287,  291-294. 

342. 
Bonham  Strand,  285,  287. 
Booth,  C.  G.,  5()6. 
Borlase,  Captain,  360. 
Borneo  Company.  557. 
Bottomley.  C.  D..  543. 
Honrbillon,  M.  de.  258,  301. 
Howdler,  E..  480. 
Bowra,  E.  C,  421. 
Bowring,  Mr.,  440. 
Bo  wring.  Lady,  311. 
Bowring,  Sir  J.,  213,  238.  254.  284, 

295-392,  411,  428,  527.' 
Boyd,  W.,  35,  45. 
Brabant,  Duke  of,  405. 
Braine,    G.   T.,   102,   106.   159,   189, 

241. 
]^ramston,  J..  486. 
Brand,  K..  373,  387. 
Branding,  228.  449,  450,  488,  545. 
BreakAvater,  538. 
Bremer,  J.  J.  Gordon.  114.  116-119, 

123,135,146,165,176. 
Brewer,  J,  S.,  526. 
Bridges,  W.  T.,  312,  331,  334,  338, 

348,  36i>. 
Brine,  F.,  399,  400. 
Brodersen,  J.,  401. 
Brokers,  492, 
Brooke,  G.  T.,  189. 
Brooke,  Sir  J.,  299. 
Brown,  Mr.,  186. 
Bruce,  M.,  189. 
liruce.  Sir  F.  W.,  220,  354 


&  Mrs.,  474. 
Duke  of,  430 


358. 
432. 


Brunker,  Mr, 
lUickingham, 

43<). 
Burd,  J.,  245. 

Burd(m,  Bish()p.511,  512,  527. 
Burgass,  K..  189,  194. 
Burlingliamc,  A.,  398. 
I?urn,  D.  L..  159,  189. 
Jiurrell,  Major-General,  142, 151, 
i^urrows.  Sila^s  E..  349. 
P.usli,  F.  T..  244,  27(5. 
Butterticld  &,  Swire,  519,  551. 
I'.uxey,  T.  B.,  383. 
ISythesea,  Captain,  337. 


434, 


180. 


Cadet  Sc'lieme,  300,  365,  422,  481. 
Caine,  W.,  170,  186.  188,   189,  220, 

229,  233,  241,  297.  338. 
Calamities.   175,  177,  281,  350,  404, 

473,  513,  565. 
Caldwell.  D.  R..  189,  270,  271,  337, 

339.  520. 
Campbell,  A.,  243,  276. 
Campbell,  P.,  321, 
Canton,  1-95,  216,  302,  304,  305,  306, 

316,  459. 
Canton  Cotton  Guild,  415,  554. 
Canton,  Occupation  of,  317,  356,  362. 
Canton  Railway,  388,  409. 
Canton    Register,    22.    35,    60,    196, 

209. 
Canton  Ride  Corps,  400. 
Cape  Collinson,  131,  500. 
Cape  D'Aguilar,  131,  500. 
Cardazo,  8.,  255. 
Card  well.  Mr.,  374. 
Carnarvon.  Earl,  427,  431, 
Carpenter,  F.  S.,  277, 
Carter,  A.,  223,  225, 
Carvalho,  J.  A.  da,  530. 
Catchpoole,  Mr..  3,  27,  30. 
Cay,  R.  D.,  220. 
Cemeteries,  175,  246,  332. 
Census,  171,  226,  485. 
Central  Bank,  381.  386. 
Central  School,  392,  466,  561,  562. 
Cession  of  Hongkong,  122-126, 155— 

157,  163. 
Chablaye,  M.  de,  151. 
Chadwick,  0.,  561. 
Chaldecott,  Dr.,  341. 
Chamber  of  Commerce — British,  35, 

45, 101,  102  ;  General,  67;  Hong- 
kong,  383,   384,    421,    428,    440, 

503 ;  C^hinese,  560. 
Chartered  Bank  of  India,  387. 
Chartered    Mercantile    Bank,    381, 

387 
Charter  of  Hongkong,  188,  479,  525. 
Chater,  C.  P.,  564. 
Chefoo  Convention,  505^.  552. 
Chenez,  M.  des,  317. 
Chesne.  H.  du,  472, 
China  Mail,  247,  426.  471,  549. 
China  Merchants  S.  N.  Co.,  505,  506, 

556.  558. 
China  Punch.  470.  516. 
Chinese,   Government  of  the,   164, 

222,  333,  364,  368,  460,  461,  574. 


i:sj)Ex. 


Ill 


Chinese  Hatred  of  Foreisnerss.  HOo. 
Chinese  Periidy,  148,  loS,  11)1>,  25G, 

355. 
(Miinnerer,  Mr..  285.  406. 
Chomley.'  F..  370,  887. 
Chopped  Dollars,  496,  498,  554. 
Choral  Society.  81)8,  51G. 
Chnenpi,  4,  10(5,  458. 
Chiisan,  8,  55,  56,  5*J,  117,  118,  122. 

148,  170,  204.  286,  855. 
City  Hall,  401,  468,  568. 
Civil  Hospital,  288,  462,  487,  510. 
Civil  Service  Abuses,  821-82(5,  865, 

866,  529. 
Clarendon,  Earl.  258,  296,  800,  805, 

814,  842. 
Clark,  Mr.,  474. 
Clarke,  H.  M.,  70. 
Cleverly,  Ch.  St.  G.,  189,  279.  824, 

829,  880,.  860.-87(5,  891. 
Clock  Tower.  401. 
Clouth.  Dr..  517. 
Club  Right,  588. 
Coast  Survey,  499. 
Coast  Trade."  248,  454,  500. 
(Jochran,  Dr.,  474. 
Cochrane,  Sir  Th.,  151,  207. 
Cohen,  H.,  401. 
Co-Hong,  5-8. 
Colborne,  Sir  F.,  522. 
Coley,  R.,  238. 
College,  t.  R.,  32,  37,  72. 
Collier.  Sir  F.  A..  285. 
Colonial  Chaplain,  189,  190. 
Colonial  Defence  Commission,  362, 

549. 
Colonial  Ships'  Register.  803,  882. 
Colonial  Surgeon,  180,  189. 
Conmierce,  197,  205,  219,  242,  271, 

842-84(5,  888,  410,  452-460,  490- 

506,  550-560. 
Commercial  Bank,  287,  454. 
Connuission,  Mixed,  360,  553. 
Compradors,  533. 
Comptoir  d'6sc(nnpte,  519. 
Compton,  Ch.  Sp.,  280. 
Consolidation  of  Laws,  370,  408,  532. 
Consoo.  8. 

Consul  (Chinese).  419,  504. 
Consular  Student  lnteri)reters.  800. 
Consuls,  Foreign.  244,  472. 
Contagious  Diseases  Acts,  881.  464. 
■Costa,  Captain  da.  2(59. 
Convoying,  248,  272,  803, 


Coolie  Trade,  273.  844.  458,  500. 

Cooper-Turner,  Mr.,  384,  405. 

Coroner,  180,  221,  483. 

Coughtrie,  J.  B.,  470,  529, 

(^owasjee,  P.  174. 

Coxon,  A.,  401,  444,  549. 

Cragg  &  Co.,  68 , 

Creagh,  C.  V.,  446,  490,  546. 

Cricket  Club,  288. 

Crime,  Statistics  of,  450,  488,  540, 

545. 
Crimes,  269,  337,  380,  381,  542. 
Crooke,  N.,  85,  45, 
Cunha,  P.  A.  da,  255. 
Currenev,  184, 244, 275,  345,  875.  87(5, 

495,  554. 
Customs,  Chinese  Imperial  Maritime, 

356,  388,  884,  408. 


D'Agnilar,  G.  C,  189,  207,  214,  21(5, 

217,  233,  288,  245,  24S.  249. 
Daily  Press,  821,  328,  829,  8(;(;.  |(i4. 

409. 
Dalgarno.  A.,  521. 
Danby,  W..  487,  549. 
Daniel],  &  Co.,  68. 
Davidson,  W.  M.,  386. 
Davidson,  W.  S.,  21. 
Davies,  H.  T.,  821,  828,  824,  830. 
Davies,  J.  W.,  256. 
Davis,  H.  W.,  564. 
Day,  J.,  829,  334,  850. 
Deane,  Dr..  180. 
Deane,  W.  M.,  365,  446,  546. 
Death  Rate,  192,  245,  278,  463,  509, 

5(50. 
Debating  Society,  516,  566. 
Defences,  298. 
Delano,  D.,.883. 
Dempster,  Captain,  548. 
Dennys,  N.  B.,  516,  519. 
Dent  &  Co.,  21,  (58,   119.   178.   174, 

197;  203,  220,  829,  888,  8.s6. 
Dent.  J.,  189.  823,  324,  328.  829,  3(53, 

401. 
Dent.  L.,  35,  70,  90. 
Dent,  W.,  106,  24(5,  286. 
Deportation,  239,  312,  379   449,  488, 

556. 
Derby,  Lord,  313. 
Detective  Force,  271.  447,  489. 
Devereux,  Subaltern.  144. 
Dhunjeesiiaw,  R.,  387. 


IV 


INDEX. 


Dick,  Th..  418. 

Ditferentiiil  Duties,  17r>,  201,  240.  :U(), 

50') . 
Diocesan  School,  391,  4fJ(». 
Diroin  ct  Co..  (18,  ll'J.  174. 
District  Watchmen,  208,  2H8.  447, 
Distillery  Company,  491,  '>ij(). 
Dixon,  J..  538. 
Docks,   VJii,  350,  380,  453,  519,  558, 

565. 
Dodd,  J.,  400. 
Dods.  G.'  480.  508. 
Dollar,  184,  185,  244,  275,  345,   374, 

497.  554. 
Donaldson,  Th..  403.  474. 
Donoval  J..  474. 
Douglas  Castle.  403. 
Douglas,  v.,  380,  488,  520. 
Douglas  Mackenzie  &  Co..  35. 
Drainage,  391. 
Drain  Gangs,  381. 
Drake,  Mr.,  281. 
Drew,  Dr.,  481. 
Drinker,  S.,  311. 
Drinking  Fountain,  401. 
Drumnunid,  F.  C.  189. 
Drury,  Admiral.  10. 
Duddell,  G..  315. 
Dudgeon,  P.,  189,  223. 
Duelling,  51(1. 
Duipuis,  M.,  5LS. 
Dwyer,  Lieut.,  2(59. 

Eastern  Globe.  19(;. 

Ka<t  India  Compauv.  1-25,  20.  45, 

40.  03,  289,  290.  " 
Ede,  N.  J.,  543. 
Edge,  J.  C,  504. 
Edger,  J.  F.,  189,  201.  347. 
Kdiuburgh,  Duke  of,  408,  409. 
Education,  247,  247,  280,  390,  405, 

olO,  5()l,  575. 
Egliuton  Maclean  c^:  Co.,  08. 
Eimbke,  A.,  472. 
Eitel.   E.  J.,  472,  481.  511,  510,  52(5. 

527,  531,  54(5.  548.  501,  5(52. 
Eleepoo,  118,  120,  141.  154.  159. 
Eliang,  139,  17(5. 
Elgin,  Lord,  314,  315.  355,  357.  359, 

30O.  395. 
Elliot.  Captain  Ch.,  32,  48,  49,  52,  03, 

69-74,  79,  84-120.  13.5-140,  291. 
Elliot,  Commodore  Ch.  G.  J.  B.,  298. 

315. 


Elliot.  Rear- Admiral  G.,  81. 11(5-119.. 

Elliot's  Vale,  178.  220. 

Elmslie,  A.  W..  182. 

Elmslie,  E.,  48,  72,  182. 

Elphinstone,  Mr.,  53. 

Emigration.  259.  344.  387.  501,  555. 

Endicott,  J.  B.,  450,  474. 

Euscoe.  Dr..  405. 

Eulenburg,  Coimt,  398. 

Executive    Council.    189.    221.  305. 

525. 
Exli-ibi'tion.  International,  277,  389. 
Exodus — from    Cant(m,    95  :    fron>- 

Macao,    103 ;    from    Hongkong. 

223.  319. 
Extradition,  100.  213,  229.  230.  409. 

410,  531. 
Extraterritorial  Jurisdiction.  1(5,  27. 

28.  101.  109. 


Factories  (Canton).  8.  9.  23.  30.  07. 

88.  92,  139.  159,  217.  230. 
Falconer,  G.  B.,  448.  520. 
Farncomb,  E.,  221.  233. 
Fatshan.  140,  150,  302.  315,  318. 
Fearon,  Mr.,  91, 
Fearon,  S.,  18(>,  221. 
Feliciani.  Fra  A..  190. 
Field.  Mr.,  140. 
Fire  Brigade.  444,  528.  529. 
Fitz-Gibbon,  Mr..  185. 
Fletcher  &  Co..  383. 
Fletcher,  A.,  189.  324,  402. 
Flint.  Mr.,  (5.  7. 
Flogging.   171.   238.   207.   449.  450. 

541,  545. 
Flora. -104,  519. 
Forbes,  W.  H..  517,  529,  545. 
Ford,  Cli.,470,  520. 
Foreigner  (Meaning  of   the  term). 

248. 
Foreign  Devil,  13. 
Formosa,  1,  50.  59.  34l». 
Forth,  F.  H.,  329,  422. 
Fox  Kawson  &  Co.,  08.  174. 
Fox,  T.,  35. 
Framjee,  N.,  08. 
Framjee'  P.,  387. 
Francis,  J.  J.,  510.  532,  540,  550.. 
Franklin.  Lady,  398. 
Eraser.  J.,  473. 
Frazer,  J.  M.,  400. 
Frazer  Smith.  U.,  566. 


INDEX. 


Freedom  of  the  Port.  125,  15G,  IfiG, 

171.  182.  202.  :)0'J. 
Free  Trade  v.  Monopoly,  19-25,    17. 

212.  2Ii3.  294. 
Fremaiitle.  Mr,,  499, 
Frencli    Mail    Steamers,    484,    530, 

533. 
Freemasonry.    247.    283.    284,    472. 

518. 
Friend  of  China.  183.  187,  19(j,  200. 

223.  313,  321,  324, 
Fryer,  J,.  391. 
Fnng  Ming-Shan.  54(5. 
Fnrd(nijee,  D..  102. 

'■Ganlhlin^^    337.  33>!.   399.   428-441, 

508.  531.  53r).  573. 
-Oaol,  171,  378,  379,  380,  449,  450, 
488.  541.    . 

Gas  Company.  380. 

Haskell,  W.,'233.  350, 

Oazette,  148,  170,  183.  3()4. 

Gemmell  &  Co.,  ()8,  174. 
■^renoa,  Dnke  of,  524, 

Geolof^A'.  404.  a 

German  Clnb.  397.  1(;9.  372,  517. 
^ibb,  H.  B.,  414,  423.  530.  543,  544. 

Gibb,  J.  D..  324.  389.  402, 

Gibb,  T.  A.,  189.  223.  225. 

Gibb  Liviniifston  iV:  Co.,  (58,  174. 

Gibbons.  H.,  528. 

George— II..  14:  III..  15:  IV.,  17. 

George,  E.,  557. 

Gillespie  A:  Co.,  203. 

Ginger  and  Coffee  Plantations,  350. 

Gladstone.  Mr..  313. 

Glenealy.  178.  220. 
^lold  Standard.  244,  275. 

Goodall.  Corj)oral.  400. 
'Gordon.  A.  T„  189.  194. 
'Gord(ni.  General.  35(;.  409,  549. 

Gongh.  Sir  H..  137,  147,  159. 
'Gonlding,  Mr.,  473. 

Governor  General  of  H.  M.  Insnlar 

Possessions,  3<I2. 
■Graca,  Senhor  da.  525. 

Grant,  Ch..  22. 

Grant,  Sir  Hope.  358.  359.  3<;i. 

<!rant.  U.  S..  524. 

Granville.  Earl.  435.  43(;,  437. 
<iray,  W..  181>. 
Klreen,  F,  W..  329,  347,  520. 
-Green,  Th.,  520. 

•^jreen  Island,  127,  500. 


Greig,  J.,  481,  492. 

Grev,  Earl,  28,  217.  2(51,  29.*,  325. 

527, 
Gribble,  Hnghes  &  Co.,  11  9,  174. 
Gros,  Barcm,  31(), 
Guimaraes,  T.  F.,  255,  338,  400. 
Gnlly,  R.,  174, 
Gnnthorpe.  Mr.,  405. 
Gntzlaff,  Ch.,  72.,  189,  241.  254.  281, 

284,  285. 
Gymnasinm,  397. 

Hadfield,  Lient,,  144.  ^ 

Haiphong.  519. 

Hall,  W,  K.,  138,  357. 

Hanlon.  Mr.,  510. 

Hanoi,  519. 

Happer.  A.,  394. 

Happy  Valley  (Wongnaiohnng).  1  <»7, 

245.  247. 
Harbour  Office,  177.  451. 
Harland,  Dr..  245,  350. 
Harper,  P.  K.,  387. 
Harrison,  Mr.,  <>. 
Hart,  Ch..  174 
Rart.  Sir  R..  35(;.  408.  502. 
Havilland,  Ue.  194. 
Ha  V.J.  r.  1)..  270. 
Havllar.  Th.  C.,  448,  492.  532.  5(;i. 
Hazeland.  F.  T..  334,  401.  474. 
Headmoney,  115,  309,  319. 
Heard  &  Co.,  389,  471,  491. 
Heard.  A.  V.  387. 
Heard.  J.,  402.  473. 
Heinrieh.  Prince.  524. 
Helland.  G.  J.,  373,  387,  472. 
Henderson  &  Co.,  (58. 
Henderson.  VV.  J.,  401. 
Hennessv,  Sir  J.   P.,  522-5G7,  5(t8, 

573. 
Herbert.  Captain.  138. 
Herbert,  Sidney,  355,  358:  504. 
Hewart.  Ch.  E..  194. 
Hi<ks-Beach.  Sir  M.,  544. 
Hillier,  C.  B..  188,  189,  229,  338. 
Hingtai.  <>7,  <)8. 
Hitchcock,  E.  A.,  438. 
Ho  .\-mei,  559. 
Hobson,  Dr.,  181,  191. 
Hoi  how,  519. 
Holdermaim.  Mr.,  280. 
Holgate,  H.,  180. 
Holliday,  .1.,  189. 
H.)lliday,  Wise  &  Co.,  174,  381. 


Tl 


INDEX. 


Hollowav,  Colonel,  317. 

Holmes,' H.  J.,  891,  400,  401. 

Home,  Dr.,  81)1. 

Hongkong — Island  of,  51,  56,  60. 
100,^108,  107,  123,  124,  127-134; 
its  name,  188,  188:  pnrport,  156, 
157,  185,  284,  251,  288,  290 ;  pro- 
gramme of  snccess,  252,  260,  285, 
291, 475, 570 ;  strategical  position, 
571 ;  statns,  854. 

Hongkong  Association,  470. 

Hongkong,  Canton  &  Macao  Steam- 
packet  Company,  248,  276,  846. 

Hongkong,  Canton  &  Macao  Steam- 
boat Companj%  453,  457, 469,  551. 

Hongkong  Dispensary.  174,  191. 

Hongkong  &  Shanghai  Bank,  386. 
458.  454,  490,  497,  520,  551. 

Hongkong  Telegraph,  566. 

Hongkong  <S:  Wliampoa  Dock  Co., 
458,  456,  565. 

Hongkong  Wharf  .fc  Godown  Co., 
457. 

Hong  Merchants,  8,  27.  33.  89,  47, 
67,  71,  86,  153. 

Hooker  and  Lane,  174. 

Hojjpius,  H.,  529. 

H()i)j)(),  2-7,  24,  90,  161,  257,  385, 
415,  504,  505. 

Horspool,  G.,  490. 

Horticultural  Society,  517. 

Hotels,  208,  454,  472,  509. 

Howciua,  87,  90. 

Flugli  Hughes,  Mrs..  474. 

Iliilme,  J.  W.,  220,  229-288,  268. 

Humiuie  Society.  515,  563. 

Hutchinson,  R.  W.,  566. 

Ice  House  Comi)any,  247,  565. 
Indemnities,  143,  155,  835. 
Inglis  &  Co.,  519. 
Inglis,  R.,  21,  90. 
Innes,  J.,  85,  45.  47,  85. 
Innes  Fletcher  &;  Co.,  174. 
Insi)ector  of  Schools,  348,  392,  562. 
Irwin,  Mrs.,  350. 

Jack,  J.,  566. 

.Jackson,  Th..  491,  528,  529, 

James,  Dr..  285. 

.lamieson  How  &  Co.,  68,  174. 

Jiunsetjee,  F.,  174, 

Jancigny,  Colonel  de,  151,  152,  181. 


Japan,  348 ,  452. 

Jardine,  A.,  188. 

Jardine,  D.,  2(51,  286. 

Jardine,  J.,  863,  394,  402. 

Jardine,  R.,  402. 

Jardine,  W.,  21,  28,  37,  70. 

Jardine,  Matheson  &  Co.,  21.  35,  45,. 

62.  167.  174,  191,  197,  208,  288, 

323.  337,  402,  404.  421,  442,  470. 

509. 
Jenkins,  Admiral,  517. 
Jervois,   Major-General.    254,     282,. 

285. 
Jinrikshas,  564. 
Johnson,  F.  B.,  556. 
Johnston,  A.  J.,  44(). 
Johnston.  A.  R..  32.  45.  48.  68.   72. 

93,  147,  174,  179.  181,  182,  186. 

186,  188,  189,  288. 
Johnstone,  Miss,  465. 
Jones,  0.  J..  468,  469,  472. 
Journal  des  Debats,  199. 
Jui.  Viceroy,  416. 
Junk  Trade.  169.  170.  197.  2»>4.  287, 

242,  344.  415-418.  451.  557. 
Jury.  220,  267. 
Justices  of  the  Peace,  188.  282.  321. 

322. 


Kalakau,  King.  525. 

Kane.  W.,  389,  400,  472. 

Keating,  A.  S.,  35,  45,  47. 

Keenan.  J..  384. 

Kellett,  H.!  421,458. 

Kennedy,  Sir  A.  E.,  477-521,  572. 

Kent  and  Babes,  19(>. 

Keppel.  Sir  H..  255.  315,  468. 

Kerr.  C,  189,  241. 

Keswick.  W..  428,  424,  448,  468,  472,. 

481,  528,  548,  561,  562. 
Key,  Sir  A.  K..  30(). 
Kidd.,  H.  H..  518,  666. 
Kikung,  140,  143,  158.  159.  176. 
Kimberley.  Earl,  439,  440, 
Kingsley  &  Co..  dS. 
Kingsmill,  H.,  334. 
Kingsmill,  T.  W.,  404. 
Kishen.  117-128,  135-188,  149. 
Kiukitchi,  K.,  182. 
Kiving,  150.  151.  154.  160,  201.  212, 

214,  216. 
Klitzke,  Pastor.  566. 
Knowles,  Major,  159,  207. 


INDEX. 


Vll 


Kowloun— British.    8:)7.    880,    884. 

8yr),  89(5,  Wty.  1U4.  128.  802,808. 

417,  520  :  Peninsula,  (JO.  127,  184, 

1(U>.  48H. 
Ki-esser.  V..  887,  474. 
Kublai  Klum.  12i>. 
Kunji:,  Prince,  8r)(). 
Kwan.  Admiral,  l(i8.  121,  187. 
Kydd,  T.,  448. 


Labouchere,  H..  827,  828.  888. 

Ladrones,  181. 

Lamina  Channel,  (»0.  18  >. 

Lamma  Island,  (50. 

Lamond,  W.,  887. 

Lamont,  J.,  IIM),  850. 

Lamont,  J..  51 1>.  ^ 

Land  Committee.  188.  184,  2(;(;. 

Land,  GanihliMH'  in.  1S»8,  20(5. 

Land  Policy,  172-174,  1!)2-11>4,  265. 

Land  Revenue.    178.  2(;5,  871,  48!;. 

585. 
Land  Sales.  172-174,  198,  2)4,  862, 
Landstein.  VV,  II.,  5()(;. 
Lantao,  51,  5(5.  60,  117,  118,  128. 
Lapraik,  D()u<jflas,  847,  850,  881,  887, 

895,  401-408,  458,  467. 
Lai)raik,  J.  488,  458. 
Larkins.  Captain,  174. 
Laundry,  899,  519. 
Laurence.  H.,  466. 
Lawrence.  Sir  T..  17. 
Law  Society.  850. 
Lay,  G.  T.,59. 
Lfiy.  H.  N..  85<;,  888. 
J^ayton  &  Co.,  US. 
Lechler.  R.,  484. 
Lesge.  J.,  190.  191. 280.  285, 847, 892. 

4(J4.  440,  4()6.  472,  516. 
Legge,  Miss,  891. 
Le  Geyt,  189. 
Legislative   Council.    189,  195.  221, 

2()1,  826,  827,  8(;(;,  867,  422,  488, 

482,  581. 
Leighton  &;  Co.,  174. 
Lemann,  H.  P>.,  878,  887. 
Leniaun,  W.,  448. 
Lena,  A.,  177.  189,  221. 
Leslie,  W.,  226. 
Lighthouses,  499. 
Lighting  of  the  City,  288.  850  886, 
Linieneen,  A.,  440. 
Limoges,  A.  de,  421. 


Lin.  Commissioner,  87-115, 118, 140, 

152. 
Lind  A.,  528. 

Lindsay  &  Co..  167,  174,  829. 
Lindsav.  H.  H..  9,  58,  68. 
Linstead,  T.  G..  878.  897.  401.  56 '.. 
Lintin.  Id.  24,  Mi.  48,  64  72,  74,  77. 

84. 
Lister.  A..  417.  4l2,  448,  479,  481, 
Little  Huimkong  (Heungkongtsai), 

182,  188,  186.  247. 
Livin-rstou.  VV.  P.,  159,  189. 
Loan  Exhibition,  518. 
Loan.  Imperial  Chinese,  520. 
Lobscheid,  W..  848.  892. 
Lock  Hospital,  881,  878,  510.  \ 

Loercher,  J..  484. 
London  Mission,  191,  281. 
Lopes,  Mr..  2(»8. 
Lowcock,  H..  448,  481.  48(5,  487,  492, 

580.  548. 
Lukee.  208. 
Lvall,  C.,  28().   824,  848.  368,  401. 

444. 
Lyall  Still  i:  Co..  454. 
Lyeemoou,  60,  129.  417. 
liyndhur-st,  Lord.  818. 
Lyttou.  Sir  E.  B.,  825,  888. 


Macandrew.  J..  885. 

Macao.  1    59.  (55.  99,  208,  219,  229. 

255,  887.  400.  528.  581. 
Macao.    British    Occupation    of    15. 

1(J. 
Macao  Coolie  Trade.  278,  422.  50o. 
Macartney,  Lord.  15. 
Mac'Clymont.  A.,  548. 
Macdouald  i:  Co.,  iiS. 
MacDouuell,  Sir  R.  G.,  895,  412-47(5. 

5(»6,  570.  572. 
Macdougall.  Captain.  21(5. 
Ma^'gregor,  Consul,  21(5,  280. 
Macgregor  &  Co..  88(5,  515. 
Machow  Wong.  824.  889. 
Mjujkav,  Dr..  891. 
Mackean.  T.  W.,  L..  189. 
Mackenzie,  J.  J..  87(5,  889.  891 . 
Msickintosh,  C,  444. 
Ma(;kint()sh.  E,,  551. 
Maclean.  G.  F..  887. 
Mad. -hose,  Mr.,  208. 
MacMahon,  Coh)nel,  859. 
MacQuhae,  Captain,  249. 


Vlll 


INDEX. 


>ra<lris,'al  Sooiety.  207. 

.Ma,i,'rath,  Miss,  81)1. 

Mail  Steamers.  Detention  of,  385. 

Maitland,  Admiral,  78. 

Ma  Kien-chiing.  ').")<). 

Maleoim,  G.  A..  147,  154,  IGO.  170, 

184.  181>. 
Manchester  Cliamher.  257. 
:\Ianchus,  2,  7.  227,  259,  2S»6,  805, 

8(>7. 
INIann.  G.  F.,  800,  370. 
Marj,'ess()n,  Mr.,  4<57,  474. 
Marine  Court  of  liKjuiry.  368,  485, 
Marine  Magistrate,  177,  221, 
Marine  Surveyor,  52(5. 
/      Markets,  180.  180.  220,  328,  850. 
Markwick,  Ch.,  387. 
Marriage  Law,  208,  512. 
Marsh,  W.  H.,  523. 
Marsh  &  Co.,  4(15. 
Martial  T>a\v.  227. 
Martin,  K.  M..  li>8.  220.  25(1.  847. 
Massa<-r»»  (Hongkong),  150. 
Math.'son,  A.,  22,  15l>,  KnS,  16S),  170, 

173,  188,  11)2,  241,  250. 
.Matheson,    Donald.    228,    225,    243, 

276. 
Matheson.  J.,  85.  57.  102,  110.  177. 
Matshed  Chureh,  190. 
Maxwell,  Captain,  14. 
.May,  Ch.,  287.  880,  338.   3()0,  808, 

408,  485.  48(5,  487,  527.  528,  500. 
May.  A.  J..  511. 

MeAdatn  (lladstono  i^  Co..  85,  45. 
McCalluni,  J..  550. 
MeClannon,  Mrs,,  19. 
McCoy.  R.  W.,  480. 
McEiinn,  J.  P.,  538. 
Mc'Ewen,  A.  P.,  543. 
Me  Hardy,  Lieut.,  480. 
Mclver,  Mrs..  5()(>. 
.McKiniioii.  Dr.,  501. 
.McLane.  Mr.,  301. 
McMiM-do,  K„  538, 
.McSwynev,  P.  C.,  233. 
McViear  &  Co.,  119,  174. 
Meadows,  T.  T,,  302. 
-Medhurst,  W.  H.,  182,  258. 
Medical  Missions,  181,  191,  564. 
•Medico -Chirnrgieal     Societv,    247. 

248. 
.Meik,  Captuin,  184. 
Mellish,  K.,  444. 


Memorials,   08,    98.    1(^5.    124.    223, 

224.  241.  200,  298,  373,  417.  420, 

421.  42(>,  484,  440,  448,  470,  497, 

502,  508.  548.  544. 
Menzies,  Dr.,  341. 
Mercer.  J.  A..  189. 
Mercer,   W.  T.,  220.  275,  297,  329, 

342,  854.  3()(),  378,  386,  406,  408- 

411,  400-425, 
Meritens,  Baron  de,  418. 
Messageries  Maritimes,  389,  398. 
Michaeloff,  Prince,  299. 
Middle  Island,  127. 
Middleton.  W.  N.,  470,  510. 
Mildew  Question,  493. 
Milles,  Col..  409. 

Military  Contribution,  372.  378.  470. 
Millot,  M.,  518. 
Mint,  372,  374,  441.  442,  498,  554, 

555. 
Mitchell,  F.  W.,  885,  448. 
Mitchell,  Miss.  281, 
Mitsti  Bishu  Co.,  500. 
Mixed  Commission.  317. 
Monopolies.    19-25.   212.   234.    235, 

293. 
Moody,  Colonel,  391. 
Moore,  Sergeant,  400. 
Moorsom.  L.  IL,  480. 
Moreno,  C.  C,  556. 
Morgan,  W.,  174,  188. 
Morris.  D.  B.,  434. 
Morrison,  K.,  32.  400. 
Morrison,   J.    R.,  32,   72,  108,   175, 

177,  182,  189,  207,  400. 
Morrison,  \\  .,  24  >.  ^ 

Morrison    Education    Society,    181. 

]8(>.  190.  281.  394.  4()(>. 
Morrison  Hill,  124,  180. 
Morrison  Scholarshii),  512. 
Mortuary,  240. 
Moss,  ^C  102,  143,  309. 
Mosque,  190. 

Mountain  L  )dge,  279,  390. 
Mow(|ua.  37,  90. 
Mow  Wang,  409.  ' 
Mnllaly,  Mr.  185. 
Municipal   Government,    205,    225, 

200-203,  322,  507,  574. 
Murray.  J.  L,  389,  391,  464. 
Murray.  C.  W..  870,  373,  402. 
Mylius,  G.  F.,  180,  184, 


INDEX. 


IX 


Nankin,!;.  154. 
Napier.  Lord.  2r»-41,  5G. 
Naval  Keview.  550. 
Naval  Yard,  1K4.  :^B5.  440. 
Neave,  T.  I),.  24(;.  27(). 
Nelson,  H.  H.,  54^. 
Xewnmn,  Mr.,  405. 
N^'  Choy.  527.  580,  582. 
Xicaise,  H.,  472. 
Ningpo,  55.  56.  50. 
Nissen.  D.,  3M8. 
Nissen,  W..  887,  81»7. 
Noble,  H.,  878,  8H(). 
Nordenskjold,  Prof.,  5()4. 
Notarv  Public,  180. 
Notley,  W.  H., 


Oaths,  Chinese,  208. 

^)'Brien.  T.,  520. 

Observatory,  58i),  540. 

Ocean  Racing.  495. 

O' Mai  ley,  E.  L.,  502. 

Opium  Revenue,  28(;.  205,  88(5,  485, 

530. 
Opium    Trade.    Ht7.    24<i.    274,  808, 

881,417, 
Opium  Question.  'I'he,  28,  44,  75-1)5, 

'.>7,  110.  158.  102.  202. 
'Oriental  Hank.  244.  887. 
Oriental  &  Occidental  S.S.  Co.,  51 1>. 
Onniston.  W.,  887. 
Ormsby,  t.,  18JI. 
Ortuno.  F.,  478. 
Ouseley,  Sir  F.  G.,  841). 
Overbe(;k,  G.  von,  472. 
Oxford  Professorship,  512. 
Oxlad,  Miss,  405. 


Pacific  Mail  S.S.  Co.,  51 1>. 

Pacific  Ocean,  272. 

I'aco  d'Arcos,  525. 

Paiva,  F.  J.  de.  245. 

i'akhoi,  242,  415. 

Palmer,  H.  S.,  540. 

J'almerston,  liord.  28,  21>.  40.  51.  05, 

80.  118,  215.  257,  272,  21)0,  8  J  8, 

814. 
Paiiton,  Captain,  08. 
Pao  Pang,  120,  121. 
Parker,  Conmiodore,  207. 
Parker,  E.  H.,  7S.  151. 
Piirker,  H.  R.,  189. 


Parker,  N.  D'E..  288. 

Parker.  P.,  191. 

Parker,  Sir  W.,  147,  159,  188. 

Parkes,  Sir  H.,  258,  299,  800,  808, 

817,858,859. 
Parliamentary  Acts,  881,  439. 
I'arliamentarv  Grants.  204,  205,  835. 
J'arry,  F.  484.  407. 
Parsees,  19(),  470. 
Parsons,  Mr..  334. 
Pasc(v,  J.,  184. 

I'auncefote.  Sir  J..  489,  402,  484. 
Peace  Society,  290.  802.  814, 
Peak  Residences,  279,  890,  403,  509. 
Redder,  W.,  177.  189,  221. 
Pedder's  Hill.  177. 
Peel.  Sir  R.,  178,  182,  274. 
Pender,  Sir..  J.,  494. 
Peninsular  .t  Oriental  S.  X.  Co..  248, 

270.  840. 
Pension  Scheme,  808. 
Perceval,  .\.,  870. 
l*erkis,  Mr.,  887. 
Perry,  Commodore,  283.  819. 
Perry,  0.  H.,  384. 
Petty  Sessions.  190,  207,  821. 
Petz,  Admiral,  472. 
Plu'lps,  Mr.,  186. 
Philippine  Islands.  .744.  518. 
Phillippo,  G.,  528,  54(). 
IMcnic  House,  180,  247. 
Pien  (the  term).  38.  84.  72,  78,  8(;5. 
Pier  and  Oodown  Co.,  880.  491. 
Pill  Kwei.  317. 

l*into,  A.  A.  da  S..  99-104.  112. 
Pil)er;  J.,  434.  407. 
Piracy.  202,  204,  239.  27(>,  271.  808, 

3.38,  339,  882.  388.  408,  451,  452. 
Plague,  278. 

Plowden,  W.  H.  Ch..  28,  3o. 
Plunket,  C.  P.,  555,  500. 
Pocheung  &  Pokap  System,  222,  485. 
Poisoning  Daj',  311. 
Pokfnlam,  18i,  8.50.  408. 
Pokfulam  Reservoir,  342,  370,  442, 

487. 
Poleung  Kuk.  540,  547. 
Police  Connuissioners,  202. 
Police  Force.  196,  203,  237.  280,  328. 

33(5.  378.  379,  408,  428,  430.  445, 

489!  52«;. 
Police  Magistracy,  188  189.  231,  363. 
Police  School,  440. 
l»ollard,  E.  H.,  309,  409,  445. 


C  INDEX, 

Poll  Tax,  222.  Registration.  222-22(5,  310,  429.  480. 

Polo  Club,  5G4.  508. 

Pope.  J.,  220,  236.  Eeiners,  W.,  529,  543. 

Population,  134,  171,  183,  186,  197,  Religion,  186, 190,  245,  279. 348,  394. 

221,  237,  259,  271,  340.  371,  463,  466,  562. 

485.  533,  Remedios,  J,  J.  do?,  473,  56(), 

Portugal,  1,  2,  6.  Representative    Government,    205,. 
Possession  Point,  124.  221,  225,  260. 

Postage  Stamps,  385.  Retributive  Vengeance,  320. 

Post  Office,  185,  243,  286,  346,  371.  Revenues,  233.  237,  265,  335,  371, 

384,  519.  537,  565.  424,  425,  485,  534. 

Pottinger,  E.,  207.  Reynolds,  E.  G.,  184. 

Pottinger,  Sir  H.,  146-162,  173,  177,  Rice,  Th.  F.,  489 

179-210,  292-294.  Richthofen,  Baron  von,  456. 

Pratas  Shoals,  388.  Rickett,  J.,  324. 

Pratt,  Major,  142.  Rickomartz,  Mrs.,  405. 

Praya.  327-330,  377,  443.  487.  538,  Rienacker,  R.,  323. 

539.  '  River-Steamers,  381.  389,  453,   457, 

Precedence,  481,  482,  519. 

Price,  J.  M..  480,  486.  487,  528,  529,  Robertson.  I).  B..  414.  415,  5()4,  505. 

538,  540,  562.  Robertson,  P.  F.,  174. 

Public  Gardens,  284.  403,  444,  407,  Robinson,  G.  B..  32.  42.  48-52. 

480,  527.  Robinson,  Sir  H.,  353-407,  429,  567. 

Public  Meetings,  at  Canton.  23,  35,  Robriguez,  J.  B..  182. 

67,86;  at  Macao,  102;  in  Hong-  Rolles,  Captain.  16. 

kong,   223,   224.    225,   248,   266,  K.  C.  Cathedral.  186,  405. 

309,  320,  322,  328,  373,  378,  399,  R.  C.  Mission,  186.  247,  281,  393. 

4(11.  402,  426,  503,  51(1,  543.  Rowan,  Admiral,  471. 

Public    Works,   177,    184,   442,  487,  Rowett.  R.,  423,  438,  483,  490.  500. 

538.  R,  A.  S.,  China  Branch,  248.  296, 
Pimchard,  K.,  5(>6.  393. 

Pyke.  Th.,  469.  Russell  &  Co.,  389,  471. 

Russell  J..  422.  481,  527. 

<.)ueen'a  Road,  183.  Russell,  Lord  John,  338. 

«.^leen    Victoria,   67.    it5,    113,    124,  5'^^f^^".^^ '^'a^??-'    .,    ,_. 

l'^^  Uustom.iee,  D.,  3,),  68,  1/4. 

guiuhon.519.  Rustomjee,  H.,  174,  177,  191, 

Ruttimjee.  I).,  453,  4(59,  543. 

llvall,  Ch.,  379. 

Races,  207,  283,  397,  471.  Rvder,  Admiral,  538,  540. 

Kail  way,  388,  409.  Ryrie,  Ph.,  418,  423,  424,  438,  44(», 

Kaimondi,   Bishop,    393,    4(55,   511,  479,481,482,483,485,486.487, 

'"■>l-*.  •">2-^  489,  490,  501.  502.  510,  515,  528. 

Uapp,  Mr.,  564.  531,  543,  5(52,  567. 

Kanjee,  B.  P.,  453. 

Kates  ami  Taxes,  234,  265,  335,  535,  Sailors'  Home,  402. 

"•^"-  Salisburv,  Lord,  533. 

Kawling,  S.  B.,  376.  Salt  Trade,  181,' 204,  336,  553,  559. 

Kawson,  S.,  223,  284.  Saltoun,  Lord,  207. 

h'awsou.  W.,  1()7.  Samyuenli,  145,  305. 

Krddie,  R.  H.,  402.  Sanatorium,  279,  390. 

Keforuuitory,  393,  541.  Sands,  G.  U.,  519.  .565,  5(>6. 

Registrar   General,   221,   364,    447,  San  Fi-ancisco,  273,  387,  519. 

■^■^^'  Sangster,  C.  F.  A.,  349,  394.  398. 


indp:x. 


XI 


tSanitation.  175,   18:},  24.*).  278.  :i4(». 

a8l>,  408. 
Sanon  (Namtao),  127.  128,  H20,  337, 

8<;2,  4GH.  r)08.  aCiU. 
Saves.  L'aptain,  1. 
Sargent,  Lieut..  180,  184, 
Sassoon,  A.,  387, 
Sean  Ian.  Dr..  481. 
Searth.  J..  324. 
Seherzer.  Professor.  472. 
Seliniidt,  W.,  373,  387. 
Schmidt,  AV..  .')(J4. 
Schuek,  J.  L..  183,  18<>. 
Scott,  Captain,  123. 
Scottl  Major.  4(»1. 
Scott,  W.,  102.  Uil) 
Seal  of   the  Colony.  189  ;    of    tlie 

Sujieriiitendent.  203. 
Seamen's    Hospital    (at    Wantsni). 

l!il,  247,  470,  .-)0i>. 
Senhonse,   H.    L.   le  Fleming.   ll!». 

138,  laO,  ITT). 
Sen  Kwang-tsin,  2.~»().  305. 
Seward,  W.  H..  459. 
Seymour.  Sir  M.,  3O()-309,  351. 
Shadwell,  Admiral.  499. 
Shake.«pearf  Memorial,  395. 
Shanghai,  342,  343. 
Sliares,  483, 
Sharp.  E.,  48G. 
Sharj).  Granville.  390,  543. 
Shaukiwan.  130.  132,  378. 
Shelley,  A.  E.,  220. 
Shi])ping  Trade,  272,  345,  388,  550. 
Shortrede,  A..  347,  348. 
Siam,  299.  300.  343. 
Silva.  ('.  (".  da,  478. 
Silver  Standard.  185,  375. 
Silver,  Depreciation  of,  551. 
Sinnett,  A.  T..  470. 
Sirr,  H.  Ch.,  220. 
Sketching  ("lub,  518. 
vSlade,  J.,  35,  9K 
Slavery  Acts,  195,  229. 
Slavery,    Domestic,    195.    228,  54(5, 

547. 
Smale.  J.,  309.  370.   414,  438,  44.5. 

474.  382.  501,  532,  548. 
Smith.  Archer  &  Co..  381. 
Smith,   Bi3hop   G.,    280.    302,    348. 

392,  394,  400,  474. 
Smith.  Captain,  lor». 
Smith,   0.  C,   302,  3(15.    422,    423, 

424,  434,  440,  443,  487,527,  529. 


Smith,  J..  174. 

Smith,  J.  M.,  189. 

Snnth,  G.,  20,  l02.  241. 

Snmggling,  198,  419. 

Social  Life,  20(5,  247,  282,  395.  409. 

50(),  515,  5G3. 
Social  Science  Association,  335. 
Solomon,  11..  453. 
Souza,  Adnural  de,  422. 
Souza,  Regina  v.,  444. 
Spanish  Ports.  518.  557. 
Special    Fund.    433.   437,  438,    455. 

4()2. 
Spratt  &  Co.,  565. 
Spiritual  Junk.  513. 
Sports,  207,  283.  397,  517,  563. 
Spring,  F.,  189. 
Spring  Gardens,  1(57.  19". 
St.  Andrew's  School.  347.  393. 
St.  John's  Cathedral,  18(1,  190,  246^ 

279.  394,  467,  4(J9. 
St.  John's  Lodge,  5(53. 
St.  Joseph's  Church,  512. 
St.  Josei)h's  College,  512. 
St.    Paul's    (!olleue.    181.    191.    280. 

347.  391,  4(;(;.  511.512. 
St.  Peter's  Church.  467. 
St.  Saviour's  College,  465,  512. 
Stamp  Duties,  425.  426,  534. 
Standard  (London).  41o. 
Stanley  (Chikchn),  131.  171,  190. 
Stanlev  of  Alderley,  Lord.  548. 
Staide'v,  Lord,  124.  196.  241.  33S. 
Stanton,  V.  J..  119,  189,  191,  247. 
Staunton.  Sir  (J.,  53,  54,  59.  <»6. 
Stavelev,  Major-CJeneral.   248,   254. 

282.' 
Stead,  Cai)tain,  149. 
Steam-ferries,  520. 
StHi)hen,  D..  189. 
Stephenson.  Sir  M.,  .S88,  409. 
Stewart.MJh.  E.,  189. 
Stewart.  F..  392,  448,  4(»6.   481.  510, 

527.  562. 
Stewart.  Hon.  K..  320. 
Stewart.  P..  189. 
Stewart.  AV.,  68.  188. 
Stirling.  P.  L.  193,  22(>. 
Stirling,  Sir  J..  298.  299,  3o4,  344^ 
Stonecutters'  Island,  127,  357.  378. 

379.  405. 
Storey,  C.  H.,  373. 
Strachan,  G.,  248. 
Straits  Settlements.  354. 


XIl 


INDEX. 


Stranbenzee,  C.  van.  315.  320,  357. 
Street  Fi{?hts.  209. 
Strikes,  223,  368.  3(>9.  508. 
Stuart,  C.  J.  F.,  286. 
Subscriptions.  248-298.  394, 401,  402. 

445,  472,  564. 
Snb^^idiary  Coinage,  372,  375,  425. 

499. 
Suez  Canal,  452,  571. 
Sugar  Factories.  491. 
Sunimarv  Jurisdiction.  220.268,  363, 

444. 
Summers,  J.,  255,  280. 
Sundav  Labour,  245.  563, 
Superintendent  of  Trade,  27-52.  67- 

74.  182,  187.  212,  230.  253,  264. 

295,  297,  354. 
Supplementary  Treaty.  160, 161.  242. 
Supremacy.  Chinese  claim  of.  36,44, 

65,  69,"  92,  288.  569. 
Supreme  Court.  181,   187.  220.  330. 

331.  444.  479,  483,  484,  528. 
Siu'vevor  Greneral.  194.  221. 
Sutherland,  Th.,  373,  387,  423,  453. 
Sykes,  Colonel,  410. 

Taliunga.  149,  153. 

Taipan.  3,  26,  39,  4(5.  71. 
Tniping,  258,  259,  302.  356,  3(;7. 
Taipingshan^  124,  168,  220, 
Taitam  Reservoir.  487.  529,  539. 
Tan-ka,  168. 
Tanner.  K.  1)..  400, 
Tarrant,  VV.,  189,  235,  313. 
Tatsing  Dynasty.  2,  15.  128.  133. 

Taufter,  Brothers,  515. 

Taylor,  J.  B.,  423,  438. 
T(;a  Trade,  9,  389,  494. 
Telegrapli,  27(5,  5(56. 
Telephones.  5(»6. 

Temperance  Hall.  517. 
'I'emples,  190,  282. 
Temjileton  &  Co.,  35,  45. 
'Terranuova,  1(5. 
Thoni,  |{.,  91,  182. 

Thompson,  Mr.,  61. 
Tliomsett,  H.  G.,  402.  502.  538. 
Thomson,  W.,  159, 
Thorhurn,  H.,  566. 

Time  Hall.  401,  540. 

Tiju.s  (Lond(m),  240  242.  325,  346, 

4(i3. 
Times  (New  York),  349. 
'Tinpak,  242. 


Tipo,  166,  364. 

Tondin,  G.  L..  447,  488. 

Tonnochv,  M.  S..  365,  486,  488,  523. 

Torrev,  J.  W.,  516. 

Towing  Rights,  272. 

Town,  Captain.  111. 

Train,  G.  F.,  472. 

Tramways,  531. 

Treasury  Board,  276,  345,  375,  441. 

Treaties— of  Chuenpi,  123,  177  ;  of 
Canton,  139  ;  of  Nanking,  155, 
187,  274 :  Supplementary.  160, 
161.  198,  209,  212  ;  with  Annam, 
218';  with  Siam,  299,  300  ;  of 
Tientsin,  318,  357,  421  ;  Conven- 
tion of  Peking.  356,  388. 

Treaty  Ports,  155,  172,  200,  421. 

Treaty  Revision,  420,  421. 

Triad  Societies,  227,  259. 

Tripp,  H.  J.,  401. 

Troiibridge,  Captain,  255,  285. 

Tsimshatsui  (Kowloon  Point),  100, 
101.  Ill,  114,  132,  l.;7,  1(58,  181, 
357,  380,  486.  550. 

Tungku.  107,  111. 

Tungwa  Hospital,  462,  5Ul,  507,  510, 
544,  555,  567. 

'Turing.  A..  373. 

Turner  &  Co.,  35,  45,  47,  68,  174, 
383 

Turner,  F.  S.,  434. 

Turner.  R.,  35. 

Typhoons,  146.  175,  176,  284,  350, 
404,  573,  514. 

Union  Chm-ch,  24(5.  393. 
Union  Dock  Co.,  38(5.  453. 
Urmston,  Sir  J.  B.,  55. 

Vachell,  J.  H..  32,  72. 

Van  Geniss,  269. 

Vaucher,  A.  E.,  453. 

Vernon,  Sir  E.  68. 

Vice-Admiraltv  Court,  220,  232. 

Vickers,  J.  M.,  444. 

Victoria  Citv,  188,  189. 

Victoria  Club,  471. 

Victoria  P]nglish  Scliool,  510. 

Victoria  Exchange,  405. 

Victoria  Fort,  167. 

Victoria  Gaol  v.  Gaol. 

Victoria  Gunboat,  417,  437. 

Victoria  Library,  284,  471. 

Victoria  Peak,  124,  1.33,  381,  403. 


INDEX. 


XIII 


Victoria  Recreation  Club,  rilG. 
Victoria  Ke,^'attil  Club,  283. 
Volunteer  Corps.  382.  39G,  399-401. 
471,  549. 


Wade.  Sir  Th.,  254.  308.  404,  420. 

504.  552. 
Walker.  J..  37G,  405. 
Walker.  K.  S..  373. 
Walkinshaw,  W.,  277.  389.  402. 
Wallace,  W.,  lOG. 
Wan,j?  An -tun I?,  159. 
Ward.  U.  S.  Minister,  355. 
Wardley  &  Co..  337. 
AVarner.  Captain.  107. 
Warren,  Ch.  J..  434. 
Waterworks.  341,  342.  370.  442,  487, 

529,  539. 
Wato  Temple,  510,  543. 
Watson,  J..  35,  45. 
Webster,  R.  G.  174,  443. 
Weddell,  Captain,  2. 
Weller.  G.  F.,  444. 
Wellinjjton.  Duke  of.  31.  40.  50. 
Welsh.  D.,  440,  515. 
Westpoint,  174,  191,  192,  403. 
West  River.  318,  456,  518. 
Whale.  397. 
Whalers.  273. 
Whampoa.  3,  (;4.  74,  77,  112,  137, 

138,  387. 
Wharry,  Dr.,  481. 
White,"  J.,  183,  189,  203. 
Whitrield,  H.  W..  414,  421,  424.  439, 

409. 
Whittield  Station,  452. 
Whittall,  J.,  3(58,  373.  402,  453,  457, 

481,  483,  490,  500. 


Wilkinson,  A..  189. 
William  IV,  24,  <>7. 
Williams.  Cajjtain,  311. 
Williams.  C.  D.,  347. 
Wills.  Chinese.  332. 
Wilson,  W.,  377. 
Winchester,  Ch.  A.,  385. 
Wise,  J.,  189. 
Wise,  Holliday  .*c  Co.,  08. 
Wodehouse,  H.  E.,  49(>. 
Woni^^chukee.  218.  305. 
Won.mnak()k,  132,  209. 
Wongshiiii;,  481. 
Woods.  Mr..  334. 
Woosnam,  R.  W.,  184,  189. 
Wotton,  W..  528. 
Wriffht.  H.,  106. 


Yacht  Club,  471,  517. 

Yang  Fang.  136-143. 

Yaumati.  131.  132. 

Yeh  Ming-shen,  304-309,  315-317. 

Yen,  Japanese,  538,  555. 

Yikking,  149. 

Y'ikshan,    130-144,    150,    151,    153, 

154. 
Y^onng,  Peter,  191,  245. 
Young,  R..  405,  481. 
Young,  W.  S.,  543,  504. 
Yelverton,  Mrs..  472. 
Yue  Kien.  141,  149,  153. 
Yue  Rao-shun,  138,  147. 


Zelandia,  2. 
Zetland  Lodge,  247. 


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